Chapter LXII: Greek Emperors Of Nice And Constantinople.—Part III. 第六十二章 尼西亚与君士坦丁堡的希腊皇帝——第三节

I shall not, I trust, be accused of superstition; but I must remark that, even in this world, the natural order of events will sometimes afford the strong appearances of moral retribution. The first Palæologus had saved his empire by involving the kingdoms of the West in rebellion and blood; and from these scenes of discord uprose a generation of iron men, who assaulted and endangered the empire of his son. In modern times our debts and taxes are the secret poison which still corrodes the bosom of peace: but in the weak and disorderly government of the middle ages, it was agitated by the present evil of the disbanded armies. Too idle to work, too proud to beg, the mercenaries were accustomed to a life of rapine: they could rob with more dignity and effect under a banner and a chief; and the sovereign, to whom their service was useless, and their presence importunate, endeavored to discharge the torrent on some neighboring countries. After the peace of Sicily, many thousands of Genoese, Catalans, 47 &c., who had fought, by sea and land, under the standard of Anjou or Arragon, were blended into one nation by the resemblance of their manners and interest. They heard that the Greek provinces of Asia were invaded by the Turks: they resolved to share the harvest of pay and plunder: and Frederic king of Sicily most liberally contributed the means of their departure. In a warfare of twenty years, a ship, or a camp, was become their country; arms were their sole profession and property; valor was the only virtue which they knew; their women had imbibed the fearless temper of their lovers and husbands: it was reported, that, with a stroke of their broadsword, the Catalans could cleave a horseman and a horse; and the report itself was a powerful weapon. Roger de Flor 477 was the most popular of their chiefs; and his personal merit overshadowed the dignity of his prouder rivals of Arragon. The offspring of a marriage between a German gentleman of the court of Frederic the Second and a damsel of Brindisi, Roger was successively a templar, an apostate, a pirate, and at length the richest and most powerful admiral of the Mediterranean. He sailed from Messina to Constantinople, with eighteen galleys, four great ships, and eight thousand adventurers; 478 and his previous treaty was faithfully accomplished by Andronicus the elder, who accepted with joy and terror this formidable succor. A palace was allotted for his reception, and a niece of the emperor was given in marriage to the valiant stranger, who was immediately created great duke or admiral of Romania. After a decent repose, he transported his troops over the Propontis, and boldly led them against the Turks: in two bloody battles thirty thousand of the Moslems were slain: he raised the siege of Philadelphia, and deserved the name of the deliverer of Asia. But after a short season of prosperity, the cloud of slavery and ruin again burst on that unhappy province. The inhabitants escaped (says a Greek historian) from the smoke into the flames; and the hostility of the Turks was less pernicious than the friendship of the Catalans. 479 The lives and fortunes which they had rescued they considered as their own: the willing or reluctant maid was saved from the race of circumcision for the embraces of a Christian soldier: the exaction of fines and supplies was enforced by licentious rapine and arbitrary executions; and, on the resistance of Magnesia, the great duke besieged a city of the Roman empire. 48 These disorders he excused by the wrongs and passions of a victorious army; nor would his own authority or person have been safe, had he dared to punish his faithful followers, who were defrauded of the just and covenanted price of their services. The threats and complaints of Andronicus disclosed the nakedness of the empire. His golden bull had invited no more than five hundred horse and a thousand foot soldiers; yet the crowds of volunteers, who migrated to the East, had been enlisted and fed by his spontaneous bounty. While his bravest allies were content with three byzants or pieces of gold, for their monthly pay, an ounce, or even two ounces, of gold were assigned to the Catalans, whose annual pension would thus amount to near a hundred pounds sterling: one of their chiefs had modestly rated at three hundred thousand crowns the value of his future merits; and above a million had been issued from the treasury for the maintenance of these costly mercenaries. A cruel tax had been imposed on the corn of the husbandman: one third was retrenched from the salaries of the public officers; and the standard of the coin was so shamefully debased, that of the four-and-twenty parts only five were of pure gold. 49 At the summons of the emperor, Roger evacuated a province which no longer supplied the materials of rapine; 496 but he refused to disperse his troops; and while his style was respectful, his conduct was independent and hostile. He protested, that if the emperor should march against him, he would advance forty paces to kiss the ground before him; but in rising from this prostrate attitude Roger had a life and sword at the service of his friends. The great duke of Romania condescended to accept the title and ornaments of Cæsar; but he rejected the new proposal of the government of Asia with a subsidy of corn and money, 497 on condition that he should reduce his troops to the harmless number of three thousand men. Assassination is the last resource of cowards. The Cæsar was tempted to visit the royal residence of Adrianople; in the apartment, and before the eyes, of the empress he was stabbed by the Alani guards; and though the deed was imputed to their private revenge, 498 his countrymen, who dwelt at Constantinople in the security of peace, were involved in the same proscription by the prince or people. The loss of their leader intimidated the crowd of adventurers, who hoisted the sails of flight, and were soon scattered round the coasts of the Mediterranean. But a veteran band of fifteen hundred Catalans, or French, stood firm in the strong fortress of Gallipoli on the Hellespont, displayed the banners of Arragon, and offered to revenge and justify their chief, by an equal combat of ten or a hundred warriors. Instead of accepting this bold defiance, the emperor Michael, the son and colleague of Andronicus, resolved to oppress them with the weight of multitudes: every nerve was strained to form an army of thirteen thousand horse and thirty thousand foot; and the Propontis was covered with the ships of the Greeks and Genoese. In two battles by sea and land, these mighty forces were encountered and overthrown by the despair and discipline of the Catalans: the young emperor fled to the palace; and an insufficient guard of light-horse was left for the protection of the open country. Victory renewed the hopes and numbers of the adventures: every nation was blended under the name and standard of the great company; and three thousand Turkish proselytes deserted from the Imperial service to join this military association. In the possession of Gallipoli, 509 the Catalans intercepted the trade of Constantinople and the Black Sea, while they spread their devastation on either side of the Hellespont over the confines of Europe and Asia. To prevent their approach, the greatest part of the Byzantine territory was laid waste by the Greeks themselves: the peasants and their cattle retired into the city; and myriads of sheep and oxen, for which neither place nor food could be procured, were unprofitably slaughtered on the same day. Four times the emperor Andronicus sued for peace, and four times he was inflexibly repulsed, till the want of provisions, and the discord of the chiefs, compelled the Catalans to evacuate the banks of the Hellespont and the neighborhood of the capital. After their separation from the Turks, the remains of the great company pursued their march through Macedonia and Thessaly, to seek a new establishment in the heart of Greece. 50
我想,没人会指责我迷信;但我不得不说,即便在尘世之间,事态的自然演进有时也会呈现出酷似天道报应的景象。头一位帕莱奥洛戈斯曾把西方各国拖入叛乱与流血,藉此保全了自己的帝国;然而正是从这场纷乱之中,崛起了一代铁血之士,他们日后攻打并危及了他儿子的帝国。在近世,债务与赋税是暗中侵蚀太平的毒药;而在中世纪那孱弱失序的政权之下,扰乱和平的却是眼前之患——遣散的军队。这些雇佣兵懒于劳作,又不屑行乞,早已惯于劫掠为生;有了旗号、有了首领,他们抢起来便更显体面、更见成效。君主既用不上他们效力,又嫌他们赖着碍事,便设法把这股洪流引向邻近某国去。西西里议和之后,成千上万的热那亚人、加泰罗尼亚人 47 等等——他们曾在安茹或阿拉贡的旗下水陆征战——因习性相近、利害相同,渐渐融为一族。他们听说亚细亚的希腊各行省正遭土耳其人入侵,便决意前去分一杯军饷与劫掠之羹;西西里国王腓特烈更是慷慨解囊,为他们启程备足了盘缠。二十年征战下来,一条船、一座营盘就是他们的家国;兵器是他们唯一的职业与财产;勇武是他们唯一懂得的德行;连他们的女人也沾染了情郎与丈夫那种无所畏惧的性子。据说加泰罗尼亚人一刀挥下,可将人马一并劈作两半;而这样的传言本身,就是一件威力无穷的兵器。罗杰·德·弗洛尔 477 是众首领中最得人心的一位;他一身本领,盖过了阿拉贡那些出身更为高贵的对手。罗杰是腓特烈二世宫中一位日耳曼绅士与布林迪西一名女子的婚生子;他先后做过圣殿骑士、叛教者、海盗,终成地中海上最富有、最有权势的海军统帅。他率十八艘桨帆船、四艘大船、八千名冒险之徒,自墨西拿驶往君士坦丁堡 478;老安德罗尼库斯忠实履行了此前与他订下的约定——对这支可畏的援军,皇帝既喜且惧地接纳了。朝廷拨出一座宫殿供他居住,又将皇帝的一位外甥女许配给这位骁勇的异邦人,并当即封他为罗马尼亚大督军,亦即海军统帅。稍事休整之后,他便率部渡过普罗庞提斯海峡,大胆迎击土耳其人;两场血战下来,三万穆斯林丧命;他解了费拉德尔菲亚之围,无愧于“亚细亚拯救者”之名。然而好景不长,奴役与毁灭的阴云再度笼罩了这片不幸的行省。一位希腊史家说,当地居民是逃出烟火、又坠火海;土耳其人的仇视,尚不及加泰罗尼亚人的“友谊”为害之烈。479 凡经他们之手保全下来的性命与财产,他们都视同己有;姑娘们不论情愿与否,都被从行割礼的异族手中“救”了出来,好落入基督徒士兵的怀抱;他们横征罚金与粮秣,一味靠恣意劫掠、任意杀戮来强索;马格尼西亚一城稍加抵抗,这位大督军竟围攻起罗马帝国自己的城池来。48 对于这些乱行,他以常胜之师蒙冤积愤为辞开脱;何况这些忠心的部下应得的酬劳、约定的报偿都被克扣,他若胆敢惩治他们,只怕自己的权位乃至性命都保不住。安德罗尼库斯连威胁带抱怨,反倒把帝国的空虚底细暴露无遗。他的金玺诏书原本只招募五百骑兵、一千步卒;可是一大批志愿者涌向东方,他却出于自愿的慷慨,一并招纳、供养了下来。他麾下最勇猛的盟军每月拿三枚拜占特金币便心满意足,加泰罗尼亚人却分到一盎司、甚至两盎司黄金,如此一年的饷银竟将近一百英镑;他们有个首领“谦逊”地把自己“日后”的功劳估作三十万克朗;而为供养这批开销浩大的雇佣兵,国库前后已支出逾百万。朝廷向农夫的谷物课以苛税;公职人员的俸禄削去三分之一;货币的成色更是败坏得可耻——二十四份之中,纯金仅占五份。49 应皇帝之召,罗杰撤出了这片再也榨不出油水的行省 496;但他拒绝遣散部众,言辞虽恭顺,行事却我行我素,形同敌对。他扬言:皇帝若发兵来攻,他愿趋前四十步,俯身亲吻御前的土地;可一旦从这叩拜之姿起身,罗杰这条命、这把剑,便都听凭他的朋友差遣了。这位罗马尼亚大督军倒是屈尊受了“恺撒”的头衔与徽饰;朝廷新近又提议由他治理亚细亚、并拨给粮饷 497,条件是把兵力裁减到三千人这一无害之数——这一条他却拒绝了。暗杀,是懦夫最后的手段。有人诱这位恺撒前往阿德里安堡的皇室行宫;就在皇后的居室之内、当着皇后的面,他被阿兰卫士刺死。此事虽被说成阿兰人挟私报复 498,但那些在君士坦丁堡安享太平的加泰罗尼亚同胞,也被君主或民众一并列入了追杀之列。首领一死,众冒险者胆寒,纷纷扬帆逃命,不久便四散于地中海沿岸。但有一千五百名久经沙场的加泰罗尼亚人——或称法兰西人——据守赫勒斯滂海峡上的坚城加里波利,岿然不动,打出阿拉贡的旗号,提出以十对十、百对百的对等厮杀,为首领复仇正名。安德罗尼库斯之子、与他共治的皇帝米海尔,不肯接下这一挑战,而决意以众压寡;他倾尽全力,凑起一支一万三千骑、三万步的大军,希腊人与热那亚人的船只更是布满了普罗庞提斯海面。海陆两战,这支雄师却被加泰罗尼亚人的死志与纪律迎头击溃;年轻的皇帝逃回宫中,只留下一支力不能支的轻骑,守卫着无遮无拦的乡野。大捷令这批冒险者重燃希望、人数复增;各族人马都汇聚到“大兵团”的名号与旗帜之下;又有三千名归化的土耳其人叛离帝国军队,投奔了这个军事团伙。加泰罗尼亚人占据加里波利 509,扼断了君士坦丁堡与黑海之间的商路,同时在赫勒斯滂两岸大肆蹂躏,祸及欧亚两洲的边地。为阻他们逼近,希腊人竟亲手把拜占庭的大片疆土化为荒芜;农夫牵着牲畜退入城内;成千上万的牛羊既无处安置、又无草料可觅,便在同一天里被白白宰杀。皇帝安德罗尼库斯四度求和,四度都被断然回绝;直到粮草匮乏、首领之间又生龃龉,加泰罗尼亚人才不得不撤离赫勒斯滂两岸与都城近郊。与土耳其人分道之后,大兵团的余部取道马其顿、色萨利,一路前行,要在希腊腹地另觅立足之地。50
After some ages of oblivion, Greece was awakened to new misfortunes by the arms of the Latins. In the two hundred and fifty years between the first and the last conquest of Constantinople, that venerable land was disputed by a multitude of petty tyrants; without the comforts of freedom and genius, her ancient cities were again plunged in foreign and intestine war; and, if servitude be preferable to anarchy, they might repose with joy under the Turkish yoke. I shall not pursue the obscure and various dynasties, that rose and fell on the continent or in the isles; but our silence on the fate of Athens 51 would argue a strange ingratitude to the first and purest school of liberal science and amusement. In the partition of the empire, the principality of Athens and Thebes was assigned to Otho de la Roche, a noble warrior of Burgundy, 52 with the title of great duke, 53 which the Latins understood in their own sense, and the Greeks more foolishly derived from the age of Constantine. 54 Otho followed the standard of the marquis of Montferrat: the ample state which he acquired by a miracle of conduct or fortune, 55 was peaceably inherited by his son and two grandsons, till the family, though not the nation, was changed, by the marriage of an heiress into the elder branch of the house of Brienne. The son of that marriage, Walter de Brienne, succeeded to the duchy of Athens; and, with the aid of some Catalan mercenaries, whom he invested with fiefs, reduced above thirty castles of the vassal or neighboring lords. But when he was informed of the approach and ambition of the great company, he collected a force of seven hundred knights, six thousand four hundred horse, and eight thousand foot, and boldly met them on the banks of the River Cephisus in Bœotia. The Catalans amounted to no more than three thousand five hundred horse, and four thousand foot; but the deficiency of numbers was compensated by stratagem and order. They formed round their camp an artificial inundation; the duke and his knights advanced without fear or precaution on the verdant meadow; their horses plunged into the bog; and he was cut in pieces, with the greatest part of the French cavalry. His family and nation were expelled; and his son Walter de Brienne, the titular duke of Athens, the tyrant of Florence, and the constable of France, lost his life in the field of Poitiers Attica and Bœotia were the rewards of the victorious Catalans; they married the widows and daughters of the slain; and during fourteen years, the great company was the terror of the Grecian states. Their factions drove them to acknowledge the sovereignty of the house of Arragon; and during the remainder of the fourteenth century, Athens, as a government or an appanage, was successively bestowed by the kings of Sicily. After the French and Catalans, the third dynasty was that of the Accaioli, a family, plebeian at Florence, potent at Naples, and sovereign in Greece. Athens, which they embellished with new buildings, became the capital of a state, that extended over Thebes, Argos, Corinth, Delphi, and a part of Thessaly; and their reign was finally determined by Mahomet the Second, who strangled the last duke, and educated his sons in the discipline and religion of the seraglio.
沉寂了几个世纪之后,拉丁人的刀兵又把希腊唤醒,让它迎来新的灾祸。从君士坦丁堡头一回被攻陷到末一回沦陷,其间二百五十年里,这片可敬的土地被无数蕞尔暴君争来夺去;既无自由之乐,又乏才智之光,她那些古老的城邦再度陷入外患与内战;倘若受奴役当真胜过无政府的混乱,那么她们在土耳其人的枷锁下,倒也可以安然自得了。那些在大陆或海岛上兴亡更替、既晦暗又纷杂的王朝,我且不去一一追述;但我们若对雅典的命运 51 默然不提,对这所最早、最纯粹的博雅学术与文娱之学府,未免显得太过忘恩负义了。帝国瓜分之际,雅典与底比斯的君主之位落到了勃艮第一位高贵的武士——奥托·德·拉罗什 52 手中,并授以“大督军”之衔 53;这个头衔,拉丁人按自己的意思去理解,希腊人却更荒唐地把它上溯到君士坦丁一朝。54 奥托原是追随蒙费拉托侯爵麾下的;他凭着一桩行事或运气上的奇迹 55 攫得了这方广袤的领地,此后由他的儿子和两个孙子平稳承袭;直到一位女继承人下嫁布里恩家族的长房,这一族的姓氏才随之更易——治下的民族倒还是原来的民族。这桩婚姻所生的儿子沃尔特·德·布里恩承袭了雅典公国;他借助若干加泰罗尼亚雇佣兵之力——还分封给他们采邑——攻取了附庸领主或邻邦领主的三十余座城堡。及至得知大兵团逼近、又野心勃勃,他便纠集七百名骑士、六千四百骑兵、八千步卒,大胆地在彼奥提亚的刻菲索斯河畔迎战。加泰罗尼亚人不过三千五百骑、四千步而已;然而人数上的不足,却靠计谋与部伍弥补了过来。他们在营盘四周引水,造出一片人工泽国;公爵与麾下骑士毫无戒惧,径直踏上那片青翠的草地推进;战马却一头陷进泥沼;他与大半法兰西骑兵就此被砍成肉泥。他的家族与族人被逐出境;他的儿子沃尔特·德·布里恩——雅典的挂名公爵、佛罗伦萨的僭主、法兰西的王室统帅(constable)——则命丧普瓦捷战场。阿提卡与彼奥提亚成了得胜加泰罗尼亚人的战利品;他们娶了阵亡者的遗孀与女儿;此后十四年间,大兵团一直是希腊诸邦的心腹大患。内部的党争迫使他们承认阿拉贡王室的宗主权;在十四世纪余下的岁月里,雅典或作藩镇、或作封邑,由历代西西里国王相继赐封。继法兰西人与加泰罗尼亚人之后,第三个王朝是阿恰约利家族——这一家在佛罗伦萨出身平民,在那不勒斯权势煊赫,在希腊则称君作主。雅典经他们添造新的建筑而焕然一新,成了一个邦国的都城,其疆域伸及底比斯、阿尔戈斯、科林斯、德尔斐,以及色萨利的一部分;他们的统治最终由穆罕默德二世画上句点——他勒死了末代公爵,又把公爵诸子按塞拉利奥宫的规矩与宗教抚养成人。
Athens, 56 though no more than the shadow of her former self, still contains about eight or ten thousand inhabitants; of these, three fourths are Greeks in religion and language; and the Turks, who compose the remainder, have relaxed, in their intercourse with the citizens, somewhat of the pride and gravity of their national character. The olive-tree, the gift of Minerva, flourishes in Attica; nor has the honey of Mount Hymettus lost any part of its exquisite flavor: 57 but the languid trade is monopolized by strangers, and the agriculture of a barren land is abandoned to the vagrant Walachians. The Athenians are still distinguished by the subtlety and acuteness of their understandings; but these qualities, unless ennobled by freedom, and enlightened by study, will degenerate into a low and selfish cunning: and it is a proverbial saying of the country, “From the Jews of Thessalonica, the Turks of Negropont, and the Greeks of Athens, good Lord deliver us!” This artful people has eluded the tyranny of the Turkish bashaws, by an expedient which alleviates their servitude and aggravates their shame. About the middle of the last century, the Athenians chose for their protector the Kislar Aga, or chief black eunuch of the seraglio. This Æthiopian slave, who possesses the sultan’s ear, condescends to accept the tribute of thirty thousand crowns: his lieutenant, the Waywode, whom he annually confirms, may reserve for his own about five or six thousand more; and such is the policy of the citizens, that they seldom fail to remove and punish an oppressive governor. Their private differences are decided by the archbishop, one of the richest prelates of the Greek church, since he possesses a revenue of one thousand pounds sterling; and by a tribunal of the eight geronti or elders, chosen in the eight quarters of the city: the noble families cannot trace their pedigree above three hundred years; but their principal members are distinguished by a grave demeanor, a fur cap, and the lofty appellation of archon. By some, who delight in the contrast, the modern language of Athens is represented as the most corrupt and barbarous of the seventy dialects of the vulgar Greek: 58 this picture is too darkly colored: but it would not be easy, in the country of Plato and Demosthenes, to find a reader or a copy of their works. The Athenians walk with supine indifference among the glorious ruins of antiquity; and such is the debasement of their character, that they are incapable of admiring the genius of their predecessors. 59
如今的雅典 56,虽只剩昔日的一抹残影,却仍有约八千到一万居民;其中四分之三在宗教与语言上都是希腊人,其余则是土耳其人——后者与市民往来既久,那份民族性里的傲慢与矜持,也多少收敛了几分。密涅瓦所赐的橄榄树,在阿提卡依旧枝繁叶茂;伊米托斯山的蜂蜜,也丝毫未失其甘美 57;只是那半死不活的商贸为外乡人所垄断,贫瘠土地上的农事,则任由四处流浪的瓦拉几亚人去打理了。雅典人依然以心思之细密、悟性之敏锐著称;然而这样的禀赋,若不以自由加以升华、以学问加以开明,终将堕落为卑下自私的机巧。当地有句俗谚:“塞萨洛尼卡的犹太人,内格罗蓬特的土耳其人,雅典的希腊人——慈悲的主啊,救我们脱离他们吧!”这个精于算计的民族,想出了一条权宜之计来躲避土耳其帕夏的暴政;此计固然减轻了他们所受的奴役,却也加重了他们的耻辱。约在上个世纪中叶,雅典人选中塞拉利奥宫的黑人宦官总管——即基斯拉尔·阿加(Kislar Aga)——做他们的保护人。这个埃塞俄比亚奴隶在苏丹耳边说得上话,肯屈尊收下三万克朗的贡赋;由他每年任命确认的副手瓦伊沃德(Waywode),大约还能另揣五六千入自己腰包;而市民们手腕高明,凡遇横暴的总督,几乎没有不把他撤换、惩办的。他们私下的纠纷,由大主教裁断——此人是希腊教会最富有的高级教士之一,岁入达一千英镑;此外还有一个由八名 geronti(元老)组成的法庭,成员分别自城中八区推选而出。那些名门望族,谱系至多上溯三百年;但其中的头面人物,自有一副庄重的仪态、一顶皮帽,还有个高贵的称号——archon(阿尔孔)。有些人乐于拿今昔作对比,便把雅典今日的语言,说成通俗希腊语七十种方言里最腐坏、最粗鄙的一种 58;这幅图景未免涂抹得太过阴暗;然而话说回来,在柏拉图与德摩斯梯尼的故乡,如今要找一个读他们著作的人、或一部他们的书,却也着实不易。雅典人在古代那些辉煌的废墟间来来往往,却慵懒而漠然;其品格之沦落,竟至于连先人的天才也无从景仰了。59

Notes 注释

47
In this motley multitude, the Catalans and Spaniards, the bravest of the soldiery, were styled by themselves and the Greeks Amogavares. Moncada derives their origin from the Goths, and Pachymer (l. xi. c. 22) from the Arabs; and in spite of national and religious pride, I am afraid the latter is in the right.
在这支杂色大军中,加泰罗尼亚人与西班牙人是最勇猛的战士,他们自称、也被希腊人称作 Amogavares(阿尔莫加瓦雷斯人)。蒙卡达认为他们源出哥特人,帕希梅雷斯(第十一卷第二十二章)则说源出阿拉伯人;姑且不论民族与宗教上的自尊,我恐怕后一说才是对的。
477
On Roger de Flor and his companions, see an historical fragment, detailed and interesting, entitled “The Spaniards of the Fourteenth Century,” and inserted in “L’Espagne en 1808,” a work translated from the German, vol. ii. p. 167. This narrative enables us to detect some slight errors which have crept into that of Gibbon.—G.
关于罗杰·德·弗洛尔及其同伴,可参看一篇翔实而有趣的历史片段,题为《十四世纪的西班牙人》(“The Spaniards of the Fourteenth Century”),收于《1808 年的西班牙》(“L’Espagne en 1808”)——此书由德文译出,见第二卷第 167 页。凭这段叙述,我们得以查出吉本文中所混入的若干小错。—G.
478
The troops of Roger de Flor, according to his companions Ramon de Montaner, were 1500 men at arms, 4000 Almogavares, and 1040 other foot, besides the sailors and mariners, vol. ii. p. 137.—M.
据罗杰·德·弗洛尔的同伴拉蒙·蒙塔内尔所记,他的部众为一千五百名武装士兵、四千名阿尔莫加瓦雷斯人、一千零四十名其他步兵,此外还有水手与船员,见第二卷第 137 页。—M.
479
Ramon de Montaner suppresses the cruelties and oppressions of the Catalans, in which, perhaps, he shared.—M.
拉蒙·蒙塔内尔对加泰罗尼亚人的暴行与欺压避而不谈——这些勾当,他自己或许也有份。—M.
48
Some idea may be formed of the population of these cities, from the 36,000 inhabitants of Tralles, which, in the preceding reign, was rebuilt by the emperor, and ruined by the Turks. (Pachymer, l. vi. c. 20, 21.)
这些城市的人口规模,可从特拉勒斯的三万六千居民略见一斑——此城在前朝由皇帝重建,又被土耳其人毁掉。(帕希梅雷斯,第六卷第 20、21 章。)
49
I have collected these pecuniary circumstances from Pachymer, (l. xi. c. 21, l. xii. c. 4, 5, 8, 14, 19,) who describes the progressive degradation of the gold coin. Even in the prosperous times of John Ducas Vataces, the byzants were composed in equal proportions of the pure and the baser metal. The poverty of Michael Palæologus compelled him to strike a new coin, with nine parts, or carats, of gold, and fifteen of copper alloy. After his death, the standard rose to ten carats, till in the public distress it was reduced to the moiety. The prince was relieved for a moment, while credit and commerce were forever blasted. In France, the gold coin is of twenty-two carats, (one twelfth alloy,) and the standard of England and Holland is still higher.
这些钱币方面的情形,我是从帕希梅雷斯那里辑录来的(第十一卷第 21 章,第十二卷第 4、5、8、14、19 章),他记述了金币成色的逐步败坏。即便在约翰·杜卡斯·瓦塔泽斯的兴盛年代,拜占特金币也是纯金与劣质金属各占一半。米海尔·帕莱奥洛戈斯因囊中羞涩,不得不铸造新币,含金九份(即九开),掺铜十五份。他死后,成色回升到十开;直到国库告急,又减到只剩一半。君主一时得纾困厄,信用与商业却从此一败涂地。在法国,金币为二十二开(掺料十二分之一);英格兰与荷兰的成色则更高。
496
Roger de Flor, according to Ramon de Montaner, was recalled from Natolia, on account of the war which had arisen on the death of Asan, king of Bulgaria. Andronicus claimed the kingdom for his nephew, the sons of Asan by his sister. Roger de Flor turned the tide of success in favor of the emperor of Constantinople and made peace.—M.
据拉蒙·蒙塔内尔所记,罗杰·德·弗洛尔之所以从安纳托利亚被召回,是因为保加利亚国王阿森死后爆发了战争。安德罗尼库斯替自己的外甥——即阿森与他妹妹所生的儿子们——争夺这个王国。罗杰·德·弗洛尔扭转了战局,使君士坦丁堡皇帝一方得胜,并促成了议和。—M.
497
Andronicus paid the Catalans in the debased money, much to their indignation.—M.
安德罗尼库斯用成色低劣的货币支付加泰罗尼亚人的酬劳,惹得他们大为愤慨。—M.
498
According to Ramon de Montaner, he was murdered by order of Kyr (kurioV) Michael, son of the emperor. p. 170.—M.
据拉蒙·蒙塔内尔所记,他是奉皇帝之子 Kyr(kurioV,意为“主上”)米海尔之命被害的。第 170 页。—M.
509
Ramon de Montaner describes his sojourn at Gallipoli: Nous etions si riches, que nous ne semions, ni ne labourions, ni ne faisions enver des vins ni ne cultivions les vignes: et cependant tous les ans nous recucillions tour ce qu’il nous fallait, en vin, froment et avoine. p. 193. This lasted for five merry years. Ramon de Montaner is high authority, for he was “chancelier et maitre rational de l’armée,” (commissary of rations.) He was left governor; all the scribes of the army remained with him, and with their aid he kept the books in which were registered the number of horse and foot employed on each expedition. According to this book the plunder was shared, of which he had a fifth for his trouble. p. 197.—M.
拉蒙·蒙塔内尔描述了他在加里波利逗留的日子:“Nous etions si riches, que nous ne semions, ni ne labourions, ni ne faisions enver des vins ni ne cultivions les vignes: et cependant tous les ans nous recucillions tour ce qu’il nous fallait, en vin, froment et avoine.”(我们何其富足,既不播种,也不耕作,既不酿酒,也不侍弄葡萄园;然而年年所需的酒、麦、燕麦,样样都收得盈盈满满。)第 193 页。这样快活的日子过了五年。拉蒙·蒙塔内尔的话很有分量,因为他当过“chancelier et maitre rational de l’armée”(军中掌管口粮的军需官)。他被留下做总督;军中的书记官全都留在他身边,靠他们相助,他记着账簿,登录每次出征所动用的骑兵、步兵之数。分赃便依这本账簿而定,其中他自己因操劳可得五分之一。第 197 页。—M.
50
The Catalan war is most copiously related by Pachymer, in the xith, xiith, and xiiith books, till he breaks off in the year 1308. Nicephorus Gregoras (l. vii. 3—6) is more concise and complete. Ducange, who adopts these adventurers as French, has hunted their footsteps with his usual diligence, (Hist. de C. P. l. vi. c. 22—46.) He quotes an Arragonese history, which I have read with pleasure, and which the Spaniards extol as a model of style and composition, (Expedicion de los Catalanes y Arragoneses contra Turcos y Griegos: Barcelona, 1623 in quarto: Madrid, 1777, in octavo.) Don Francisco de Moncada Conde de Ossona, may imitate Cæsar or Sallust; he may transcribe the Greek or Italian contemporaries: but he never quotes his authorities, and I cannot discern any national records of the exploits of his countrymen. * Note: Ramon de Montaner, one of the Catalans, who accompanied Roger de Flor, and who was governor of Gallipoli, has written, in Spanish, the history of this band of adventurers, to which he belonged, and from which he separated when it left the Thracian Chersonese to penetrate into Macedonia and Greece.—G.——The autobiography of Ramon de Montaner has been published in French by M. Buchon, in the great collection of Mémoires relatifs à l’Histoire de France. I quote this edition.—M.
加泰罗尼亚战争,记述最详的是帕希梅雷斯,见其第十一、十二、十三卷,直到 1308 年他搁笔为止。尼基弗鲁斯·格列高拉斯(第七卷第 3—6 节)则更为简明完整。杜康热把这批冒险者当作法兰西人,一如既往勤勉地追寻他们的踪迹(《君士坦丁堡史》第六卷第 22—46 章)。他引用了一部阿拉贡人的史书,我读来津津有味,西班牙人更奉之为文体与结构的典范(《加泰罗尼亚人与阿拉贡人征讨土耳其人及希腊人记》,巴塞罗那 1623 年四开本,马德里 1777 年八开本)。唐·弗朗西斯科·德·蒙卡达,奥索纳伯爵,或许摹仿了恺撒或撒路斯提乌斯的笔法,或许照抄了希腊、意大利的同时代人;但他从不注明所据的史源,我也看不出他同胞那些功业有什么本国的记载可凭。* 编者按:拉蒙·蒙塔内尔是随罗杰·德·弗洛尔同行的加泰罗尼亚人之一,曾任加里波利总督;他用西班牙文写下了这支冒险者队伍的历史——他本是其中一员,待这支队伍离开色雷斯的克森尼斯半岛、深入马其顿与希腊时,他才与之分道。—G. ——拉蒙·蒙塔内尔的自传,已由布雄先生用法文刊行,收在《法国史相关回忆录》大丛书中。我所引用的即是此版。—M.
51
See the laborious history of Ducange, whose accurate table of the French dynasties recapitulates the thirty-five passages, in which he mentions the dukes of Athens.
参看杜康热那部下足苦功的史著,他为法兰西诸王朝所制的精确表格,把他提及雅典诸公爵的三十五处一一列举了出来。
52
He is twice mentioned by Villehardouin with honor, (No. 151, 235;) and under the first passage, Ducange observes all that can be known of his person and family.
维尔阿杜安曾两度满怀敬意地提到他(第 151、235 节);在头一处的注解下,杜康热把他本人及其家世所能知的一切都考订了出来。
53
From these Latin princes of the xivth century, Boccace, Chaucer. and Shakspeare, have borrowed their Theseus duke of Athens. An ignorant age transfers its own language and manners to the most distant times.
薄伽丘、乔叟、莎士比亚笔下那位“雅典公爵”忒修斯,便是从这些十四世纪的拉丁君主身上借来的。一个蒙昧的时代,总爱把自己的语言与风习,硬套到最遥远的古代去。
54
The same Constantine gave to Sicily a king, to Russia the magnus dapifer of the empire, to Thebes the primicerius; and these absurd fables are properly lashed by Ducange, (ad Nicephor. Greg. l. vii. c. 5.) By the Latins, the lord of Thebes was styled, by corruption, the Megas Kurios, or Grand Sire!
据说也正是这位君士坦丁,给西西里封了一位国王,给俄罗斯封了帝国的 magnus dapifer(大司膳),给底比斯封了 primicerius(首席文书官);这些荒诞的传说,被杜康热痛加驳斥(见其为尼基弗鲁斯·格列高拉斯所作注,第七卷第 5 章)。拉丁人以讹传讹,把底比斯之主称作 Megas Kurios,即“大老爷”!
55
Quodam miraculo, says Alberic. He was probably received by Michael Choniates, the archbishop who had defended Athens against the tyrant Leo Sgurus, (Nicetas urbs capta, p. 805, ed. Bek.) Michael was the brother of the historian Nicetas; and his encomium of Athens is still extant in MS. in the Bodleian library, (Fabric. Bibliot. Græc tom. vi. p. 405.) * Note: Nicetas says expressly that Michael surrendered the Acropolis to the marquis.—M.
阿尔贝里克说,是“Quodam miraculo”(凭某种奇迹)。接纳他的,大概是米海尔·侯尼雅迪斯——这位大主教曾据守雅典,抵御僭主利奥·斯古罗斯(见尼基塔斯《陷城记》第 805 页,贝克尔本)。米海尔是史家尼基塔斯的兄弟;他那篇颂扬雅典的文章,至今仍以抄本存于博德利图书馆(法布里丘斯《希腊文库》第六卷第 405 页)。* 编者按:尼基塔斯明确说,米海尔是把卫城献给了侯爵。—M.
56
The modern account of Athens, and the Athenians, is extracted from Spon, (Voyage en Grece, tom. ii. p. 79—199,) and Wheeler, (Travels into Greece, p. 337—414,) Stuart, (Antiquities of Athens, passim,) and Chandler, (Travels into Greece, p. 23—172.) The first of these travellers visited Greece in the year 1676; the last, 1765; and ninety years had not produced much difference in the tranquil scene.
有关雅典及雅典人的近世记述,取自斯蓬(《希腊游记》第二卷第 79—199 页)、惠勒(《希腊游记》第 337—414 页)、斯图尔特(《雅典古迹》,各处)与钱德勒(《希腊游记》第 23—172 页)。这几位旅行家中,头一位于 1676 年游历希腊,末一位在 1765 年;然而九十年过去,这片宁静的景象却几无变化。
57
The ancients, or at least the Athenians, believed that all the bees in the world had been propagated from Mount Hymettus. They taught, that health might be preserved, and life prolonged, by the external use of oil, and the internal use of honey, (Geoponica, l. xv. c 7, p. 1089—1094, edit. Niclas.)
古人——至少是雅典人——相信,天下的蜜蜂都是从伊米托斯山繁衍开来的。他们还教导说,外用橄榄油、内服蜂蜜,便可保健延年(《农事书》第十五卷第 7 章,第 1089—1094 页,尼克拉斯本)。
58
Ducange, Glossar. Græc. Præfat. p. 8, who quotes for his author Theodosius Zygomalas, a modern grammarian. Yet Spon (tom. ii. p. 194) and Wheeler, (p. 355,) no incompetent judges, entertain a more favorable opinion of the Attic dialect.
杜康热《希腊文语汇》序言第 8 页,所据者为近世语法家提奥多西·齐戈马拉斯。不过斯蓬(第二卷第 194 页)与惠勒(第 355 页)——二人的眼光都不算外行——对阿提卡方言倒持较为褒许的看法。
59
Yet we must not accuse them of corrupting the name of Athens, which they still call Athini. From the eiV thn 'Aqhnhn, we have formed our own barbarism of Setines. * Note: Gibbon did not foresee a Bavarian prince on the throne of Greece, with Athens as his capital.—M.
不过我们不该怪他们把“雅典”这个名字念坏了,他们至今仍称之为 Athini(阿西尼)。倒是我们自己,从希腊语 eiV thn 'Aqhnhn(意为“往雅典去”),生造出了 Setines 这么个不伦不类的词。* 编者按:吉本不曾料到,会有一位巴伐利亚亲王登上希腊王位,并以雅典为都。—M.