Chapter LXII: Greek Emperors Of Nice And Constantinople.—Part II. 第六十二章 尼西亚与君士坦丁堡的希腊皇帝——第二节
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The danger and scandal of this excommunication subsisted above three years, till the popular clamor was assuaged by time and repentance; till the brethren of Arsenius condemned his inflexible spirit, so repugnant to the unbounded forgiveness of the gospel. The emperor had artfully insinuated, that, if he were still rejected at home, he might seek, in the Roman pontiff, a more indulgent judge; but it was far more easy and effectual to find or to place that judge at the head of the Byzantine church. Arsenius was involved in a vague rumor of conspiracy and disaffection; 248 some irregular steps in his ordination and government were liable to censure; a synod deposed him from the episcopal office; and he was transported under a guard of soldiers to a small island of the Propontis. Before his exile, he sullenly requested that a strict account might be taken of the treasures of the church; boasted, that his sole riches, three pieces of gold, had been earned by transcribing the psalms; continued to assert the freedom of his mind; and denied, with his last breath, the pardon which was implored by the royal sinner. 25 After some delay, Gregory, 259 bishop of Adrianople, was translated to the Byzantine throne; but his authority was found insufficient to support the absolution of the emperor; and Joseph, a reverend monk, was substituted to that important function. This edifying scene was represented in the presence of the senate and the people; at the end of six years the humble penitent was restored to the communion of the faithful; and humanity will rejoice, that a milder treatment of the captive Lascaris was stipulated as a proof of his remorse. But the spirit of Arsenius still survived in a powerful faction of the monks and clergy, who persevered about forty-eight years in an obstinate schism. Their scruples were treated with tenderness and respect by Michael and his son; and the reconciliation of the Arsenites was the serious labor of the church and state. In the confidence of fanaticism, they had proposed to try their cause by a miracle; and when the two papers, that contained their own and the adverse cause, were cast into a fiery brazier, they expected that the Catholic verity would be respected by the flames. Alas! the two papers were indiscriminately consumed, and this unforeseen accident produced the union of a day, and renewed the quarrel of an age. 26 The final treaty displayed the victory of the Arsenites: the clergy abstained during forty days from all ecclesiastical functions; a slight penance was imposed on the laity; the body of Arsenius was deposited in the sanctuary; and, in the name of the departed saint, the prince and people were released from the sins of their fathers. 27
这场绝罚所带来的危险与丑闻延续了三年有余,直到民众的鼓噪随时间与悔意渐渐平息,直到阿尔塞尼乌斯的同道弟兄也开始谴责他那不肯通融的执拗——如此心肠,与福音书所倡的无限宽恕何其相悖。皇帝早已巧妙地暗示:他若在本国始终遭到拒斥,或许会转而向罗马教宗去寻一位更宽厚的裁判者;然而,与其如此,倒不如径直物色或安插这样一位裁判者,使之位居拜占庭教会之首,来得更为省便而有效。于是阿尔塞尼乌斯被牵扯进一桩含糊不清的谋叛与不忠的流言248;他在受任圣职与主持教务时的若干越轨之举也授人以柄,遭到指摘;一次宗教会议将他革去主教之职;他被一队士兵押解到普罗庞提斯海中的一座小岛上。临行流放之前,他阴郁地要求对教会的财物作一番严格清点;夸称自己全部的家当不过三枚金币,还是靠抄写《诗篇》挣来的;他继续申明自己心志的自由;并以最后一口气,拒绝给予那位王家罪人所苦苦哀求的赦免25。拖延了一段时日之后,阿德里安堡主教格列高利259被擢升至拜占庭牧首之位;可人们发现,他的权威尚不足以支撑起对皇帝的赦罪,于是又改由德高望重的修士约瑟夫来担当这一要务。这一幕感化人心的场景,是当着元老院与全体民众的面演出的;六年之后,这位谦卑的忏悔者重新获准与信众共领圣餐;而令仁厚之人足以宽慰的是,作为其悔悟的凭据,人们还议定日后须善待被囚的拉斯卡里斯。然而阿尔塞尼乌斯的精神仍存活在僧侣与教士中一个势力强大的派系里,他们在一场顽固的分裂中坚持了约莫四十八年之久。米海尔父子对他们的种种顾忌都以体谅与敬重相待;使阿尔塞尼乌斯派复归教会,遂成了教会与国家郑重其事的一桩大业。这一派怀着狂信者的自信,曾提议以一场神迹来裁断他们的主张;当那两张分别写着己方与对方立场的纸片被投入炽热的火盆时,他们满以为火焰会顾全公教的真理。谁料两张纸片竟不分彼此地一同烧尽了;这一意料之外的变故促成了一日的合一,却又重续了长达一代人的争端26。最终的和约彰显的是阿尔塞尼乌斯派的胜利:教士们在四十天内一概停止圣职;对俗众则课以轻微的补赎;阿尔塞尼乌斯的遗体被安放到圣所之中;而以这位故去圣徒之名,君王与万民都得免于其列祖的罪愆27。
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The establishment of his family was the motive, or at least the pretence, of the crime of Palæologus; and he was impatient to confirm the succession, by sharing with his eldest son the honors of the purple. Andronicus, afterwards surnamed the Elder, was proclaimed and crowned emperor of the Romans, in the fifteenth year of his age; and, from the first æra of a prolix and inglorious reign, he held that august title nine years as the colleague, and fifty as the successor, of his father. Michael himself, had he died in a private station, would have been thought more worthy of the empire; and the assaults of his temporal and spiritual enemies left him few moments to labor for his own fame or the happiness of his subjects. He wrested from the Franks several of the noblest islands of the Archipelago, Lesbos, Chios, and Rhodes: his brother Constantine was sent to command in Malvasia and Sparta; and the eastern side of the Morea, from Argos and Napoli to Cape Thinners, was repossessed by the Greeks. This effusion of Christian blood was loudly condemned by the patriarch; and the insolent priest presumed to interpose his fears and scruples between the arms of princes. But in the prosecution of these western conquests, the countries beyond the Hellespont were left naked to the Turks; and their depredations verified the prophecy of a dying senator, that the recovery of Constantinople would be the ruin of Asia. The victories of Michael were achieved by his lieutenants; his sword rusted in the palace; and, in the transactions of the emperor with the popes and the king of Naples, his political acts were stained with cruelty and fraud. 28
巩固自家家族的统治,是帕莱奥洛戈斯犯下这桩罪行的动机,至少也是他的托词;他迫不及待地要与长子分享紫袍的尊荣,以确保皇位的承继。安德罗尼库斯——即后来人称的“老安德罗尼库斯”——在十五岁那年被拥立并加冕为罗马人的皇帝;从这漫长而毫无光彩的一朝之始算起,他先以父亲同僚的身份执掌这一尊号九年,又以其继任者的身份执掌了五十年。米海尔本人若是以平民之身死去,人们只怕会觉得他更配得上帝位;然而世俗与教界的敌人接连向他发难,几乎没给他留下多少余暇去经营自己的声名或臣民的福祉。他从法兰克人手中夺取了爱琴海群岛中几座最富庶的岛屿——莱斯博斯、希俄斯与罗得岛;他的兄弟君士坦丁受命镇守马尔瓦西亚与斯巴达;摩里亚东侧、自阿尔戈斯和纳波利直到泰纳鲁姆角一带,也重归希腊人之手。牧首对这般基督徒血流成河之事高声谴责;这位专横的教士竟敢把自己的畏惧与顾忌横插在诸侯的刀兵之间。然而,在向西开疆拓土之际,赫勒斯滂彼岸的地方却门户洞开,任凭土耳其人蹂躏;他们的劫掠恰恰应验了一位垂死元老的预言:收复君士坦丁堡之日,便是亚细亚败亡之时。米海尔的种种胜绩皆由部将建成;他自己的佩剑却在宫中生锈;而在这位皇帝与历任教宗及那不勒斯国王的往来交涉中,他的政治手腕更沾满了残忍与欺诈的污点28。
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I. The Vatican was the most natural refuge of a Latin emperor, who had been driven from his throne; and Pope Urban the Fourth appeared to pity the misfortunes, and vindicate the cause, of the fugitive Baldwin. A crusade, with plenary indulgence, was preached by his command against the schismatic Greeks: he excommunicated their allies and adherents; solicited Louis the Ninth in favor of his kinsman; and demanded a tenth of the ecclesiastical revenues of France and England for the service of the holy war. 29 The subtle Greek, who watched the rising tempest of the West, attempted to suspend or soothe the hostility of the pope, by suppliant embassies and respectful letters; but he insinuated that the establishment of peace must prepare the reconciliation and obedience of the Eastern church. The Roman court could not be deceived by so gross an artifice; and Michael was admonished, that the repentance of the son should precede the forgiveness of the father; and that faith (an ambiguous word) was the only basis of friendship and alliance. After a long and affected delay, the approach of danger, and the importunity of Gregory the Tenth, compelled him to enter on a more serious negotiation: he alleged the example of the great Vataces; and the Greek clergy, who understood the intentions of their prince, were not alarmed by the first steps of reconciliation and respect. But when he pressed the conclusion of the treaty, they strenuously declared, that the Latins, though not in name, were heretics in fact, and that they despised those strangers as the vilest and most despicable portion of the human race. 30 It was the task of the emperor to persuade, to corrupt, to intimidate the most popular ecclesiastics, to gain the vote of each individual, and alternately to urge the arguments of Christian charity and the public welfare. The texts of the fathers and the arms of the Franks were balanced in the theological and political scale; and without approving the addition to the Nicene creed, the most moderate were taught to confess, that the two hostile propositions of proceeding from the Father by the Son, and of proceeding from the Father and the Son, might be reduced to a safe and Catholic sense. 31 The supremacy of the pope was a doctrine more easy to conceive, but more painful to acknowledge: yet Michael represented to his monks and prelates, that they might submit to name the Roman bishop as the first of the patriarchs; and that their distance and discretion would guard the liberties of the Eastern church from the mischievous consequences of the right of appeal. He protested that he would sacrifice his life and empire rather than yield the smallest point of orthodox faith or national independence; and this declaration was sealed and ratified by a golden bull. The patriarch Joseph withdrew to a monastery, to resign or resume his throne, according to the event of the treaty: the letters of union and obedience were subscribed by the emperor, his son Andronicus, and thirty-five archbishops and metropolitans, with their respective synods; and the episcopal list was multiplied by many dioceses which were annihilated under the yoke of the infidels. An embassy was composed of some trusty ministers and prelates: they embarked for Italy, with rich ornaments and rare perfumes for the altar of St. Peter; and their secret orders authorized and recommended a boundless compliance. They were received in the general council of Lyons, by Pope Gregory the Tenth, at the head of five hundred bishops. 32 He embraced with tears his long-lost and repentant children; accepted the oath of the ambassadors, who abjured the schism in the name of the two emperors; adorned the prelates with the ring and mitre; chanted in Greek and Latin the Nicene creed with the addition of filioque; and rejoiced in the union of the East and West, which had been reserved for his reign. To consummate this pious work, the Byzantine deputies were speedily followed by the pope’s nuncios; and their instruction discloses the policy of the Vatican, which could not be satisfied with the vain title of supremacy. After viewing the temper of the prince and people, they were enjoined to absolve the schismatic clergy, who should subscribe and swear their abjuration and obedience; to establish in all the churches the use of the perfect creed; to prepare the entrance of a cardinal legate, with the full powers and dignity of his office; and to instruct the emperor in the advantages which he might derive from the temporal protection of the Roman pontiff. 33
一、对于一个被逐出王座的拉丁皇帝而言,梵蒂冈本是最自然不过的避难之所;教宗乌尔班四世也似乎既怜悯流亡者鲍德温的不幸,又要为他的事业张目。奉他之命,有人宣讲起一场针对分裂的希腊人的十字军,并许以全大赦;他对希腊人的盟友与党羽处以绝罚;恳请路易九世援助自己这位亲眷;还为这场圣战索取法兰西与英格兰教会岁入的十分之一29。那机敏的希腊人眼看西方的风暴正在酝酿,便试图以卑辞的使团和恭敬的书信来延宕或抚平教宗的敌意;不过他暗示:唯有先缔结和平,才谈得上东部教会的和解与归顺。罗马宫廷岂会被这般拙劣的手段所蒙蔽;他们告诫米海尔:儿子须先悔过,父亲才谈得上宽恕;而信仰(这个含义暧昧的字眼)才是友谊与结盟的唯一根基。在一再矫作的拖延之后,危险的逼近,加上格列高利十世的敦促,终于迫使他着手一场更为认真的谈判:他援引了当年伟大的瓦塔泽斯的先例;而希腊教士们既已窥知其君主的用意,对这最初几步的和解与示好倒也并不惊慌。可当他催促要缔结正式条约时,他们却极力声称:拉丁人纵然名义上不算异端,实际上却是异端无疑,并鄙夷这些外邦人,视之为人类中最卑贱、最不足道的一群30。于是皇帝的任务便成了:对最有声望的那些教士软硬兼施——或劝诱,或收买,或恫吓——去争取每一个人的赞成票,并轮番搬出基督之爱与公众福祉的种种理由。教父们的经文与法兰克人的刀兵,就这样被搁在神学与政治的天平上反复权衡;结果,那些最温和的人虽不认可对《尼西亚信经》的增补,却被引导着承认:“圣灵藉圣子而由圣父发出”与“圣灵由圣父和圣子发出”这两条针锋相对的命题,其实可以归入一种稳妥而合乎公教的解释31。至于教宗的至高权,这道理虽更易领会,承认起来却更觉痛苦;然而米海尔向他的僧侣和高级教士们进言:他们不妨承认罗马主教为众牧首之首,而凭着彼此相隔的遥远与自身的审慎,尽可保全东部教会的自由,使之不致因罗马的上诉权而横生祸端。他信誓旦旦地宣称,宁可献出自己的性命与帝国,也绝不在正统信仰或民族独立上让出分毫;这番声明还以一道金玺诏书加以钤印批准。牧首约瑟夫退隐到一座修道院,静候条约的结局,以定去留:这些表示合一与恭顺的文书,由皇帝、其子安德罗尼库斯,连同三十五位大主教和都主教及其各自的教务会议一同签署;而这份主教名单里,还塞进了许多早已在异教徒枷锁下荡然无存的教区。使团由几位可靠的大臣与高级教士组成:他们载着供奉圣彼得祭坛的贵重饰物与珍稀香料,启程前往意大利;他们所奉的密令,则授权并叮嘱他们可以无限度地退让。教宗格列高利十世率五百名主教,在里昂公会议上接见了他们32。他含泪拥抱这些失散已久、如今幡然悔悟的儿女;接受了使节们以两位皇帝之名弃绝分裂的誓言;亲手为高级教士们戴上权戒与主教冠;以希腊语和拉丁语咏唱《尼西亚信经》,并加上 filioque(“和圣子”)一句;他为东西方教会的合一而欢欣——这桩美事竟单单成全在他这一朝。为把这项虔诚的事业办到圆满,教宗的使节旋即跟着拜占庭代表启程;而他们所奉的训令,也泄露了梵蒂冈的用心——它绝不肯以一个空洞的“至高”名号为满足。在探明了君主与民众的心态之后,他们奉命:凡愿签名并宣誓弃绝分裂、归顺罗马的分裂派教士,一律予以赦免;在所有教堂中推行那份完整的信经;为一位手握全权与相应尊荣的枢机特使铺平入境之路;并向皇帝晓谕他可从罗马教宗的世俗庇护中获得的种种好处33。
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But they found a country without a friend, a nation in which the names of Rome and Union were pronounced with abhorrence. The patriarch Joseph was indeed removed: his place was filled by Veccus, an ecclesiastic of learning and moderation; and the emperor was still urged by the same motives, to persevere in the same professions. But in his private language Palæologus affected to deplore the pride, and to blame the innovations, of the Latins; and while he debased his character by this double hypocrisy, he justified and punished the opposition of his subjects. By the joint suffrage of the new and the ancient Rome, a sentence of excommunication was pronounced against the obstinate schismatics; the censures of the church were executed by the sword of Michael; on the failure of persuasion, he tried the arguments of prison and exile, of whipping and mutilation; those touchstones, says an historian, of cowards and the brave. Two Greeks still reigned in Ætolia, Epirus, and Thessaly, with the appellation of despots: they had yielded to the sovereign of Constantinople, but they rejected the chains of the Roman pontiff, and supported their refusal by successful arms. Under their protection, the fugitive monks and bishops assembled in hostile synods; and retorted the name of heretic with the galling addition of apostate: the prince of Trebizond was tempted to assume the forfeit title of emperor; 339 and even the Latins of Negropont, Thebes, Athens, and the Morea, forgot the merits of the convert, to join, with open or clandestine aid, the enemies of Palæologus. His favorite generals, of his own blood, and family, successively deserted, or betrayed, the sacrilegious trust. His sister Eulogia, a niece, and two female cousins, conspired against him; another niece, Mary queen of Bulgaria, negotiated his ruin with the sultan of Egypt; and, in the public eye, their treason was consecrated as the most sublime virtue. 34 To the pope’s nuncios, who urged the consummation of the work, Palæologus exposed a naked recital of all that he had done and suffered for their sake. They were assured that the guilty sectaries, of both sexes and every rank, had been deprived of their honors, their fortunes, and their liberty; a spreading list of confiscation and punishment, which involved many persons, the dearest to the emperor, or the best deserving of his favor. They were conducted to the prison, to behold four princes of the royal blood chained in the four corners, and shaking their fetters in an agony of grief and rage. Two of these captives were afterwards released; the one by submission, the other by death: but the obstinacy of their two companions was chastised by the loss of their eyes; and the Greeks, the least adverse to the union, deplored that cruel and inauspicious tragedy. 35 Persecutors must expect the hatred of those whom they oppress; but they commonly find some consolation in the testimony of their conscience, the applause of their party, and, perhaps, the success of their undertaking. But the hypocrisy of Michael, which was prompted only by political motives, must have forced him to hate himself, to despise his followers, and to esteem and envy the rebel champions by whom he was detested and despised. While his violence was abhorred at Constantinople, at Rome his slowness was arraigned, and his sincerity suspected; till at length Pope Martin the Fourth excluded the Greek emperor from the pale of a church, into which he was striving to reduce a schismatic people. No sooner had the tyrant expired, than the union was dissolved, and abjured by unanimous consent; the churches were purified; the penitents were reconciled; and his son Andronicus, after weeping the sins and errors of his youth most piously denied his father the burial of a prince and a Christian. 36
然而他们所见到的,却是一个举国无一友的国度,一个只要提起“罗马”与“合一”之名便令人切齿的民族。牧首约瑟夫固然已被撤换:接替他的是维库斯,一位博学而温和的教士;而皇帝仍受着同样的动机驱使,要在同样的表白上一意坚持。可私下里,帕莱奥洛戈斯却装出一副痛惜拉丁人骄横、指摘其种种标新立异的姿态;他一面以这双重的伪善玷污自己的品格,一面又对臣民的反抗时而辩解、时而惩处。经由新罗马与旧罗马的共同表决,一道绝罚令被宣告加于那些冥顽的分裂分子身上;教会的谴责,则由米海尔的刀剑来执行;劝说无效时,他便改用监狱与流放、鞭笞与肢刑来“说理”——用一位史家的话说,这些正是甄别懦夫与勇者的试金石。尚有两位希腊人以“专制君”(despot)之号统治着埃托利亚、伊庇鲁斯与色萨利:他们虽已臣服于君士坦丁堡的君主,却拒绝套上罗马教宗的枷锁,并以连连的胜仗撑持这一拒绝。在他们的庇护下,逃亡的僧侣与主教纷纷聚拢,召开一个个敌对的教务会议;他们把“异端”之名反掷回去,还刻毒地添上“背教者”一词:特拉比松君主也受了诱惑,僭用起那已被褫夺的皇帝称号339;甚至内格罗蓬特、底比斯、雅典与摩里亚的拉丁人,也忘却了这位归信者的功劳,或明或暗地襄助起帕莱奥洛戈斯的敌人来。他所宠信的将领,本是他的血亲家人,却一个接一个地背弃、乃至出卖了这桩渎神的重托。他的姐妹尤洛吉娅、一个侄女和两个表姐妹合谋反他;另一个外甥女、保加利亚王后玛丽亚,则与埃及苏丹密谋要他覆灭;而在世人眼里,她们的背叛竟被尊奉为最崇高的美德34。面对催促他把事业办到圆满的教宗使节,帕莱奥洛戈斯赤裸裸地历数了他为教廷之故所做与所受的一切。他向他们保证:那些有罪的宗派分子,无论男女、不分尊卑,都已被剥夺了荣誉、财产与自由;这份抄没与惩处的名单越拉越长,其中不乏皇帝最亲近、或最该蒙他恩宠的人。使节们被领到牢狱里,看见四位王室血亲被锁在四个墙角,在悲愤欲绝中摇撼着身上的镣铐。这四名囚徒中,后来有两人获释:一人因屈服,一人因死亡;余下两人却因执拗而被剜去双眼;就连那些对合一最不抵触的希腊人,也为这场残酷而不祥的惨剧痛惜不已35。迫害者理当预料到受压迫者的仇恨;但他们通常总能从良心的见证、党羽的喝彩、或许还有事业的成功中得些慰藉。可米海尔的伪善纯出于政治盘算,这只能逼得他憎恶自己、鄙视追随者,反倒去敬重、乃至艳羡那些鄙夷憎恨他的反叛斗士。他的暴烈在君士坦丁堡遭人痛恨,他的迟缓却在罗马受人诟责,连他的诚意也遭猜疑;终于,教宗马丁四世把这位希腊皇帝逐出了教会的门墙之外——而他正竭力要把一个分裂的民族驱赶进这道门墙里去。这暴君一咽气,合一便被众口一词地宣告解除、加以弃绝;各教堂重新净化;忏悔者重归于好;他的儿子安德罗尼库斯,在痛哭自己年少时的罪愆与谬误之后,竟极其虔诚地拒绝以君王和基督徒之礼安葬其父36。
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II. In the distress of the Latins, the walls and towers of Constantinople had fallen to decay: they were restored and fortified by the policy of Michael, who deposited a plenteous store of corn and salt provisions, to sustain the siege which he might hourly expect from the resentment of the Western powers. Of these, the sovereign of the Two Sicilies was the most formidable neighbor: but as long as they were possessed by Mainfroy, the bastard of Frederic the Second, his monarchy was the bulwark, rather than the annoyance, of the Eastern empire. The usurper, though a brave and active prince, was sufficiently employed in the defence of his throne: his proscription by successive popes had separated Mainfroy from the common cause of the Latins; and the forces that might have besieged Constantinople were detained in a crusade against the domestic enemy of Rome. The prize of her avenger, the crown of the Two Sicilies, was won and worn by the brother of St Louis, by Charles count of Anjou and Provence, who led the chivalry of France on this holy expedition. 37 The disaffection of his Christian subjects compelled Mainfroy to enlist a colony of Saracens whom his father had planted in Apulia; and this odious succor will explain the defiance of the Catholic hero, who rejected all terms of accommodation. “Bear this message,” said Charles, “to the sultan of Nocera, that God and the sword are umpire between us; and that he shall either send me to paradise, or I will send him to the pit of hell.” The armies met: and though I am ignorant of Mainfroy’s doom in the other world, in this he lost his friends, his kingdom, and his life, in the bloody battle of Benevento. Naples and Sicily were immediately peopled with a warlike race of French nobles; and their aspiring leader embraced the future conquest of Africa, Greece, and Palestine. The most specious reasons might point his first arms against the Byzantine empire; and Palæologus, diffident of his own strength, repeatedly appealed from the ambition of Charles to the humanity of St. Louis, who still preserved a just ascendant over the mind of his ferocious brother. For a while the attention of that brother was confined at home by the invasion of Conradin, the last heir to the imperial house of Swabia; but the hapless boy sunk in the unequal conflict; and his execution on a public scaffold taught the rivals of Charles to tremble for their heads as well as their dominions. A second respite was obtained by the last crusade of St. Louis to the African coast; and the double motive of interest and duty urged the king of Naples to assist, with his powers and his presence, the holy enterprise. The death of St. Louis released him from the importunity of a virtuous censor: the king of Tunis confessed himself the tributary and vassal of the crown of Sicily; and the boldest of the French knights were free to enlist under his banner against the Greek empire. A treaty and a marriage united his interest with the house of Courtenay; his daughter Beatrice was promised to Philip, son and heir of the emperor Baldwin; a pension of six hundred ounces of gold was allowed for his maintenance; and his generous father distributed among his aliens the kingdoms and provinces of the East, reserving only Constantinople, and one day’s journey round the city for the imperial domain. 38 In this perilous moment, Palæologus was the most eager to subscribe the creed, and implore the protection, of the Roman pontiff, who assumed, with propriety and weight, the character of an angel of peace, the common father of the Christians. By his voice, the sword of Charles was chained in the scabbard; and the Greek ambassadors beheld him, in the pope’s antechamber, biting his ivory sceptre in a transport of fury, and deeply resenting the refusal to enfranchise and consecrate his arms. He appears to have respected the disinterested mediation of Gregory the Tenth; but Charles was insensibly disgusted by the pride and partiality of Nicholas the Third; and his attachment to his kindred, the Ursini family, alienated the most strenuous champion from the service of the church. The hostile league against the Greeks, of Philip the Latin emperor, the king of the Two Sicilies, and the republic of Venice, was ripened into execution; and the election of Martin the Fourth, a French pope, gave a sanction to the cause. Of the allies, Philip supplied his name; Martin, a bull of excommunication; the Venetians, a squadron of forty galleys; and the formidable powers of Charles consisted of forty counts, ten thousand men at arms, a numerous body of infantry, and a fleet of more than three hundred ships and transports. A distant day was appointed for assembling this mighty force in the harbor of Brindisi; and a previous attempt was risked with a detachment of three hundred knights, who invaded Albania, and besieged the fortress of Belgrade. Their defeat might amuse with a triumph the vanity of Constantinople; but the more sagacious Michael, despairing of his arms, depended on the effects of a conspiracy; on the secret workings of a rat, who gnawed the bowstring 39 of the Sicilian tyrant.
二、拉丁人当政的困顿岁月里,君士坦丁堡的城墙与塔楼已然颓败:米海尔出于韬略把它们修复加固,又囤积了充足的谷物与腌制食粮,以备应付西方列强出于怨恨随时可能发动的围攻。这些列强之中,两西西里的君主是最可畏的近邻;但只要该地仍在腓特烈二世的私生子曼弗雷德手中,他的王国与其说是东部帝国的祸患,不如说是它的屏障。这位篡位者虽是一位勇武而干练的君主,却疲于自保王座:历任教宗对他的褫夺教籍,已把曼弗雷德同拉丁人的共同事业割裂开来;本可用来围攻君士坦丁堡的兵力,反被牵制在一场讨伐罗马心腹之敌的十字军里。作为罗马复仇者的酬赏,两西西里的王冠落到了圣路易之弟、安茹与普罗旺斯伯爵查理的头上,并由他戴上——正是他,率领法兰西的骑士参加了这场神圣远征37。治下基督徒臣民的离心,逼得曼弗雷德不得不征募一批萨拉森人——那是他父亲当年安置在阿普利亚的移民;而正是这可憎的援手,可以解释这位公教英雄何以断然拒绝一切和解条件。查理说:“把这话捎给诺切拉的苏丹:上帝与刀剑便是我们之间的裁判;他要么送我上天堂,要么我送他下地狱的深渊。”两军相遇;曼弗雷德在另一个世界的结局如何,我无从得知,但在这个世界里,他在贝内文图姆的血战中失去了盟友、王国和性命。那不勒斯与西西里旋即涌入一批尚武的法兰西贵族;他们那野心勃勃的首领,已在谋划日后征服非洲、希腊与巴勒斯坦。种种冠冕堂皇的理由,都可能促使他把矛头首先指向拜占庭帝国;帕莱奥洛戈斯自知力弱,屡屡撇开查理的野心,转而求诉于圣路易的仁德——圣路易对其凶悍兄弟的心性,始终保有一种正当的约束力。有一阵子,这位兄长的注意力被国内所牵:施瓦本皇族的末代继承人康拉丁前来入侵;可这不幸的少年在实力悬殊的搏斗中败亡,他在公开的断头台上被处决,使查理的对手们不仅为自己的领地、也为自己的头颅而战栗。圣路易最后一次远征北非海岸的十字军,又为他赢得了第二次喘息;利益与责任的双重动机,驱使这位那不勒斯国王亲率兵力去助成这桩神圣的事业。圣路易之死,使他摆脱了一位德行高尚的监督者的纠缠:突尼斯国王承认自己是西西里王室的纳贡藩属;而最骁勇的法兰西骑士,也可自由地投效他的旗下、去对付希腊帝国。一纸条约与一桩联姻,把他的利益同库尔特奈家族拴在一起;他的女儿贝阿特丽丝被许配给鲍德温皇帝之子及继承人腓力;每年拨给六百盎司黄金作为腓力的生计;而这位慷慨的父亲则把东方的诸王国与行省分赐给他麾下的外邦人,只留下君士坦丁堡及其四周一日路程之地,充作皇室的私产38。值此危急关头,帕莱奥洛戈斯比谁都更急切地要签署那份信经、去恳求罗马教宗的庇护;而教宗也以得体而有分量的姿态,摆出一副和平天使、全体基督徒共同之父的身份。凭他一句话,查理的剑便被锁在了鞘中;希腊使臣还亲眼看见他在教宗的前厅里,因暴怒而啃咬着自己的象牙权杖,深恨对方竟不肯为他的武力松绑、加以祝圣。他对格列高利十世那无私的调停,看来还算敬重;可对尼古拉三世的傲慢与偏袒,查理却渐渐心生厌恶;这位教宗偏爱自家亲族奥尔西尼一门,终于把这位最卖力的斗士从教会的效劳中疏离了出去。拉丁皇帝腓力、两西西里国王与威尼斯共和国结成的反希腊同盟,已然酝酿成熟、付诸实施;而法兰西人马丁四世当选教宗,更为这桩事业增添了一层认可。在这些盟友之中,腓力出的是名义;马丁出的是一道绝罚诏书;威尼斯人出的是一支四十艘桨帆船的分舰队;查理那令人生畏的兵力,则包括四十名伯爵、一万名披甲武士、一大批步兵,以及三百余艘战船与运输船组成的舰队。他们择定了一个较远的日子,要在布林迪西港集结这支雄师;此前还先冒险派出一支三百骑士的分遣队作试探,进犯阿尔巴尼亚,围攻贝尔格莱德要塞。这支队伍的败绩,或可让君士坦丁堡的虚荣心以一场凯旋来自娱;但更为老练的米海尔,对自己的武力并不指望,转而倚赖一场阴谋的成效——倚赖一只暗中啮咬着西西里暴君弓弦39的老鼠悄然使力。
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Among the proscribed adherents of the house of Swabia, John of Procida forfeited a small island of that name in the Bay of Naples. His birth was noble, but his education was learned; and in the poverty of exile, he was relieved by the practice of physic, which he had studied in the school of Salerno. Fortune had left him nothing to lose, except life; and to despise life is the first qualification of a rebel. Procida was endowed with the art of negotiation, to enforce his reasons and disguise his motives; and in his various transactions with nations and men, he could persuade each party that he labored solely for their interest. The new kingdoms of Charles were afflicted by every species of fiscal and military oppression; 40 and the lives and fortunes of his Italian subjects were sacrificed to the greatness of their master and the licentiousness of his followers. The hatred of Naples was repressed by his presence; but the looser government of his vicegerents excited the contempt, as well as the aversion, of the Sicilians: the island was roused to a sense of freedom by the eloquence of Procida; and he displayed to every baron his private interest in the common cause. In the confidence of foreign aid, he successively visited the courts of the Greek emperor, and of Peter king of Arragon, 41 who possessed the maritime countries of Valentia and Catalonia. To the ambitious Peter a crown was presented, which he might justly claim by his marriage with the sister 419 of Mainfroy, and by the dying voice of Conradin, who from the scaffold had cast a ring to his heir and avenger. Palæologus was easily persuaded to divert his enemy from a foreign war by a rebellion at home; and a Greek subsidy of twenty-five thousand ounces of gold was most profitably applied to arm a Catalan fleet, which sailed under a holy banner to the specious attack of the Saracens of Africa. In the disguise of a monk or beggar, the indefatigable missionary of revolt flew from Constantinople to Rome, and from Sicily to Saragossa: the treaty was sealed with the signet of Pope Nicholas himself, the enemy of Charles; and his deed of gift transferred the fiefs of St. Peter from the house of Anjou to that of Arragon. So widely diffused and so freely circulated, the secret was preserved above two years with impenetrable discretion; and each of the conspirators imbibed the maxim of Peter, who declared that he would cut off his left hand if it were conscious of the intentions of his right. The mine was prepared with deep and dangerous artifice; but it may be questioned, whether the instant explosion of Palermo were the effect of accident or design.
在施瓦本家族那些被褫夺权利的党徒中,普罗奇达的约翰失去了那不勒斯湾中一座与他同名的小岛。他出身高贵,却受过学者般的教养;流亡困顿之际,靠行医维持生计,那医术是他在萨莱诺医学院研习而来的。命运已使他一无可失,唯余性命一条;而视死如归,正是叛乱者的首要资格。普罗奇达天生擅长折冲樽俎,既能申明其理,又能掩饰其心;在与各方邦国和人物的种种交涉中,他总能让每一方都相信,他所奔忙的纯是他们自己的利益。查理新得的诸王国饱受各色苛税与军役的压榨40;他治下意大利臣民的身家性命,都被献祭于其主的显赫与其部众的放纵。那不勒斯的仇恨因他亲临而受压制;可他委任的代理人治理松弛,招得西西里人既鄙夷又厌恶:全岛被普罗奇达的雄辩唤起了对自由的渴望;他向每一位男爵都点明了他们在这桩共同事业中的切身利害。仗着有外援可恃,他先后走访了希腊皇帝的宫廷,以及阿拉贡国王彼得的宫廷41——彼得据有瓦伦提亚与加泰罗尼亚这两处濒海之邦。有人把一顶王冠献给野心勃勃的彼得:凭着他与曼弗雷德之妹419的联姻,也凭着康拉丁的临终遗命——那少年在断头台上曾把一枚指环抛给他的继承人与复仇者——他本可正当地主张这王冠。帕莱奥洛戈斯很容易便被说动,情愿以一场内乱把自己的敌人从对外战争中引开;希腊方面两万五千盎司黄金的资助,被极有成效地用来武装一支加泰罗尼亚舰队,那舰队打着神圣的旗号出航,名义上是去攻打非洲的萨拉森人。这位不知疲倦的叛乱鼓吹者,时而扮作修士,时而扮作乞丐,从君士坦丁堡飞奔罗马,又从西西里飞奔萨拉戈萨:条约上盖着教宗尼古拉本人的印玺——他正是查理的仇敌;而他的赐予文书,把圣彼得的采邑从安茹家族转授给了阿拉贡家族。这秘密流布如此之广、传递如此之勤,竟以密不透风的谨慎保守了两年有余;每一个同谋都服膺彼得的箴言——他曾宣称,倘若左手窥知了右手的意图,他便要砍去左手。这枚地雷是以深沉而凶险的机谋埋设的;不过,巴勒莫那一瞬间的爆发,究竟是出于偶然还是出于预谋,却大可存疑。
¶
On the vigil of Easter, a procession of the disarmed citizens visited a church without the walls; and a noble damsel was rudely insulted by a French soldier. 42 The ravisher was instantly punished with death; and if the people was at first scattered by a military force, their numbers and fury prevailed: the conspirators seized the opportunity; the flame spread over the island; and eight thousand French were exterminated in a promiscuous massacre, which has obtained the name of the Sicilian Vespers. 43 From every city the banners of freedom and the church were displayed: the revolt was inspired by the presence or the soul of Procida and Peter of Arragon, who sailed from the African coast to Palermo, was saluted as the king and savior of the isle. By the rebellion of a people on whom he had so long trampled with impunity, Charles was astonished and confounded; and in the first agony of grief and devotion, he was heard to exclaim, “O God! if thou hast decreed to humble me, grant me at least a gentle and gradual descent from the pinnacle of greatness!” His fleet and army, which already filled the seaports of Italy, were hastily recalled from the service of the Grecian war; and the situation of Messina exposed that town to the first storm of his revenge. Feeble in themselves, and yet hopeless of foreign succor, the citizens would have repented, and submitted on the assurance of full pardon and their ancient privileges. But the pride of the monarch was already rekindled; and the most fervent entreaties of the legate could extort no more than a promise, that he would forgive the remainder, after a chosen list of eight hundred rebels had been yielded to his discretion. The despair of the Messinese renewed their courage: Peter of Arragon approached to their relief; 44 and his rival was driven back by the failure of provision and the terrors of the equinox to the Calabrian shore. At the same moment, the Catalan admiral, the famous Roger de Loria, swept the channel with an invincible squadron: the French fleet, more numerous in transports than in galleys, was either burnt or destroyed; and the same blow assured the independence of Sicily and the safety of the Greek empire. A few days before his death, the emperor Michael rejoiced in the fall of an enemy whom he hated and esteemed; and perhaps he might be content with the popular judgment, that had they not been matched with each other, Constantinople and Italy must speedily have obeyed the same master. 45 From this disastrous moment, the life of Charles was a series of misfortunes: his capital was insulted, his son was made prisoner, and he sunk into the grave without recovering the Isle of Sicily, which, after a war of twenty years, was finally severed from the throne of Naples, and transferred, as an independent kingdom, to a younger branch of the house of Arragon. 46
复活节前夕,一队手无寸铁的市民列队前往城墙外的一座教堂;其间,一名出身高贵的少女遭一个法兰西士兵粗暴调戏42。那施暴者当即被处死;民众起初虽被军队驱散,终究以人多势众、群情激愤而占了上风:同谋者趁机而动,暴动的烈焰顿时蔓延全岛;八千名法兰西人在一场不分皂白的屠杀中被斩尽杀绝——这场屠杀便得名“西西里晚祷”43。各城纷纷打出自由与教会的旗帜:这场起义,或因普罗奇达亲身在场、或凭他的精神而受到激励;阿拉贡的彼得从非洲海岸驶抵巴勒莫,被拥戴为全岛的国王与救主。一个长期被他肆意践踏而无所顾忌的民族竟起而反叛,查理为之惊愕失措;在悲恸与虔敬交加的最初一刻,人们听见他失声惊呼:“上帝啊!你若已注定要贬抑我,至少也让我从这显赫的顶峰缓缓而降、平稳而落吧!”他那已挤满意大利各港口的舰队与军队,被匆匆从对希腊的战事中撤回;墨西拿地处要冲,首当其冲地承受了他复仇的第一波风暴。墨西拿市民本身力弱,又对外援不抱指望,只要保证全面赦免、恢复他们古老的特权,本愿悔过归顺。但这位君主的骄矜之心已重新燃起;教廷特使再三恳求,也只逼得他许下一诺:待交出一份精选的八百名叛党名单任他处置之后,余下的他方予宽宥。墨西拿人的绝望反倒重新鼓起了他们的勇气:阿拉贡的彼得前来驰援44;他的对手却因粮草断绝、又惧于春分时节的风涛,被逼回了卡拉布里亚海岸。恰在此时,加泰罗尼亚的海军统帅、赫赫有名的罗杰·德劳里亚,率一支所向无敌的分舰队横扫海峡:法兰西舰队运输船多而战船少,非焚即毁;这一击既确保了西西里的独立,也保全了希腊帝国的安全。米海尔皇帝在临终前几天,为一个他既憎恨又敬重的敌人的败亡而欣喜;他或许也乐于认同世人的评断:这两人若非棋逢对手、彼此牵制,君士坦丁堡与意大利只怕早已臣服于同一位主上了45。从这一灾难性的时刻起,查理的一生便是接连不断的不幸:他的都城遭受凌辱,他的儿子沦为俘虏,他抱憾入土,始终未能收回西西里岛——该岛经过二十年的战争,终于脱离那不勒斯的王位,作为一个独立王国,转归了阿拉贡家族的一个幼支46。
Notes 注释
248
↩
Except the omission of a prayer for the emperor, the charges against Arsenius were of different nature: he was accused of having allowed the sultan of Iconium to bathe in vessels signed with the cross, and to have admitted him to the church, though unbaptized, during the service. It was pleaded, in favor of Arsenius, among other proofs of the sultan’s Christianity, that he had offered to eat ham. Pachymer, l. iv. c. 4, p. 265. It was after his exile that he was involved in a charge of conspiracy.—M.
除了略去为皇帝所作的祷告一项外,对阿尔塞尼乌斯的其余指控则属别样性质:有人控告他曾容许伊科尼乌姆的苏丹在刻有十字的器皿中沐浴,又在礼拜进行时准许这位尚未受洗的苏丹进入教堂。为阿尔塞尼乌斯辩护者则提出,足以证明那苏丹已归信基督的诸般证据之一,便是他曾主动表示愿意吃火腿。(帕希梅雷斯,l. iv. c. 4, p. 265。)他被卷入谋叛的指控,则是在其流放之后。—M
25
↩
Pachymer relates the exile of Arsenius, (l. iv. c. 1—16:) he was one of the commissaries who visited him in the desert island. The last testament of the unforgiving patriarch is still extant, (Dupin, Bibliothèque Ecclésiastique, tom. x. p. 95.)
帕希梅雷斯记述了阿尔塞尼乌斯的流放(l. iv. c. 1—16):他本人便是奉命前往那荒岛探视阿尔塞尼乌斯的委员之一。这位毫不宽恕的牧首所立的最后遗嘱至今尚存。(迪潘《教会文库》〔Bibliothèque Ecclésiastique〕tom. x. p. 95。)
259
↩
Pachymer calls him Germanus.—M.
帕希梅雷斯称他为格尔马努斯。—M
26
↩
Pachymer (l. vii. c. 22) relates this miraculous trial like a philosopher, and treats with similar contempt a plot of the Arsenites, to hide a revelation in the coffin of some old saint, (l. vii. c. 13.) He compensates this incredulity by an image that weeps, another that bleeds, (l. vii. c. 30,) and the miraculous cures of a deaf and a mute patient, (l. xi. c. 32.)
帕希梅雷斯(l. vii. c. 22)以哲人的口吻记述了这场神迹裁判,并以同样的鄙夷态度提到阿尔塞尼乌斯派的一桩诡计——他们企图把一份“天启”藏进某位古圣的棺柩里(l. vii. c. 13)。为弥补这份怀疑,他又记下了一尊会流泪的圣像、另一尊会流血的圣像(l. vii. c. 30),以及一名聋子和一名哑巴被神迹治愈之事(l. xi. c. 32)。
27
↩
The story of the Arsenites is spread through the thirteen books of Pachymer. Their union and triumph are reserved for Nicephorus Gregoras, (l. vii. c. 9,) who neither loves nor esteems these sectaries.
阿尔塞尼乌斯派的故事散见于帕希梅雷斯全部十三卷书中。至于他们的复合与得胜,则留待尼基弗鲁斯·格列高拉斯来记述(l. vii. c. 9)——此人对这一宗派既不喜爱,也不敬重。
28
↩
Of the xiii books of Pachymer, the first six (as the ivth and vth of Nicephorus Gregoras) contain the reign of Michael, at the time of whose death he was forty years of age. Instead of breaking, like his editor the Père Poussin, his history into two parts, I follow Ducange and Cousin, who number the xiii. books in one series.
帕希梅雷斯十三卷书中的前六卷(相当于尼基弗鲁斯·格列高拉斯的第四、五卷),叙述的是米海尔一朝;米海尔去世时,帕希梅雷斯年已四十。我没有像其编者普桑神父那样把他的著作截为两部分,而是遵从杜康热与库赞的做法,把这十三卷编为一贯的序列。
29
↩
Ducange, Hist. de C. P. l. v. c. 33, &c., from the Epistles of Urban IV.
杜康热,Hist. de C. P. l. v. c. 33 等处,取材于乌尔班四世的书信集。
30
↩
From their mercantile intercourse with the Venetians and Genoese, they branded the Latins as kaphloi and banausoi, (Pachymer, l. v. c. 10.) “Some are heretics in name; others, like the Latins, in fact,” said the learned Veccus, (l. v. c. 12,) who soon afterwards became a convert (c. 15, 16) and a patriarch, (c. 24.)
由于同威尼斯人和热那亚人的通商往来,希腊人便斥拉丁人为 kaphloi(小贩)与 banausoi(匠人)(帕希梅雷斯,l. v. c. 10)。“有些人是名义上的异端;另一些人,如拉丁人,则是事实上的异端。”博学的维库斯如是说(l. v. c. 12)——他不久之后便皈依了(c. 15, 16),还当上了牧首(c. 24)。
31
↩
In this class we may place Pachymer himself, whose copious and candid narrative occupies the vth and vith books of his history. Yet the Greek is silent on the council of Lyons, and seems to believe that the popes always resided in Rome and Italy, (l. v. c. 17, 21.)
我们不妨把帕希梅雷斯本人也归入此列,他那详尽而坦率的叙述占据了其著作的第五、六卷。然而这位希腊人对里昂公会议只字未提,似乎还以为历代教宗一向都住在罗马和意大利(l. v. c. 17, 21)。
32
↩
See the acts of the council of Lyons in the year 1274. Fleury, Hist. Ecclésiastique, tom. xviii. p. 181—199. Dupin, Bibliot. Ecclés. tom. x. p. 135.
参见公元 1274 年里昂公会议的会议记录。弗勒里《教会史》(Hist. Ecclésiastique)tom. xviii. p. 181—199;迪潘《教会文库》(Bibliot. Ecclés.)tom. x. p. 135。
33
↩
This curious instruction, which has been drawn with more or less honesty by Wading and Leo Allatius from the archives of the Vatican, is given in an abstract or version by Fleury, (tom. xviii. p. 252—258.)
这份耐人寻味的训令,韦丁与利奥·阿拉蒂乌斯或多或少忠实地从梵蒂冈档案中摘录过;弗勒里则给出了它的一份节本或译文(tom. xviii. p. 252—258)。
339
↩
According to Fallmarayer he had always maintained this title.—M.
据法尔梅拉耶尔说,他一向都自称此号。—M
34
↩
This frank and authentic confession of Michael’s distress is exhibited in barbarous Latin by Ogerius, who signs himself Protonotarius Interpretum, and transcribed by Wading from the MSS. of the Vatican, (A.D. 1278, No. 3.) His annals of the Franciscan order, the Fratres Minores, in xvii. volumes in folio, (Rome, 1741,) I have now accidentally seen among the waste paper of a bookseller.
米海尔窘境的这番坦白而可信的自陈,由奥杰里乌斯以粗劣的拉丁文录出——此人自署为“译员总长”(Protonotarius Interpretum)——再由韦丁从梵蒂冈的手稿中转录(A.D. 1278, No. 3)。韦丁那部方济各会(小兄弟会,Fratres Minores)编年史,共十七卷对开本(罗马,1741 年),我如今竟在一家书商的废纸堆中偶然得见。
35
↩
See the vith book of Pachymer, particularly the chapters 1, 11, 16, 18, 24—27. He is the more credible, as he speaks of this persecution with less anger than sorrow.
参见帕希梅雷斯第六卷,尤其是第 1、11、16、18、24—27 各章。他谈及这场迫害时,哀伤多于愤怒,故而更可采信。
36
↩
Pachymer, l. vii. c. 1—ii. 17. The speech of Andronicus the Elder (lib. xii. c. 2) is a curious record, which proves that if the Greeks were the slaves of the emperor, the emperor was not less the slave of superstition and the clergy.
帕希梅雷斯,l. vii. c. 1—ii. 17。老安德罗尼库斯的那篇讲辞(lib. xii. c. 2)是一份耐人寻味的记录,它表明:希腊人固然是皇帝的奴仆,皇帝却也同样是迷信与教士的奴仆。
37
↩
The best accounts, the nearest the time, the most full and entertaining, of the conquest of Naples by Charles of Anjou, may be found in the Florentine Chronicles of Ricordano Malespina, (c. 175—193,) and Giovanni Villani, (l. vii. c. 1—10, 25—30,) which are published by Muratori in the viiith and xiiith volumes of the Historians of Italy. In his Annals (tom. xi. p. 56—72) he has abridged these great events which are likewise described in the Istoria Civile of Giannone. tom. l. xix. tom. iii. l. xx.
关于安茹的查理征服那不勒斯一事,最佳的记载——年代最近,也最详尽有趣——见于佛罗伦萨的两部编年史:Ricordano Malespina 所撰者(c. 175—193)与乔瓦尼·维拉尼所撰者(l. vii. c. 1—10, 25—30),二者皆由穆拉托里刊于《意大利史家丛书》第八、十三卷中。他在自己的《编年史》(Annali,tom. xi. p. 56—72)里把这些大事作了节述;詹诺内的《民政史》(Istoria Civile,tom. i. l. xix.;tom. iii. l. xx.)亦有描述。
38
↩
Ducange, Hist. de C. P. l. v. c. 49—56, l. vi. c. 1—13. See Pachymer, l. iv. c. 29, l. v. c. 7—10, 25 l. vi. c. 30, 32, 33, and Nicephorus Gregoras, l. iv. 5, l. v. 1, 6.
杜康热,Hist. de C. P. l. v. c. 49—56, l. vi. c. 1—13。另见帕希梅雷斯,l. iv. c. 29, l. v. c. 7—10, 25, l. vi. c. 30, 32, 33,以及尼基弗鲁斯·格列高拉斯,l. iv. 5, l. v. 1, 6。
39
↩
The reader of Herodotus will recollect how miraculously the Assyrian host of Sennacherib was disarmed and destroyed, (l. ii. c. 141.)
读过希罗多德的人当会记得,亚述王西拿基立的大军是如何神迹般地被解除武装、遭致覆灭的(l. ii. c. 141)。
40
↩
According to Sabas Malaspina, (Hist. Sicula, l. iii. c. 16, in Muratori, tom. viii. p. 832,) a zealous Guelph, the subjects of Charles, who had reviled Mainfroy as a wolf, began to regret him as a lamb; and he justifies their discontent by the oppressions of the French government, (l. vi. c. 2, 7.) See the Sicilian manifesto in Nicholas Specialis, (l. i. c. 11, in Muratori, tom. x. p. 930.)
据热忱的归尔甫派人 Sabas Malaspina(Hist. Sicula, l. iii. c. 16,见穆拉托里 tom. viii. p. 832)所述,查理的臣民先前曾把曼弗雷德骂作豺狼,如今却开始像怀念羔羊一般怀念他;作者又以法兰西政权的暴虐来为他们的不满辩护(l. vi. c. 2, 7)。西西里方面的宣言,见 Nicholas Specialis(l. i. c. 11,见穆拉托里 tom. x. p. 930)。
41
↩
See the character and counsels of Peter, king of Arragon, in Mariana, (Hist. Hispan. l. xiv. c. 6, tom. ii. p. 133.) The reader for gives the Jesuit’s defects, in favor, always of his style, and often of his sense.
关于阿拉贡国王彼得的性格与谋略,见马里亚纳(Hist. Hispan. l. xiv. c. 6, tom. ii. p. 133)。读者总能因这位耶稣会士的文笔、也常因他的见识,而原谅其种种瑕疵。
419
↩
Daughter. See Hallam’s Middle Ages, vol. i. p. 517.—M.
应作“女儿”。见哈勒姆《中世纪史》vol. i. p. 517。—M
42
↩
After enumerating the sufferings of his country, Nicholas Specialis adds, in the true spirit of Italian jealousy, Quæ omnia et graviora quidem, ut arbitror, patienti animo Siculi tolerassent, nisi (quod primum cunctis dominantibus cavendum est) alienas fminas invasissent, (l. i. c. 2, p. 924.)
在历数其祖国所受的种种苦难之后,Nicholas Specialis 以意大利人特有的那种妒忌之情补上一句:Quæ omnia et graviora quidem, ut arbitror, patienti animo Siculi tolerassent, nisi (quod primum cunctis dominantibus cavendum est) alienas fminas invasissent(依我看来,这一切、乃至更沉重的苦难,西西里人本都能忍气吞声地承受,若不是——这正是一切统治者首先应当戒惧的——那些人竟去侵犯他人的妻女)(l. i. c. 2, p. 924)。
43
↩
The French were long taught to remember this bloody lesson: “If I am provoked, (said Henry the Fourth,) I will breakfast at Milan, and dine at Naples.” “Your majesty (replied the Spanish ambassador) may perhaps arrive in Sicily for vespers.”
法兰西人长久地记取了这血的教训。“我若被激怒,”亨利四世说,“便要在米兰用早餐,在那不勒斯用晚餐。”“陛下,”西班牙大使答道,“或许还能赶在晚祷时分抵达西西里。”
44
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This revolt, with the subsequent victory, are related by two national writers, Bartholemy à Neocastro (in Muratori, tom. xiii.,) and Nicholas Specialis (in Muratori, tom. x.,) the one a contemporary, the other of the next century. The patriot Specialis disclaims the name of rebellion, and all previous correspondence with Peter of Arragon, (nullo communicato consilio,) who happened to be with a fleet and army on the African coast, (l. i. c. 4, 9.)
这场起义及随后的胜利,由两位本国作家记述:Bartholemy à Neocastro(见穆拉托里 tom. xiii.)与 Nicholas Specialis(见穆拉托里 tom. x.),前者是当时人,后者则属下一个世纪。这位爱国的 Specialis 否认此事可称“叛乱”,也否认事先与阿拉贡的彼得有过任何往来(nullo communicato consilio,即“未通消息”)——据说彼得恰好带着一支舰队和军队在非洲海岸(l. i. c. 4, 9)。
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Nicephorus Gregoras (l. v. c. 6) admires the wisdom of Providence in this equal balance of states and princes. For the honor of Palæologus, I had rather this balance had been observed by an Italian writer.
尼基弗鲁斯·格列高拉斯(l. v. c. 6)赞叹天意的睿智,竟使列国与诸侯之间维持了这样一种势均力敌的平衡。不过,为了帕莱奥洛戈斯的荣誉,我倒宁愿这一平衡是由一位意大利作家来记述的。
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See the Chronicle of Villani, the xith volume of the Annali d’Italia of Muratori, and the xxth and xxist books of the Istoria Civile of Giannone.
参见维拉尼的《编年史》、穆拉托里《意大利编年史》(Annali d'Italia)第十一卷,以及詹诺内《民政史》(Istoria Civile)第二十、二十一卷。