Chapter LVII: The Turks.—Part II. 第五十七章 土耳其人——第二节
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Since the fall of the caliphs, the discord and degeneracy of the Saracens respected the Asiatic provinces of Rome; which, by the victories of Nicephorus, Zimisces, and Basil, had been extended as far as Antioch and the eastern boundaries of Armenia.
自哈里发王朝衰亡以来,萨拉森人内争不休、国势日颓,遂不复侵扰罗马在亚洲的诸行省。这些行省往昔仰仗尼基弗鲁斯、齐米斯基斯与巴西尔三帝的赫赫战功,疆土向东伸展,直抵安条克与亚美尼亚的东部边陲。
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Twenty-five years after the death of Basil, his successors were suddenly assaulted by an unknown race of Barbarians, who united the Scythian valor with the fanaticism of new proselytes, and the art and riches of a powerful monarchy. 25 The myriads of Turkish horse overspread a frontier of six hundred miles from Tauris to Arzeroum, and the blood of one hundred and thirty thousand Christians was a grateful sacrifice to the Arabian prophet. Yet the arms of Togrul did not make any deep or lasting impression on the Greek empire. The torrent rolled away from the open country; the sultan retired without glory or success from the siege of an Armenian city; the obscure hostilities were continued or suspended with a vicissitude of events; and the bravery of the Macedonian legions renewed the fame of the conqueror of Asia. 26 The name of Alp Arslan, the valiant lion, is expressive of the popular idea of the perfection of man; and the successor of Togrul displayed the fierceness and generosity of the royal animal. He passed the Euphrates at the head of the Turkish cavalry, and entered Caesarea, the metropolis of Cappadocia, to which he had been attracted by the fame and wealth of the temple of St. Basil. The solid structure resisted the destroyer: but he carried away the doors of the shrine incrusted with gold and pearls, and profaned the relics of the tutelar saint, whose mortal frailties were now covered by the venerable rust of antiquity. The final conquest of Armenia and Georgia was achieved by Alp Arslan. In Armenia, the title of a kingdom, and the spirit of a nation, were annihilated: the artificial fortifications were yielded by the mercenaries of Constantinople; by strangers without faith, veterans without pay or arms, and recruits without experience or discipline. The loss of this important frontier was the news of a day; and the Catholics were neither surprised nor displeased, that a people so deeply infected with the Nestorian and Eutychian errors had been delivered by Christ and his mother into the hands of the infidels. 27 The woods and valleys of Mount Caucasus were more strenuously defended by the native Georgians 28 or Iberians; but the Turkish sultan and his son Malek were indefatigable in this holy war: their captives were compelled to promise a spiritual, as well as temporal, obedience; and, instead of their collars and bracelets, an iron horseshoe, a badge of ignominy, was imposed on the infidels who still adhered to the worship of their fathers. The change, however, was not sincere or universal; and, through ages of servitude, the Georgians have maintained the succession of their princes and bishops. But a race of men, whom nature has cast in her most perfect mould, is degraded by poverty, ignorance, and vice; their profession, and still more their practice, of Christianity is an empty name; and if they have emerged from heresy, it is only because they are too illiterate to remember a metaphysical creed. 29
巴西尔二世死后二十五年,继承他的历代君主突然遭到一个默默无闻的蛮族进攻。这个民族集三重之长于一身:既有斯基泰人的勇武,又有新皈依者的狂热,还坐拥一个强盛王国的技艺与财富。25土耳其骑兵成千上万,漫过自大不里士至埃尔祖鲁姆长达六百英里的边境;十三万基督徒的鲜血,成了献给那位阿拉伯先知的一份甘美祭品。然而,图格鲁勒的兵锋并未在希腊帝国身上留下深刻或持久的创痕。洪流从旷野上退去;苏丹围攻一座亚美尼亚城市未果,既无战功也无荣耀,只得悻悻撤走;此后零星的战事时起时伏,胜负无常;而马其顿军团的英勇,重现了当年征服亚洲者的威名。26阿尔普·阿尔斯兰,意为“勇猛的雄狮”,这名字道出了民间心目中完人的形象;而图格鲁勒的这位继承者,也确然显露出百兽之王的凶猛与豪迈。他亲率土耳其骑兵渡过幼发拉底河,进抵卡帕多西亚的首府凯撒里亚——圣巴西尔教堂的盛名与财富,早已把他吸引到此。这座坚固的建筑挡住了这位破坏者;但他还是掳走了圣龛上那镶嵌着黄金与珍珠的门扉,并亵渎了这位护佑之圣的遗骨——圣徒生前的种种凡人弱点,如今早已蒙上岁月那层可敬的锈迹。亚美尼亚与格鲁吉亚,最终由阿尔普·阿尔斯兰彻底征服。在亚美尼亚,一个王国的名号、一个民族的气节,就此荡然无存:那些人工修筑的堡垒,君士坦丁堡的雇佣兵尽数拱手让出——这些人不过是些毫无信义的异乡客、既无饷银又无兵器的老兵、既缺经验又乏纪律的新丁。这道重要边陲的沦陷,只是一日之间的谈资;至于一个如此深染聂斯脱利派与欧迪奇派谬说的民族,竟被基督及其圣母交到异教徒手中,大公教徒对此既不惊讶,也不觉遗憾。27高加索山的丛林与谷地,土生土长的格鲁吉亚人28(又称伊比利亚人)则守卫得更为顽强;但土耳其苏丹及其子马利克在这场圣战中孜孜不倦、毫不松懈:凡被俘者,都被迫立誓归顺——不仅是尘世的臣服,还有信仰上的顺从;对于那些仍固守祖辈信仰的异教徒,则不再让他们佩戴项圈与手镯,而是套上一只铁马掌,作为耻辱的标记。不过,这种改宗既不真诚,也不普遍;在漫长的臣服岁月里,格鲁吉亚人始终维系着他们君主与主教的传承。然而,造化虽以最完美的模子铸就了这个种族,它却因贫穷、蒙昧与恶习而堕落;他们对基督教的信奉徒有虚名,践行起来更是名不副实;他们纵然摆脱了异端,也只因太过蒙昧无文,记不住那套玄奥的教义罢了。29
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The false or genuine magnanimity of Mahmud the Gaznevide was not imitated by Alp Arslan; and he attacked without scruple the Greek empress Eudocia and her children. His alarming progress compelled her to give herself and her sceptre to the hand of a soldier; and Romanus Diogenes was invested with the Imperial purple. His patriotism, and perhaps his pride, urged him from Constantinople within two months after his accession; and the next campaign he most scandalously took the field during the holy festival of Easter. In the palace, Diogenes was no more than the husband of Eudocia: in the camp, he was the emperor of the Romans, and he sustained that character with feeble resources and invincible courage. By his spirit and success the soldiers were taught to act, the subjects to hope, and the enemies to fear. The Turks had penetrated into the heart of Phrygia; but the sultan himself had resigned to his emirs the prosecution of the war; and their numerous detachments were scattered over Asia in the security of conquest. Laden with spoil, and careless of discipline, they were separately surprised and defeated by the Greeks: the activity of the emperor seemed to multiply his presence: and while they heard of his expedition to Antioch, the enemy felt his sword on the hills of Trebizond. In three laborious campaigns, the Turks were driven beyond the Euphrates; in the fourth and last, Romanus undertook the deliverance of Armenia. The desolation of the land obliged him to transport a supply of two months’ provisions; and he marched forwards to the siege of Malazkerd, 30 an important fortress in the midway between the modern cities of Arzeroum and Van. His army amounted, at the least, to one hundred thousand men. The troops of Constantinople were reenforced by the disorderly multitudes of Phrygia and Cappadocia; but the real strength was composed of the subjects and allies of Europe, the legions of Macedonia, and the squadrons of Bulgaria; the Uzi, a Moldavian horde, who were themselves of the Turkish race; 31 and, above all, the mercenary and adventurous bands of French and Normans. Their lances were commanded by the valiant Ursel of Baliol, the kinsman or father of the Scottish kings, 32 and were allowed to excel in the exercise of arms, or, according to the Greek style, in the practice of the Pyrrhic dance.
加兹尼的马哈茂德那份气度——不论是真是假——阿尔普·阿尔斯兰并不效法;他毫无顾忌地进攻希腊女皇欧多西娅及其子女。他步步紧逼、来势汹汹,迫使女皇不得不将自己连同王权一并托付到一名武人手中;于是罗曼努斯·第欧根尼披上了帝国的紫袍。出于爱国之心,或许也出于骄矜,即位不到两个月,他便离开君士坦丁堡出征;到了下一场战役,他竟在神圣的复活节期间悍然举兵,实在有伤体统。在宫廷之中,第欧根尼不过是欧多西娅的丈夫;而在军营之中,他才是罗马人的皇帝,凭着微薄的资源与无可摧折的勇气,撑起了这一身份。他的锐气与胜绩,教会了士兵奋战、令臣民燃起希望、让敌人心生畏惧。土耳其人已深入弗里吉亚腹地;但苏丹本人早已把战事交由麾下众埃米尔去经营,他们的大批分遣队自恃胜局已定,散布于亚洲各处。这些队伍满载战利品,纪律松弛,结果被希腊人各个击破:皇帝行动神速,仿佛同时现身于多处;敌人这边刚听说他远征安条克,那边却已在特拉比松的山岭间领教了他的刀锋。历经三场艰苦的战役,土耳其人被逐过幼发拉底河;到第四场、也是最后一场战役,罗曼努斯着手去解救亚美尼亚。那片土地已是一片荒芜,迫使他随军运送两个月的粮草;随后他挥师前进,去围攻曼齐克特30——这是一座重要的要塞,位于今日埃尔祖鲁姆与凡城两城之间的中途。他的大军至少有十万之众。君士坦丁堡的正规军之外,又有弗里吉亚与卡帕多西亚的乌合之众前来助阵;但真正的中坚,则是来自欧洲的臣民与盟友——马其顿的军团、保加利亚的骑兵、乌兹人(一支本身也属于土耳其人的摩尔达维亚部落)31,尤其还有那些唯利是图、四处冒险的法兰西人与诺曼人队伍。统领这些长矛骑士的,是勇猛的巴利奥尔的乌尔塞尔——他是苏格兰历代国王的亲族,或曰先祖32;世人公认他们武艺超群,用希腊人的说法,便是精于“皮里克战舞”。
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On the report of this bold invasion, which threatened his hereditary dominions, Alp Arslan flew to the scene of action at the head of forty thousand horse. 33 His rapid and skilful evolutions distressed and dismayed the superior numbers of the Greeks; and in the defeat of Basilacius, one of their principal generals, he displayed the first example of his valor and clemency. The imprudence of the emperor had separated his forces after the reduction of Malazkerd. It was in vain that he attempted to recall the mercenary Franks: they refused to obey his summons; he disdained to await their return: the desertion of the Uzi filled his mind with anxiety and suspicion; and against the most salutary advice he rushed forwards to speedy and decisive action. Had he listened to the fair proposals of the sultan, Romanus might have secured a retreat, perhaps a peace; but in these overtures he supposed the fear or weakness of the enemy, and his answer was conceived in the tone of insult and defiance. “If the Barbarian wishes for peace, let him evacuate the ground which he occupies for the encampment of the Romans, and surrender his city and palace of Rei as a pledge of his sincerity.” Alp Arslan smiled at the vanity of the demand, but he wept the death of so many faithful Moslems; and, after a devout prayer, proclaimed a free permission to all who were desirous of retiring from the field. With his own hands he tied up his horse’s tail, exchanged his bow and arrows for a mace and cimeter, clothed himself in a white garment, perfumed his body with musk, and declared that if he were vanquished, that spot should be the place of his burial. 34 The sultan himself had affected to cast away his missile weapons: but his hopes of victory were placed in the arrows of the Turkish cavalry, whose squadrons were loosely distributed in the form of a crescent. Instead of the successive lines and reserves of the Grecian tactics, Romulus led his army in a single and solid phalanx, and pressed with vigor and impatience the artful and yielding resistance of the Barbarians. In this desultory and fruitless combat he spent the greater part of a summer’s day, till prudence and fatigue compelled him to return to his camp. But a retreat is always perilous in the face of an active foe; and no sooner had the standard been turned to the rear than the phalanx was broken by the base cowardice, or the baser jealousy, of Andronicus, a rival prince, who disgraced his birth and the purple of the Caesars. 35 The Turkish squadrons poured a cloud of arrows on this moment of confusion and lassitude; and the horns of their formidable crescent were closed in the rear of the Greeks. In the destruction of the army and pillage of the camp, it would be needless to mention the number of the slain or captives. The Byzantine writers deplore the loss of an inestimable pearl: they forgot to mention, that in this fatal day the Asiatic provinces of Rome were irretrievably sacrificed.
这场大胆的入侵威胁到了他世袭的领地;一听到消息,阿尔普·阿尔斯兰便亲率四万骑兵,飞驰赶往战场。33他调度神速、机变百出,令兵力占优的希腊人陷入窘迫、心生惊惶;在击败希腊军主将之一巴西拉基乌斯的一役中,他首次同时展露了自己的勇武与仁慈。皇帝行事欠虑,攻下曼齐克特之后便分散了兵力。他试图召回那些法兰克雇佣兵,却是徒劳:他们拒不听命;他又不屑于坐等他们归来。乌兹人的临阵脱逃,更让他满心焦虑与猜疑;于是他不顾种种最为有益的劝告,一味向前,急于速战速决。其实,倘若他肯听取苏丹开出的公道条件,罗曼努斯本可保得一条退路,甚或换来一纸和约;但他却把对方这番示好看作是畏惧或虚弱的表现,于是回敬以一番侮慢挑衅之辞。“那蛮子若想求和,就让他从眼下所占之地撤走,把它腾出来给罗马人扎营;再交出他的雷伊城与那里的宫殿,以此作为诚意的凭证。”阿尔普·阿尔斯兰对这狂妄的要求付之一笑,却为将有那么多虔诚的穆斯林战死而落泪;他虔诚祷告之后,当众宣布:凡愿退出战场者,悉听自便。他亲手把坐骑的马尾扎起,弃了弓箭,换上一柄钉头锤与一把弯刀,身着一袭白衣,以麝香熏体,并宣称:自己若是战败,这块地方便是他的葬身之所。34苏丹本人虽做出抛弃远射武器的姿态,但他把取胜的指望,全押在土耳其骑兵的箭矢上;这些骑队疏疏落落,排成一弯新月之形。希腊人的战术讲究多重阵列、层层预备队,罗曼努斯却反其道而行,把全军摆成单独一个密集的方阵,锐气十足而又焦躁难耐,猛攻蛮族那巧于周旋、且战且退的抵抗。这场散漫无果的交战,耗去了他大半个夏日;直到审慎与疲惫双双迫使他退回营中。可是,在一个行动敏捷、伺机而动的敌人面前,撤退向来凶险;军旗刚一掉转向后,那方阵便告溃裂——祸首安德罗尼库斯是与皇帝争位的宗室,他或出于卑劣的怯懦,或出于更为卑劣的妒忌,既玷辱了自己的门第,也玷辱了历代恺撒的紫袍。35正当希腊军陷入混乱与疲惫之际,土耳其骑队倾泻出漫天箭雨;那令人生畏的新月阵,两只犄角在希腊人背后合拢。全军覆没、营帐遭洗劫,至于死者与俘虏究竟几何,也就无须细说了。拜占庭的作家们为一颗无价珍珠的失落而痛惜,却忘了提及:正是在这一决定命运的日子,罗马在亚洲的诸行省已被彻底断送、无可挽回。
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As long as a hope survived, Romanus attempted to rally and save the relics of his army. When the centre, the Imperial station, was left naked on all sides, and encompassed by the victorious Turks, he still, with desperate courage, maintained the fight till the close of day, at the head of the brave and faithful subjects who adhered to his standard. They fell around him; his horse was slain; the emperor was wounded; yet he stood alone and intrepid, till he was oppressed and bound by the strength of multitudes. The glory of this illustrious prize was disputed by a slave and a soldier; a slave who had seen him on the throne of Constantinople, and a soldier whose extreme deformity had been excused on the promise of some signal service.
只要还存一线希望,罗曼努斯就竭力重整残部、设法保全军中余众。待到中军——皇帝亲镇之处——四面尽失屏障、被得胜的土耳其人团团围住,他依然凭着一股拼死的勇气,率领那些仍聚集在他旗下、忠勇不二的臣属,苦战到日暮。将士一个个倒在他身旁;他的战马被杀,他本人也负了伤;然而他仍孑然独立、毫无惧色,直到被如潮的人马压倒、缚住。擒获这样一位显赫俘虏的荣耀,一名奴隶与一名士兵争抢不下:那奴隶曾见过他高踞君士坦丁堡的皇位,那士兵则生得奇丑无比——当初正因他许下要立奇功,人们才容下了他这副丑相。
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Despoiled of his arms, his jewels, and his purple, Romanus spent a dreary and perilous night on the field of battle, amidst a disorderly crowd of the meaner Barbarians. In the morning the royal captive was presented to Alp Arslan, who doubted of his fortune, till the identity of the person was ascertained by the report of his ambassadors, and by the more pathetic evidence of Basilacius, who embraced with tears the feet of his unhappy sovereign. The successor of Constantine, in a plebeian habit, was led into the Turkish divan, and commanded to kiss the ground before the lord of Asia. He reluctantly obeyed; and Alp Arslan, starting from his throne, is said to have planted his foot on the neck of the Roman emperor. 36 But the fact is doubtful; and if, in this moment of insolence, the sultan complied with the national custom, the rest of his conduct has extorted the praise of his bigoted foes, and may afford a lesson to the most civilized ages. He instantly raised the royal captive from the ground; and thrice clasping his hand with tender sympathy, assured him, that his life and dignity should be inviolate in the hands of a prince who had learned to respect the majesty of his equals and the vicissitudes of fortune. From the divan, Romanus was conducted to an adjacent tent, where he was served with pomp and reverence by the officers of the sultan, who, twice each day, seated him in the place of honor at his own table. In a free and familiar conversation of eight days, not a word, not a look, of insult escaped from the conqueror; but he severely censured the unworthy subjects who had deserted their valiant prince in the hour of danger, and gently admonished his antagonist of some errors which he had committed in the management of the war. In the preliminaries of negotiation, Alp Arslan asked him what treatment he expected to receive, and the calm indifference of the emperor displays the freedom of his mind. “If you are cruel,” said he, “you will take my life; if you listen to pride, you will drag me at your chariot-wheels; if you consult your interest, you will accept a ransom, and restore me to my country.” “And what,” continued the sultan, “would have been your own behavior, had fortune smiled on your arms?” The reply of the Greek betrays a sentiment, which prudence, and even gratitude, should have taught him to suppress. “Had I vanquished,” he fiercely said, “I would have inflicted on thy body many a stripe.” The Turkish conqueror smiled at the insolence of his captive; observed that the Christian law inculcated the love of enemies and forgiveness of injuries; and nobly declared, that he would not imitate an example which he condemned. After mature deliberation, Alp Arslan dictated the terms of liberty and peace, a ransom of a million, 361 an annual tribute of three hundred and sixty thousand pieces of gold, 37 the marriage of the royal children, and the deliverance of all the Moslems, who were in the power of the Greeks. Romanus, with a sigh, subscribed this treaty, so disgraceful to the majesty of the empire; he was immediately invested with a Turkish robe of honor; his nobles and patricians were restored to their sovereign; and the sultan, after a courteous embrace, dismissed him with rich presents and a military guard. No sooner did he reach the confines of the empire, than he was informed that the palace and provinces had disclaimed their allegiance to a captive: a sum of two hundred thousand pieces was painfully collected; and the fallen monarch transmitted this part of his ransom, with a sad confession of his impotence and disgrace. The generosity, or perhaps the ambition, of the sultan, prepared to espouse the cause of his ally; but his designs were prevented by the defeat, imprisonment, and death, of Romanus Diogenes. 38
罗曼努斯的甲胄、珠宝与紫袍尽被剥去,在战场之上、在一群身份低贱而杂乱无序的蛮兵中间,度过了凄凉而危殆的一夜。次日清晨,这位帝王俘虏被带到阿尔普·阿尔斯兰面前。苏丹起初简直不敢相信自己竟有这般好运,直到派去的使者认出其人,又见巴西拉基乌斯垂泪抱住这位不幸君主的双脚,这一更令人心酸的凭据,才让他确信无疑。这位君士坦丁的继承者身着平民的粗服,被带进土耳其人的朝堂,奉命在这位亚洲之主面前俯首吻地。他勉强照办;据说阿尔普·阿尔斯兰随即从宝座上起身,一脚踏在这位罗马皇帝的颈项之上。36但此事真伪难辨;纵然在那傲慢的一刻,苏丹果真依了本族的习俗,他此后的种种举止,却连怀有偏见的敌人也不得不称颂,足以为最文明的时代垂示一课。他当即把这位帝王俘虏从地上扶起,满怀怜惜地三度紧握他的手,向他保证:他的性命与尊严绝不会受到丝毫侵犯——因为拘执他的这位君主,早已懂得敬重与自己同等之人的威严,也懂得敬畏命运的无常。罗曼努斯从朝堂被引到邻近的一座营帐,苏丹的属官在那里以隆重而恭敬的礼节侍奉他;苏丹每日两次,都让他在自己席上坐上宾之位。八天里,两人无拘无束、亲切交谈,这位胜利者不曾有一句、一个眼神流露出侮辱之意;他只是严厉谴责那些在危难关头抛弃勇敢君主的不肖臣属,又和颜悦色地指出对手在用兵上所犯的若干失误。在正式谈判之前,阿尔普·阿尔斯兰问他,料想自己会受到怎样的处置;皇帝那份镇定淡然,恰恰显出他内心的坦荡无羁。“你若残忍,”他答道,“便会取我性命;你若听凭骄矜,便会把我绑在你的战车轮上拖行示众;你若考量自身利益,便会收下赎金,把我送回故国。”“那么,”苏丹接着问,“倘若战局对你有利,你自己又会如何行事呢?”这希腊人的回答,泄露了一种本该出于审慎、乃至出于感恩而加以克制的情绪。“我若得胜,”他恨恨说道,“定要在你身上狠狠抽上许多鞭子。”这位土耳其征服者对俘虏的无礼报以一笑,只说基督教的教义原是教人爱仇敌、恕伤害的;他随即气度不凡地宣告:自己所谴责的榜样,决不会去效法。经过深思熟虑,阿尔普·阿尔斯兰开出了释放与议和的条件:赎金一百万枚金币361,每年进贡黄金三十六万枚37,双方王室子女缔结婚姻,并释放一切落在希腊人手中的穆斯林。罗曼努斯长叹一声,在这份大损帝国威严的条约上署了名。苏丹当即赐他一袭土耳其式的荣袍,把他的贵族与显宦一并交还给他们的君主;又与他客气地拥别,赠以厚礼、派军队护送,送他上路。他刚踏进帝国边境,就得知宫廷与各行省已宣布不再效忠一个阶下之囚;他好不容易凑齐二十万枚金币,作为赎金的一部分送去,同时凄然承认自己的无能与耻辱。苏丹出于慷慨、或许也出于野心,本已准备出面维护这位盟友的权益;但他的打算,终因罗曼努斯·第欧根尼的兵败、被囚与身死而落空。38
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In the treaty of peace, it does not appear that Alp Arslan extorted any province or city from the captive emperor; and his revenge was satisfied with the trophies of his victory, and the spoils of Anatolia, from Antioch to the Black Sea. The fairest part of Asia was subject to his laws: twelve hundred princes, or the sons of princes, stood before his throne; and two hundred thousand soldiers marched under his banners. The sultan disdained to pursue the fugitive Greeks; but he meditated the more glorious conquest of Turkestan, the original seat of the house of Seljuk. He moved from Bagdad to the banks of the Oxus; a bridge was thrown over the river; and twenty days were consumed in the passage of his troops. But the progress of the great king was retarded by the governor of Berzem; and Joseph the Carizmian presumed to defend his fortress against the powers of the East. When he was produced a captive in the royal tent, the sultan, instead of praising his valor, severely reproached his obstinate folly: and the insolent replies of the rebel provoked a sentence, that he should be fastened to four stakes, and left to expire in that painful situation. At this command, the desperate Carizmian, drawing a dagger, rushed headlong towards the throne: the guards raised their battle-axes; their zeal was checked by Alp Arslan, the most skilful archer of the age: he drew his bow, but his foot slipped, the arrow glanced aside, and he received in his breast the dagger of Joseph, who was instantly cut in pieces.
从和约来看,阿尔普·阿尔斯兰似乎并未逼迫这位被俘的皇帝割让任何行省或城市;他的复仇之心,凭着胜利的战利品,以及从安条克到黑海一带、劫掠安纳托利亚所得的财货,便已心满意足。亚洲最富饶的部分皆归他号令:一千二百位君王、或君王之子,肃立于他的宝座之前;二十万将士,在他的旗帜下行进。苏丹不屑于追击溃逃的希腊人,转而筹划一桩更为荣耀的功业——征服突厥斯坦,那是塞尔柱家族最初的发祥之地。他从巴格达进军至阿姆河畔;河上架起一座桥梁,全军渡河,足足花去了二十天。然而,这位大君王的进军,却为贝尔泽姆的守将所阻;花剌子模人约瑟夫竟敢凭一座堡垒,抵挡东方的举国之力。待到他被押作俘虏、带进御帐,苏丹非但没有称赞他的勇武,反而严厉斥责他冥顽不化;这叛将出言不逊,惹得苏丹下令:将他四肢分别缚在四根木桩之上,任其在这般痛苦的境地中活活死去。听到这道命令,走投无路的花剌子模人猛地拔出匕首,直朝宝座冲去。卫兵们举起战斧,阿尔普·阿尔斯兰却遏止了他们的一腔热忱——他是当世最精湛的射手,当即张弓搭箭;不料一脚踏滑,箭矢偏了方向,约瑟夫的匕首刺进了他的胸膛;约瑟夫本人则当场被剁成肉泥。
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The wound was mortal; and the Turkish prince bequeathed a dying admonition to the pride of kings. “In my youth,” said Alp Arslan, “I was advised by a sage to humble myself before God; to distrust my own strength; and never to despise the most contemptible foe. I have neglected these lessons; and my neglect has been deservedly punished. Yesterday, as from an eminence I beheld the numbers, the discipline, and the spirit, of my armies, the earth seemed to tremble under my feet; and I said in my heart, Surely thou art the king of the world, the greatest and most invincible of warriors. These armies are no longer mine; and, in the confidence of my personal strength, I now fall by the hand of an assassin.” 39 Alp Arslan possessed the virtues of a Turk and a Mussulman; his voice and stature commanded the reverence of mankind; his face was shaded with long whiskers; and his ample turban was fashioned in the shape of a crown. The remains of the sultan were deposited in the tomb of the Seljukian dynasty; and the passenger might read and meditate this useful inscription: 40 “O ye who have seen the glory of Alp Arslan exalted to the heavens, repair to Maru, and you will behold it buried in the dust.” The annihilation of the inscription, and the tomb itself, more forcibly proclaims the instability of human greatness.
这一伤是致命的;这位土耳其君主临终之际,为天下骄矜的帝王留下了一番遗训。“我年轻时,”阿尔普·阿尔斯兰说道,“曾有一位贤者劝我:要在真主面前谦卑自抑,切莫轻信自己的力量,也决不可小看哪怕最微不足道的敌人。这些教诲我都置若罔闻,如今遭到了应得的惩罚。昨日,我立于高处,俯瞰我大军的人数、纪律与士气,只觉大地在我脚下颤动;我心中暗想:你必是这世上的王者,是最伟大、最不可战胜的勇士。而今,这些大军已不再属于我;只因自恃一身之力,我竟死在一名刺客手中。”39阿尔普·阿尔斯兰兼具一个土耳其人与一个穆斯林的德行;他的嗓音与身量令世人肃然起敬;长长的髭须垂覆在脸上,宽大的头巾则盘成一顶王冠的模样。苏丹的遗体安放在塞尔柱王朝的陵墓之中;过往行人得以诵读并玩味这段发人深省的铭文:40“你们这些曾见阿尔普·阿尔斯兰的荣耀高擎入云的人啊,且到木鹿来吧,你们将看到那荣耀已埋进尘土。”而如今这铭文连同陵墓本身俱已湮灭无存,反倒更有力地昭示了人间伟业何其无常。
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During the life of Alp Arslan, his eldest son had been acknowledged as the future sultan of the Turks. On his father’s death the inheritance was disputed by an uncle, a cousin, and a brother: they drew their cimeters, and assembled their followers; and the triple victory of Malek Shah 41 established his own reputation and the right of primogeniture. In every age, and more especially in Asia, the thirst of power has inspired the same passions, and occasioned the same disorders; but, from the long series of civil war, it would not be easy to extract a sentiment more pure and magnanimous than is contained in the saying of the Turkish prince. On the eve of the battle, he performed his devotions at Thous, before the tomb of the Imam Riza. As the sultan rose from the ground, he asked his vizier Nizam, who had knelt beside him, what had been the object of his secret petition: “That your arms may be crowned with victory,” was the prudent, and most probably the sincere, answer of the minister. “For my part,” replied the generous Malek, “I implored the Lord of Hosts that he would take from me my life and crown, if my brother be more worthy than myself to reign over the Moslems.” The favorable judgment of heaven was ratified by the caliph; and for the first time, the sacred title of Commander of the Faithful was communicated to a Barbarian. But this Barbarian, by his personal merit, and the extent of his empire, was the greatest prince of his age. After the settlement of Persia and Syria, he marched at the head of innumerable armies to achieve the conquest of Turkestan, which had been undertaken by his father. In his passage of the Oxus, the boatmen, who had been employed in transporting some troops, complained, that their payment was assigned on the revenues of Antioch. The sultan frowned at this preposterous choice; but he miled at the artful flattery of his vizier. “It was not to postpone their reward, that I selected those remote places, but to leave a memorial to posterity, that, under your reign, Antioch and the Oxus were subject to the same sovereign.” But this description of his limits was unjust and parsimonious: beyond the Oxus, he reduced to his obedience the cities of Bochara, Carizme, and Samarcand, and crushed each rebellious slave, or independent savage, who dared to resist. Malek passed the Sihon or Jaxartes, the last boundary of Persian civilization: the hordes of Turkestan yielded to his supremacy: his name was inserted on the coins, and in the prayers of Cashgar, a Tartar kingdom on the extreme borders of China. From the Chinese frontier, he stretched his immediate jurisdiction or feudatory sway to the west and south, as far as the mountains of Georgia, the neighborhood of Constantinople, the holy city of Jerusalem, and the spicy groves of Arabia Felix. Instead of resigning himself to the luxury of his harem, the shepherd king, both in peace and war, was in action and in the field. By the perpetual motion of the royal camp, each province was successively blessed with his presence; and he is said to have perambulated twelve times the wide extent of his dominions, which surpassed the Asiatic reign of Cyrus and the caliphs. Of these expeditions, the most pious and splendid was the pilgrimage of Mecca: the freedom and safety of the caravans were protected by his arms; the citizens and pilgrims were enriched by the profusion of his alms; and the desert was cheered by the places of relief and refreshment, which he instituted for the use of his brethren. Hunting was the pleasure, and even the passion, of the sultan, and his train consisted of forty-seven thousand horses; but after the massacre of a Turkish chase, for each piece of game, he bestowed a piece of gold on the poor, a slight atonement, at the expense of the people, for the cost and mischief of the amusement of kings. In the peaceful prosperity of his reign, the cities of Asia were adorned with palaces and hospitals with moschs and colleges; few departed from his Divan without reward, and none without justice. The language and literature of Persia revived under the house of Seljuk; 42 and if Malek emulated the liberality of a Turk less potent than himself, 43 his palace might resound with the songs of a hundred poets. The sultan bestowed a more serious and learned care on the reformation of the calendar, which was effected by a general assembly of the astronomers of the East. By a law of the prophet, the Moslems are confined to the irregular course of the lunar months; in Persia, since the age of Zoroaster, the revolution of the sun has been known and celebrated as an annual festival; 44 but after the fall of the Magian empire, the intercalation had been neglected; the fractions of minutes and hours were multiplied into days; and the date of the springs was removed from the sign of Aries to that of Pisces. The reign of Malek was illustrated by the Gelalaean aera; and all errors, either past or future, were corrected by a computation of time, which surpasses the Julian, and approaches the accuracy of the Gregorian, style. 45
阿尔普·阿尔斯兰在世之时,其长子早已被公认为土耳其人未来的苏丹。待父亲一死,一位叔父、一位堂兄弟与一位胞弟便都来争夺这份基业:各自拔出弯刀,纠集党羽;而马利克·沙阿三战三捷41,既确立了自己的声望,也确立了长子继承的权利。任何时代,尤其在亚洲,对权力的渴求都激起同样的欲念,酿成同样的祸乱;然而,在漫长纷繁的内战史中,若要找出一句比这位土耳其君主之言更为纯粹、更为豁达的话,却也着实不易。会战前夕,他在图斯的伊玛目里达墓前虔诚祈祷。苏丹从地上起身,问跪在身旁的维齐尔尼扎姆·穆尔克,方才暗中所求的是什么;“愿您旗开得胜,”这位大臣答道——既是审慎之词,多半也出自真心。“至于我,”慷慨的马利克答道,“我恳求万军之主:倘若我的兄弟比我更配统治穆斯林,就请他收去我的性命与王冠。”上天的这一嘉许,又得到哈里发的确认;“信士的统帅”这一神圣尊号,第一次授予了一个蛮族之人。但这个蛮族之人,凭着自身的才德与帝国的辽阔疆域,堪称当世最伟大的君主。在平定波斯与叙利亚之后,他亲率浩荡大军出征,去完成父亲当年着手的功业——征服突厥斯坦。他渡阿姆河时,那些受雇运送部队的船夫抱怨说,他们的酬劳竟被指定要从安条克的税收里支取。苏丹对这荒唐的安排皱起眉头,却又为维齐尔那句巧妙的奉承而莞尔一笑。“我挑选那样遥远的地方,并非要拖延他们的酬劳,而是要给后世留下一个见证:在您的治下,安条克与阿姆河同归一位君主统辖。”不过,这样勾勒他的疆界,其实既不公允,也太过吝啬:在阿姆河以东,他还使布哈拉、花剌子模与撒马尔罕诸城俯首听命,凡敢于抗拒的叛奴或桀骜不驯的化外之人,无不被他一一碾碎。马利克越过锡洪河,即锡尔河——波斯文明的最后边界;突厥斯坦诸部尽皆臣服于他的至尊之权;他的名字铸上了钱币,也写进了喀什噶尔的祷词——那是中国极边之地的一个鞑靼王国。他的疆权自中国边境向西、向南延伸,或直接管辖,或以藩属相系,远抵格鲁吉亚的群山、君士坦丁堡的近郊、圣城耶路撒冷,乃至阿拉伯福地那飘着香料气息的林莽。这位牧人出身的君王,并不沉溺于后宫的奢靡;无论承平还是战乱,他总是四处奔走、身在行伍之间。御营辗转不息,各行省于是轮番得沐他亲临的恩泽;据说他曾十二次巡遍自己辽阔的领土——其广袤更胜当年居鲁士与历代哈里发在亚洲的版图。在这些巡行之中,最为虔敬、也最为壮观的,要数麦加朝觐:商队的通行与安全,靠他的武力保障;城中居民与朝圣者,因他慷慨的施舍而受惠;他又在沿途为教友们设立歇脚与补给之所,为荒漠平添了几分生气。狩猎是苏丹的乐趣,甚至是他的一大嗜好;他的扈从多达四万七千骑。然而,每逢一场土耳其式的围猎大肆杀戮之后,他都会按猎获的每一只野物,向穷人施舍一枚金币——这不过是拿百姓的钱财,为帝王取乐所耗的资财、所酿的祸害,略作一点微薄的补赎罢了。在他统治下那太平昌盛的岁月里,亚洲各城遍布宫殿与善堂、清真寺与学府;从他的枢密会堂告退的人,鲜有不获赏赐者,更无一人得不到公道。波斯的语言与文学,在塞尔柱家族治下重获生机;42倘若马利克真肯效法一位势力不及自己的土耳其人那般慷慨,43他的宫廷或许会回荡起上百位诗人的吟唱。苏丹以更为郑重、也更具学养的心力,投注于历法的改革;这项改革,由东方天文学家的一次大集会促成。依先知定下的律法,穆斯林只能拘守阴历那参差不齐的月份;而在波斯,自琐罗亚斯德的时代起,人们便懂得太阳的运行,并将其奉为一年一度的节庆来庆祝;44然而,麻葛帝国覆亡之后,置闰之法遭到荒废,分与时的零头累积成天,春分之日也从白羊宫挪移到了双鱼宫。马利克的治世,因“哲拉里纪元”而增光;无论过去还是将来的一切误差,都由一套新的历算加以校正——这套历法胜过儒略历,其精确程度已逼近格里高利历。45
¶
In a period when Europe was plunged in the deepest barbarism, the light and splendor of Asia may be ascribed to the docility rather than the knowledge of the Turkish conquerors. An ample share of their wisdom and virtue is due to a Persian vizier, who ruled the empire under the reigns of Alp Arslan and his son. Nizam, one of the most illustrious ministers of the East, was honored by the caliph as an oracle of religion and science; he was trusted by the sultan as the faithful vicegerent of his power and justice. After an administration of thirty years, the fame of the vizier, his wealth, and even his services, were transformed into crimes. He was overthrown by the insidious arts of a woman and a rival; and his fall was hastened by a rash declaration, that his cap and ink-horn, the badges of his office, were connected by the divine decree with the throne and diadem of the sultan. At the age of ninety-three years, the venerable statesman was dismissed by his master, accused by his enemies, and murdered by a fanatic: 451 the last words of Nizam attested his innocence, and the remainder of Malek’s life was short and inglorious. From Ispahan, the scene of this disgraceful transaction, the sultan moved to Bagdad, with the design of transplanting the caliph, and of fixing his own residence in the capital of the Moslem world. The feeble successor of Mahomet obtained a respite of ten days; and before the expiration of the term, the Barbarian was summoned by the angel of death. His ambassadors at Constantinople had asked in marriage a Roman princess; but the proposal was decently eluded; and the daughter of Alexius, who might herself have been the victim, expresses her abhorrence of his unnatural conjunction. 46 The daughter of the sultan was bestowed on the caliph Moctadi, with the imperious condition, that, renouncing the society of his wives and concubines, he should forever confine himself to this honorable alliance.
当欧洲正深陷于最蒙昧的野蛮之中时,亚洲所以能有这般光辉璀璨,与其说该归功于土耳其征服者的学识,不如说该归功于他们的虚心受教。他们的智慧与德行,有很大一部分要归功于一位波斯维齐尔——此人在阿尔普·阿尔斯兰及其子两代君主治下执掌帝国大政。尼扎姆·穆尔克是东方最负盛名的大臣之一,哈里发尊他为宗教与学问上的圭臬,苏丹则信赖他,视他为自己权柄与公义的忠实代行者。执政三十年之后,这位维齐尔的声望、财富,乃至他的功绩,竟统统变成了他的罪状。一个女人与一名政敌以阴险的伎俩将他扳倒;而他一句轻率的宣言,更加速了自己的败亡——他竟说,他那顶帽子与那只墨水角本是他职位的标志,却由天命注定,与苏丹的宝座和王冠系于一体。九十三岁高龄之时,这位德高望重的政治家被主上罢黜,被仇敌构陷,最终死在一名狂徒的刺杀之下;451尼扎姆·穆尔克临终的遗言证明了他的清白,而马利克此后的余生也短暂而黯淡无光。这桩不光彩的勾当发生在伊斯法罕;苏丹随后离开此地,前往巴格达,打算把哈里发迁走,将自己的居所安置在这座穆斯林世界的都城。穆罕默德的这位孱弱继承者,只求得十天的宽限;而不等这期限届满,那蛮族之人便已被死亡的天使召去。他派驻君士坦丁堡的使者,曾求娶一位罗马公主为妻;但这一请求被得体地婉拒了。阿历克塞之女——她本人险些就成了这桩婚事的牺牲品——便曾表示,自己对这种有悖常情的结合深恶痛绝。46苏丹之女则许配给了哈里发穆克塔迪,条件极为专横:哈里发须摒弃自己所有的妻妾,从此终身只守着这门尊贵的姻亲。
Notes 注释
25
↩
For these wars of the Turks and Romans, see in general the Byzantine histories of Zonaras and Cedrenus, Scylitzes the continuator of Cedrenus, and Nicephorus Bryennius Caesar. The two first of these were monks, the two latter statesmen; yet such were the Greeks, that the difference of style and character is scarcely discernible. For the Orientals, I draw as usuul on the wealth of D’Herbelot (see titles of the first Seljukides) and the accuracy of De Guignes, (Hist. des Huns, tom. iii. l. x.)
关于土耳其人与罗马人之间的这些战争,大致可参看佐纳拉斯与塞德雷努斯的拜占庭史著、塞德雷努斯的续修者斯基利齐斯,以及恺撒尼基弗鲁斯·布列尼乌斯的著作。前两位是修士,后两位是政治家;然而希腊人就是如此,两类人在文风与品格上的差别几乎看不出来。至于东方史料,我一如既往地借助埃尔布洛的渊博(见其书中论塞尔柱早期诸君的各条目)与德经的精审(Hist. des Huns, tom. iii. l. x.)。
26
↩
Cedrenus, tom. ii. p. 791. The credulity of the vulgar is always probable; and the Turks had learned from the Arabs the history or legend of Escander Dulcarnein, (D’Herbelot, p. 213 &c.)
Cedrenus, tom. ii. p. 791。民众轻信本属常情;土耳其人早已从阿拉伯人那里听来了伊斯坎德尔·祖尔卡奈因(即双角王亚历山大)的史事或传说(D'Herbelot, p. 213 &c.)。
27
↩
(Scylitzes, ad calcem Cedreni, tom. ii. p. 834, whose ambiguous construction shall not tempt me to suspect that he confounded the Nestorian and Monophysite heresies,) He familiarly talks of the qualities, as I should apprehend, very foreign to the perfect Being; but his bigotry is forced to confess that they were soon afterwards discharged on the orthodox Romans.
(斯基利齐斯,ad calcem Cedreni, tom. ii. p. 834;他行文含混,但我不至于因此就疑心他把聂斯脱利派与基督一性论两种异端混为一谈。)他随口谈起某些品性,而在我看来,这些品性与那位尽善尽美的存在实在大相径庭;不过,他那份偏执到底也不得不承认:这些品性不久之后便一股脑儿倾泻到了正统的罗马人头上。
28
↩
Had the name of Georgians been known to the Greeks, (Stritter, Memoriae Byzant. tom. iv. Iberica,) I should derive it from their agriculture, (l. iv. c. 18, p. 289, edit. Wesseling.) But it appears only since the crusades, among the Latins (Jac. a Vitriaco, Hist. Hierosol. c. 79, p. 1095) and Orientals, (D’Herbelot, p. 407,) and was devoutly borrowed from St. George of Cappadocia.
假如希腊人当初知道“格鲁吉亚人”这个名称(Stritter, Memoriae Byzant. tom. iv. Iberica),我本会把它的词源归到他们的农耕上去(l. iv. c. 18, p. 289, edit. Wesseling)。但这一名称迟至十字军东征以后,才在拉丁人(Jac. a Vitriaco, Hist. Hierosol. c. 79, p. 1095)与东方人(D'Herbelot, p. 407)当中出现,而且是虔诚地借自卡帕多西亚的圣乔治之名。
29
↩
Mosheim, Institut. Hist. Eccles. p. 632. See, in Chardin’s Travels, (tom. i. p. 171-174,) the manners and religion of this handsome but worthless nation. See the pedigree of their princes from Adam to the present century, in the tables of M. De Guignes, (tom. i. p. 433-438.)
Mosheim, Institut. Hist. Eccles. p. 632。关于这个相貌俊美却一无足取的民族的风俗与宗教,可参看夏尔丹《游记》(tom. i. p. 171-174)。至于他们君主自亚当以降直到当今世纪的世系谱牒,可查德经先生所编的表格(tom. i. p. 433-438)。
30
↩
This city is mentioned by Constantine Porphyrogenitus, (de Administrat. Imperii, l. ii. c. 44, p. 119,) and the Byzantines of the xith century, under the name of Mantzikierte, and by some is confounded with Theodosiopolis; but Delisle, in his notes and maps, has very properly fixed the situation. Abulfeda (Geograph. tab. xviii. p. 310) describes Malasgerd as a small town, built with black stone, supplied with water, without trees, &c.
君士坦丁·波菲罗格尼图斯(de Administrat. Imperii, l. ii. c. 44, p. 119)与十一世纪的拜占庭人都提到过这座城,称之为曼齐基耶尔泰,还有人把它与狄奥多西波利斯相混淆;但德利斯尔在其注释与地图中,已十分妥当地确定了它的方位。阿布尔费达(Geograph. tab. xviii. p. 310)把马拉斯格尔德描述为一座小城,用黑石砌成,有水源,却无树木,云云。
31
↩
The Uzi of the Greeks (Stritter, Memor. Byzant. tom. iii. p. 923-948) are the Gozz of the Orientals, (Hist. des Huns, tom. ii. p. 522, tom. iii. p. 133, &c.) They appear on the Danube and the Volga, and Armenia, Syria, and Chorasan, and the name seems to have been extended to the whole Turkman race.
希腊人所说的乌兹人(Stritter, Memor. Byzant. tom. iii. p. 923-948),就是东方人所说的古兹人(Hist. des Huns, tom. ii. p. 522, tom. iii. p. 133, &c.)。他们的踪迹遍及多瑙河与伏尔加河一带,亦见于亚美尼亚、叙利亚与呼罗珊;这个名称似乎后来被推广到了整个土库曼族群。
32
↩
Urselius (the Russelius of Zonaras) is distinguished by Jeffrey Malaterra (l. i. c. 33) among the Norman conquerors of Sicily, and with the surname of Baliol: and our own historians will tell how the Baliols came from Normandy to Durham, built Bernard’s castle on the Tees, married an heiress of Scotland, &c. Ducange (Not. ad Nicephor. Bryennium, l. ii. No. 4) has labored the subject in honor of the president de Bailleul, whose father had exchanged the sword for the gown.
乌尔塞利乌斯(即佐纳拉斯笔下的鲁塞利乌斯),在杰弗里·马拉泰拉(l. i. c. 33)的记载中列名于征服西西里的诺曼人之列,并冠有“巴利奥尔”这一姓氏;至于巴利奥尔家族如何从诺曼底来到达勒姆、如何在蒂斯河畔筑起伯纳德城堡、又如何娶了苏格兰的一位女继承人等等,我们自己的史家自会一一道来。杜康热(Not. ad Nicephor. Bryennium, l. ii. No. 4)曾在这题目上大费笔墨,以彰巴伊厄尔庭长的门第——此人之父,当年正是弃武从文的。
33
↩
Elmacin (p. 343, 344) assigns this probable number, which is reduced by Abulpharagius to 15,000, (p. 227,) and by D’Herbelot (p. 102) to 12,000 horse. But the same Elmacin gives 300,000 met to the emperor, of whom Abulpharagius says, Cum centum hominum millibus, multisque equis et magna pompa instructus. The Greeks abstain from any definition of numbers.
埃尔马金(p. 343, 344)给出的正是这个较为可信的数字,阿布·法拉杰(p. 227)却把它减到一万五千,埃尔布洛(p. 102)更减到一万两千骑。但同一个埃尔马金,却给了皇帝三十万人马,阿布·法拉杰论及此事时说:Cum centum hominum millibus, multisque equis et magna pompa instructus(率十万之众,携马匹无数、仪仗煊赫)。希腊人则一概不肯说出确切的数目。
34
↩
The Byzantine writers do not speak so distinctly of the presence of the sultan: he committed his forces to a eunuch, had retired to a distance, &c. Is it ignorance, or jealousy, or truth?
拜占庭的作家们,对苏丹是否亲临战场说得并不那么明确:又说他把军队托付给一名宦官,自己已退到远处,云云。这究竟是出于无知,出于妒忌,还是确有其事?
35
↩
He was the son of Caesar John Ducas, brother of the emperor Constantine, (Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 165.) Nicephorus Bryennius applauds his virtues and extenuates his faults, (l. i. p. 30, 38. l. ii. p. 53.) Yet he owns his enmity to Romanus. Scylitzes speaks more explicitly of his treason.
他是恺撒约翰·杜卡斯之子,而约翰·杜卡斯乃是君士坦丁皇帝的兄弟(Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 165)。尼基弗鲁斯·布列尼乌斯盛赞其德,为其过失开脱(l. i. p. 30, 38. l. ii. p. 53),却也承认他与罗曼努斯有仇。斯基利齐斯谈及他的叛卖之举,则要直白得多。
36
↩
This circumstance, which we read and doubt in Scylitzes and Constantine Manasses, is more prudently omitted by Nicephorus and Zonaras.
这一情节,我们在斯基利齐斯与君士坦丁·马纳西斯的书中读到,却半信半疑;尼基弗鲁斯与佐纳拉斯则更为审慎地略去不提。
361
↩
Elmacin gives 1,500,000. Wilken, Geschichte der Kreuz-zuge, vol. l. p. 10.—M.
埃尔马金给出的数字是一百五十万。Wilken, Geschichte der Kreuz-zuge, vol. l. p. 10。—M
37
↩
The ransom and tribute are attested by reason and the Orientals. The other Greeks are modestly silent; but Nicephorus Bryennius dares to affirm, that the terms were bad and that the emperor would have preferred death to a shameful treaty.
这笔赎金与贡赋,既合乎情理,也有东方史料为证。其余的希腊作家都谨慎地缄口不言;唯有尼基弗鲁斯·布列尼乌斯敢于断言:那些条件极为苛刻,皇帝宁可一死,也不愿接受这样一纸可耻的和约。
38
↩
The defeat and captivity of Romanus Diogenes may be found in John Scylitzes ad calcem Cedreni, tom. ii. p. 835-843. Zonaras, tom. ii. p. 281-284. Nicephorus Bryennius, l. i. p. 25-32. Glycas, p. 325-327. Constantine Manasses, p. 134. Elmacin, Hist. Saracen. p. 343 344. Abulpharag. Dynast. p. 227. D’Herbelot, p. 102, 103. D Guignes, tom. iii. p. 207-211. Besides my old acquaintance Elmacin and Abulpharagius, the historian of the Huns has consulted Abulfeda, and his epitomizer Benschounah, a Chronicle of the Caliphs, by Abulmahasen of Egypt, and Novairi of Africa.
罗曼努斯·第欧根尼的兵败与被俘,可见于 John Scylitzes ad calcem Cedreni, tom. ii. p. 835-843;Zonaras, tom. ii. p. 281-284;Nicephorus Bryennius, l. i. p. 25-32;Glycas, p. 325-327;Constantine Manasses, p. 134;Elmacin, Hist. Saracen. p. 343 344;Abulpharag. Dynast. p. 227;D'Herbelot, p. 102, 103;D Guignes, tom. iii. p. 207-211。除了我的老相识埃尔马金与阿布·法拉杰之外,这位《匈奴史》的作者还参考了阿布尔费达、以及为其作节本的本舒纳,还有埃及人阿布·马哈辛所著的一部《哈里发编年史》,与非洲人努韦里的著作。
39
↩
This interesting death is told by D’Herbelot, (p. 103, 104,) and M. De Guignes, (tom. iii. p. 212, 213.) from their Oriental writers; but neither of them have transfused the spirit of Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen p. 344, 345.)
这段引人入胜的死亡记述,埃尔布洛(p. 103, 104)与德经先生(tom. iii. p. 212, 213)都据其所本的东方作家转述过;但两人都未能传达出埃尔马金(Hist. Saracen p. 344, 345)笔下的那股神采。
40
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A critic of high renown, (the late Dr. Johnson,) who has severely scrutinized the epitaphs of Pope, might cavil in this sublime inscription at the words “repair to Maru,” since the reader must already be at Maru before he could peruse the inscription.
一位声名显赫的批评家(已故的约翰逊博士)曾对蒲柏所作的墓志铭百般挑剔;倘若让他来看,恐怕也会对这段崇高的铭文中“且到木鹿来”一语吹毛求疵——因为读者若非早已身在木鹿,又如何能读到这段铭文呢?
41
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The Bibliotheque Orientale has given the text of the reign of Malek, (p. 542, 543, 544, 654, 655;) and the Histoire Generale des Huns (tom. iii. p. 214-224) has added the usual measure of repetition emendation, and supplement. Without those two learned Frenchmen I should be blind indeed in the Eastern world.
《东方文库》载有马利克在位一朝的正文(p. 542, 543, 544, 654, 655);《匈奴通史》(tom. iii. p. 214-224)则一如既往地添上了若干重复、订正与补充。若没有这两位博学的法国人,我在东方世界里当真会两眼一抹黑。
42
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See an excellent discourse at the end of Sir William Jones’s History of Nadir Shah, and the articles of the poets, Amak, Anvari, Raschidi, &c., in the Bibliotheque Orientale.
可参看威廉·琼斯爵士《纳迪尔沙史》卷末一篇极出色的论文,以及《东方文库》中论及阿马克、安瓦里、拉希迪等诗人的各条目。
43
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His name was Kheder Khan. Four bags were placed round his sopha, and as he listened to the song, he cast handfuls of gold and silver to the poets, (D’Herbelot, p. 107.) All this may be true; but I do not understand how he could reign in Transoxiana in the time of Malek Shah, and much less how Kheder could surpass him in power and pomp. I suspect that the beginning, not the end, of the xith century is the true aera of his reign.
此人名叫赫德尔汗。四只钱袋摆在他的卧榻四周,他一边听曲,一边把大把大把的金银抛向诗人们(D'Herbelot, p. 107)。这些或许都是实情;但我不明白,他怎能在马利克·沙阿的时代统治河中地区,更不明白赫德尔的权势与排场怎会盖过马利克。我猜想,他在位的真正年代应是十一世纪之初,而非世纪之末。
44
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See Chardin, Voyages en Perse, tom. ii. p. 235.
见 Chardin, Voyages en Perse, tom. ii. p. 235。
45
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The Gelalaean aera (Gelaleddin, Glory of the Faith, was one of the names or titles of Malek Shah) is fixed to the xvth of March, A. H. 471, A.D. 1079. Dr. Hyde has produced the original testimonies of the Persians and Arabians, (de Religione veterum Persarum, c. 16 p. 200-211.)
“哲拉里纪元”(哲拉勒丁,意为“信仰之荣”,是马利克·沙阿的名号或尊称之一)被定在伊斯兰历471年、即公元1079年3月15日。海德博士曾援引波斯人与阿拉伯人的原始文献为证(de Religione veterum Persarum, c. 16 p. 200-211)。
451
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He was the first great victim of his enemy, Hassan Sabek, founder of the Assassins. Von Hammer, Geschichte der Assassinen, p. 95.—M.
他是其仇敌哈桑·萨巴赫——阿萨辛派的创立者——手下第一个重要的牺牲品。Von Hammer, Geschichte der Assassinen, p. 95。—M
46
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She speaks of this Persian royalty. Anna Comnena was only nine years old at the end of the reign of Malek Shah, (A.D. 1092,) and when she speaks of his assassination, she confounds the sultan with the vizier, (Alexias, l. vi. p. 177, 178.)
她谈到了这位波斯的王者。马利克·沙阿一朝结束时(公元1092年),安娜·科穆宁娜年仅九岁;她提及他遇刺一事时,把苏丹与那位维齐尔混为一谈了(Alexias, l. vi. p. 177, 178)。