Chapter LVII: The Turks.—Part I. 第五十七章 土耳其人——第一节

The Turks Of The House Of Seljuk.—Their Revolt Against Mahmud Conqueror Of Hindostan.—Togrul Subdues Persia, And Protects The Caliphs.—Defeat And Captivity Of The Emperor Romanus Diogenes By Alp Arslan.—Power And Magnificence Of Malek Shah.—Conquest Of Asia Minor And Syria.—State And Oppression Of Jerusalem.—Pilgrimages To The Holy Sepulchre.
塞尔柱家族的土耳其人——他们反抗印度斯坦的征服者马哈茂德——图格鲁勒征服波斯,庇护历代哈里发——阿尔普·阿尔斯兰击败并俘虏罗曼努斯·第欧根尼皇帝——马利克·沙阿的权势与荣华——征服小亚细亚与叙利亚——耶路撒冷的处境与所受的压迫——前往圣墓的朝圣。
From the Isle of Sicily, the reader must transport himself beyond the Caspian Sea, to the original seat of the Turks or Turkmans, against whom the first crusade was principally directed. Their Scythian empire of the sixth century was long since dissolved; but the name was still famous among the Greeks and Orientals; and the fragments of the nation, each a powerful and independent people, were scattered over the desert from China to the Oxus and the Danube: the colony of Hungarians was admitted into the republic of Europe, and the thrones of Asia were occupied by slaves and soldiers of Turkish extraction. While Apulia and Sicily were subdued by the Norman lance, a swarm of these northern shepherds overspread the kingdoms of Persia; their princes of the race of Seljuk erected a splendid and solid empire from Samarcand to the confines of Greece and Egypt; and the Turks have maintained their dominion in Asia Minor, till the victorious crescent has been planted on the dome of St. Sophia.
读者须从西西里岛出发,越过里海,来到土耳其人(或曰土库曼人)最初的居地——第一次十字军东征的锋芒,主要正是指向这些人。他们在六世纪建立的斯基泰帝国早已瓦解,然其名号在希腊人与东方人中依旧显赫;这个民族的残部四散于旷野之间,从中国一直延伸到阿姆河与多瑙河,每一支都自成一个强盛而独立的部族。匈牙利人的一支已被接纳入欧洲诸国之列,亚洲的宝座则落入土耳其血统的奴隶与士兵之手。正当阿普利亚与西西里在诺曼人的长枪下俯首之际,这些北方牧人成群涌入波斯诸王国;出自塞尔柱一族的君主,自撒马尔罕直抵希腊与埃及的边界,建起一个辉煌而稳固的帝国;此后土耳其人一直雄踞小亚细亚,直到那战无不胜的新月旗最终插上圣索菲亚大教堂的穹顶。
One of the greatest of the Turkish princes was Mahmood or Mahmud, 1 the Gaznevide, who reigned in the eastern provinces of Persia, one thousand years after the birth of Christ. His father Sebectagi was the slave of the slave of the slave of the commander of the faithful. But in this descent of servitude, the first degree was merely titular, since it was filled by the sovereign of Transoxiana and Chorasan, who still paid a nominal allegiance to the caliph of Bagdad. The second rank was that of a minister of state, a lieutenant of the Samanides, 2 who broke, by his revolt, the bonds of political slavery. But the third step was a state of real and domestic servitude in the family of that rebel; from which Sebectagi, by his courage and dexterity, ascended to the supreme command of the city and provinces of Gazna, 3 as the son-in-law and successor of his grateful master.
土耳其诸君之中,最伟大的一位当推加兹尼王朝的马哈茂德(Mahmood,或拼作 Mahmud)1。他在基督降生约一千年后,统治着波斯东部诸行省。其父塞卜克特勤,论出身,本是信士长官之奴的奴的奴。不过在这层层为奴的谱系里,第一级只是徒有其名:占据这一级的,乃是河中地区与呼罗珊的君主,而他仍对巴格达的哈里发保持着名义上的臣属。第二级是一位国之重臣,萨曼王朝的副手2;此人一朝举兵反叛,便挣脱了这政治上的奴隶枷锁。至于第三级,才是真正的家内奴役——塞卜克特勤便是这叛臣府中的家奴;然而他凭着胆识与机敏,一步步爬升,终于执掌加兹尼城及其属地的最高权柄3,既做了恩主的女婿,又成了他的继承人。
The falling dynasty of the Samanides was at first protected, and at last overthrown, by their servants; and, in the public disorders, the fortune of Mahmud continually increased. From him the title of Sultan 4 was first invented; and his kingdom was enlarged from Transoxiana to the neighborhood of Ispahan, from the shores of the Caspian to the mouth of the Indus. But the principal source of his fame and riches was the holy war which he waged against the Gentoos of Hindostan. In this foreign narrative I may not consume a page; and a volume would scarcely suffice to recapitulate the battles and sieges of his twelve expeditions. Never was the Mussulman hero dismayed by the inclemency of the seasons, the height of the mountains, the breadth of the rivers, the barrenness of the desert, the multitudes of the enemy, or the formidable array of their elephants of war. 5 The sultan of Gazna surpassed the limits of the conquests of Alexander: after a march of three months, over the hills of Cashmir and Thibet, he reached the famous city of Kinnoge, 6 on the Upper Ganges; and, in a naval combat on one of the branches of the Indus, he fought and vanquished four thousand boats of the natives. Delhi, Lahor, and Multan, were compelled to open their gates: the fertile kingdom of Guzarat attracted his ambition and tempted his stay; and his avarice indulged the fruitless project of discovering the golden and aromatic isles of the Southern Ocean. On the payment of a tribute, the rajahs preserved their dominions; the people, their lives and fortunes; but to the religion of Hindostan the zealous Mussulman was cruel and inexorable: many hundred temples, or pagodas, were levelled with the ground; many thousand idols were demolished; and the servants of the prophet were stimulated and rewarded by the precious materials of which they were composed. The pagoda of Sumnat was situate on the promontory of Guzarat, in the neighborhood of Diu, one of the last remaining possessions of the Portuguese. 7 It was endowed with the revenue of two thousand villages; two thousand Brahmins were consecrated to the service of the Deity, whom they washed each morning and evening in water from the distant Ganges: the subordinate ministers consisted of three hundred musicians, three hundred barbers, and five hundred dancing girls, conspicuous for their birth or beauty. Three sides of the temple were protected by the ocean, the narrow isthmus was fortified by a natural or artificial precipice; and the city and adjacent country were peopled by a nation of fanatics. They confessed the sins and the punishment of Kinnoge and Delhi; but if the impious stranger should presume to approach their holy precincts, he would surely be overwhelmed by a blast of the divine vengeance. By this challenge, the faith of Mahmud was animated to a personal trial of the strength of this Indian deity. Fifty thousand of his worshippers were pierced by the spear of the Moslems; the walls were scaled; the sanctuary was profaned; and the conqueror aimed a blow of his iron mace at the head of the idol. The trembling Brahmins are said to have offered ten millions 711 sterling for his ransom; and it was urged by the wisest counsellors, that the destruction of a stone image would not change the hearts of the Gentoos; and that such a sum might be dedicated to the relief of the true believers. “Your reasons,” replied the sultan, “are specious and strong; but never in the eyes of posterity shall Mahmud appear as a merchant of idols.” 712 He repeated his blows, and a treasure of pearls and rubies, concealed in the belly of the statue, explained in some degree the devout prodigality of the Brahmins. The fragments of the idol were distributed to Gazna, Mecca, and Medina. Bagdad listened to the edifying tale; and Mahmud was saluted by the caliph with the title of guardian of the fortune and faith of Mahomet.
萨曼王朝日渐倾颓,起初尚赖仆臣扶持,最终竟也毁于仆臣之手;而在这一片纷乱之中,马哈茂德的势力却不断壮大。“苏丹”这一称号4,便是自他而始;他的疆土也日益扩张,由河中地区延展至伊斯法罕左近,又自里海沿岸远达印度河河口。然而,他声名与财富的主要来源,乃是他对印度斯坦的印度教徒发动的圣战。对这段域外史事,我不便多费笔墨——单要把他十二次远征中的历次战役与围城一一列举,只怕一整卷书也难以尽述。无论是气候的严酷、山岭的高峻、江河的宽阔、沙漠的荒瘠、敌军的众多,还是那令人生畏的战象阵列,都不曾使这位穆斯林英雄有丝毫气馁5。加兹尼的苏丹,其征服的疆界远超当年的亚历山大:他翻越克什米尔与西藏的群山,行军三月,直抵恒河上游的名城卡瑙杰6;又在印度河一条支流上的一场水战中,击溃了当地土著的四千艘船。德里、拉合尔、木尔坦相继被迫开城归降;富饶的古吉拉特王国既撩动了他的野心,也令他流连忘返;他更贪心不足,妄想去探寻南方大洋中那些盛产黄金与香料的岛屿,只是终归徒劳。只要缴纳贡赋,各地拉者便可保住领地,百姓也可保全性命与家产;然而对印度斯坦的宗教,这位狂热的穆斯林却冷酷无情、绝不宽贷:数百座庙宇(即所谓宝塔)被夷为平地,数千尊神像遭到捣毁;而这些神像所用的贵重材料,既激励着先知的信徒,也成了他们的酬劳。索姆纳特神庙坐落在古吉拉特的海岬之上,邻近第乌——那是葡萄牙人如今仅存的少数属地之一7。庙产有两千座村庄的岁入供养;两千名婆罗门专司神明的侍奉,每日清晨与傍晚,都用取自远方恒河的圣水为神像沐浴:其下的执事,则有乐师三百、剃发匠三百,以及五百名舞女,个个或出身高贵,或姿容出众。神庙三面临海,与陆地相连的狭窄地峡处,另有一道或天成、或人筑的峭壁作为屏障;庙城及周边一带,聚居的尽是一群狂热的信徒。他们承认卡瑙杰与德里获罪受罚、咎由自取;却坚信:不敬神的外人一旦胆敢逼近他们的圣地,必遭神明降下的天谴吞没。这一番挑衅,反倒激起了马哈茂德的信仰,使他决意亲自较量一番,试试这印度神明究竟有何法力。结果,神明的信徒有五万人死于穆斯林的长矛;城墙被攀越,圣殿遭亵渎;这位征服者更抡起铁锤,朝那神像的头部狠狠一击。据说,吓得发抖的婆罗门愿出一千万英镑711为神像赎命;而最明智的谋臣也纷纷进言:捣毁一尊石像,并不能改变印度教徒的心;这样一大笔钱,倒不如用来周济真正的信士。“你们的道理,”苏丹答道,“听来冠冕堂皇,也不无分量;然而在后世人的眼中,马哈茂德绝不能落个贩卖偶像者的名声。”712 他再次挥锤猛击,神像腹中竟藏着一批珍珠与红宝石;婆罗门方才那般虔诚而不惜重金的慷慨,至此也就多少有了着落。神像的碎块被分送到加兹尼、麦加与麦地那。巴格达听闻这桩发人深省的事迹之后,哈里发便赐予马哈茂德一个尊号,称他为“穆罕默德之福祉与信仰的守护者”。
From the paths of blood (and such is the history of nations) I cannot refuse to turn aside to gather some flowers of science or virtue. The name of Mahmud the Gaznevide is still venerable in the East: his subjects enjoyed the blessings of prosperity and peace; his vices were concealed by the veil of religion; and two familiar examples will testify his justice and magnanimity.
从这血迹斑斑的道路上(列国的历史大抵如此),我总忍不住要转身撷取几朵学识或德行的花朵。加兹尼王朝的马哈茂德,其名号至今仍受东方人的敬重:他的臣民安享太平富庶;他的种种劣行,则有宗教的帷幕代为遮掩。下面两桩人所熟知的事例,足以见证他的公正与宽宏。
I. As he sat in the Divan, an unhappy subject bowed before the throne to accuse the insolence of a Turkish soldier who had driven him from his house and bed. “Suspend your clamors,” said Mahmud; “inform me of his next visit, and ourself in person will judge and punish the offender.” The sultan followed his guide, invested the house with his guards, and extinguishing the torches, pronounced the death of the criminal, who had been seized in the act of rapine and adultery. After the execution of his sentence, the lights were rekindled, Mahmud fell prostrate in prayer, and rising from the ground, demanded some homely fare, which he devoured with the voraciousness of hunger. The poor man, whose injury he had avenged, was unable to suppress his astonishment and curiosity; and the courteous monarch condescended to explain the motives of this singular behavior. “I had reason to suspect that none, except one of my sons, could dare to perpetrate such an outrage; and I extinguished the lights, that my justice might be blind and inexorable. My prayer was a thanksgiving on the discovery of the offender; and so painful was my anxiety, that I had passed three days without food since the first moment of your complaint.”
一、一日,马哈茂德正升坐朝堂(迪万)理政,一名满怀冤屈的臣民伏拜在御座前,控诉一个土耳其士兵横行霸道,把他赶出了自家的房屋与卧床。“先按下你的哭诉,”马哈茂德说,“下次他再上门,你便来禀报于我,朕将亲自审断、亲手惩办这恶徒。”苏丹随那人前往,命卫士围住宅子,又下令熄灭火把,当即宣判那罪犯死刑——此人正在行劫奸淫,被当场拿获。刑罚执行完毕,火把重新点亮;马哈茂德随即伏地祷告,起身后又要来一些粗茶淡饭,像饿极了似的狼吞虎咽。那受了欺凌、如今得以昭雪的穷人,惊讶与好奇再也按捺不住;这位谦和的君主便屈尊为他道出这番古怪举动的缘由。“我本有理由怀疑:除我某个儿子之外,谁也不敢行此暴举;故而我命人熄灭灯火,好让我的裁断蒙住双眼,不论罪人是谁、绝不宽贷。我方才的祷告,是为查明凶徒的身份(庆幸并非我的骨肉)而向神谢恩;我心中忧惧如此煎熬,自你最初来喊冤的那一刻起,我已三日不曾进食。”
II. The sultan of Gazna had declared war against the dynasty of the Bowides, the sovereigns of the western Persia: he was disarmed by an epistle of the sultana mother, and delayed his invasion till the manhood of her son. 8 “During the life of my husband,” said the artful regent, “I was ever apprehensive of your ambition: he was a prince and a soldier worthy of your arms. He is now no more; his sceptre has passed to a woman and a child, and you dare not attack their infancy and weakness. How inglorious would be your conquest, how shameful your defeat! and yet the event of war is in the hand of the Almighty.” Avarice was the only defect that tarnished the illustrious character of Mahmud; and never has that passion been more richly satiated. 811 The Orientals exceed the measure of credibility in the account of millions of gold and silver, such as the avidity of man has never accumulated; in the magnitude of pearls, diamonds, and rubies, such as have never been produced by the workmanship of nature. 9 Yet the soil of Hindostan is impregnated with precious minerals: her trade, in every age, has attracted the gold and silver of the world; and her virgin spoils were rifled by the first of the Mahometan conquerors. His behavior, in the last days of his life, evinces the vanity of these possessions, so laboriously won, so dangerously held, and so inevitably lost. He surveyed the vast and various chambers of the treasury of Gazna, burst into tears, and again closed the doors, without bestowing any portion of the wealth which he could no longer hope to preserve. The following day he reviewed the state of his military force; one hundred thousand foot, fifty-five thousand horse, and thirteen hundred elephants of battle. 10 He again wept the instability of human greatness; and his grief was imbittered by the hostile progress of the Turkmans, whom he had introduced into the heart of his Persian kingdom.
二、加兹尼的苏丹曾向布韦希王朝——波斯西部的君主——宣战;然而一封出自太后之手的书信,却化解了他的兵锋,使他把入侵之举推迟到那孩子长大成人之时8。“先夫在世之日,”这位工于心计的摄政太后写道,“我始终提防着您的野心:他是一位君主,也是一员战将,配得上与您刀兵相见。如今他已不在人世,王权落到了一个妇人与一个孩子手中;您总不至于向如此孤弱幼稚的对手下手罢。您若取胜,何等不光彩;若落败,又何等可耻!更何况,胜负成败,终究握在全能真主的手中。”贪婪,是玷污马哈茂德赫赫声名的唯一污点;而这一欲念,从未在任何人身上得到过如此丰厚的满足811。东方史家的记载,已到了令人难以置信的地步:他们所说的金银,动辄以百万计,是人类的贪欲从未积聚过的;他们所说的珍珠、钻石与红宝石,其硕大也是造化之工从未孕育过的9。不过,印度斯坦的土地确实蕴藏着丰富的珍贵矿产;她的商贸,历来吸引着全世界的金银;而她那从未有人染指的财宝,头一个下手的,正是这位穆斯林征服者。他临终前的一番举动,恰恰印证了这些财富何其虚妄——得来何其艰辛,守住何其凶险,失去却又何其必然。他巡视加兹尼国库那一间间宽敞而琳琅满目的库房,不禁潸然泪下,随即又把库门重新关上,分毫也没有施舍出去——这些财富,他终究已无望留住了。翌日,他检阅麾下的军力:步兵十万、骑兵五万五千、战象一千三百头10。他再度为人间荣华之无常而落泪;更令他悲上加悲的是:土库曼人正节节进逼——而这些人,原是他自己引入波斯王国腹地的。
In the modern depopulation of Asia, the regular operation of government and agriculture is confined to the neighborhood of cities; and the distant country is abandoned to the pastoral tribes of Arabs, Curds, and Turkmans. 11 Of the last-mentioned people, two considerable branches extend on either side of the Caspian Sea: the western colony can muster forty thousand soldiers; the eastern, less obvious to the traveller, but more strong and populous, has increased to the number of one hundred thousand families. In the midst of civilized nations, they preserve the manners of the Scythian desert, remove their encampments with a change of seasons, and feed their cattle among the ruins of palaces and temples. Their flocks and herds are their only riches; their tents, either black or white, according to the color of the banner, are covered with felt, and of a circular form; their winter apparel is a sheep-skin; a robe of cloth or cotton their summer garment: the features of the men are harsh and ferocious; the countenance of their women is soft and pleasing. Their wandering life maintains the spirit and exercise of arms; they fight on horseback; and their courage is displayed in frequent contests with each other and with their neighbors. For the license of pasture they pay a slight tribute to the sovereign of the land; but the domestic jurisdiction is in the hands of the chiefs and elders. The first emigration of the Eastern Turkmans, the most ancient of the race, may be ascribed to the tenth century of the Christian aera. 12 In the decline of the caliphs, and the weakness of their lieutenants, the barrier of the Jaxartes was often violated; in each invasion, after the victory or retreat of their countrymen, some wandering tribe, embracing the Mahometan faith, obtained a free encampment in the spacious plains and pleasant climate of Transoxiana and Carizme. The Turkish slaves who aspired to the throne encouraged these emigrations which recruited their armies, awed their subjects and rivals, and protected the frontier against the wilder natives of Turkestan; and this policy was abused by Mahmud the Gaznevide beyond the example of former times. He was admonished of his error by the chief of the race of Seljuk, who dwelt in the territory of Bochara. The sultan had inquired what supply of men he could furnish for military service. “If you send,” replied Ismael, “one of these arrows into our camp, fifty thousand of your servants will mount on horseback.”—“And if that number,” continued Mahmud, “should not be sufficient?”—“Send this second arrow to the horde of Balik, and you will find fifty thousand more.”—“But,” said the Gaznevide, dissembling his anxiety, “if I should stand in need of the whole force of your kindred tribes?”—“Despatch my bow,” was the last reply of Ismael, “and as it is circulated around, the summons will be obeyed by two hundred thousand horse.” The apprehension of such formidable friendship induced Mahmud to transport the most obnoxious tribes into the heart of Chorasan, where they would be separated from their brethren of the River Oxus, and enclosed on all sides by the walls of obedient cities. But the face of the country was an object of temptation rather than terror; and the vigor of government was relaxed by the absence and death of the sultan of Gazna. The shepherds were converted into robbers; the bands of robbers were collected into an army of conquerors: as far as Ispahan and the Tigris, Persia was afflicted by their predatory inroads; and the Turkmans were not ashamed or afraid to measure their courage and numbers with the proudest sovereigns of Asia. Massoud, the son and successor of Mahmud, had too long neglected the advice of his wisest Omrahs. “Your enemies,” they repeatedly urged, “were in their origin a swarm of ants; they are now little snakes; and, unless they be instantly crushed, they will acquire the venom and magnitude of serpents.” After some alternatives of truce and hostility, after the repulse or partial success of his lieutenants, the sultan marched in person against the Turkmans, who attacked him on all sides with barbarous shouts and irregular onset. “Massoud,” says the Persian historian, 13 “plunged singly to oppose the torrent of gleaming arms, exhibiting such acts of gigantic force and valor as never king had before displayed. A few of his friends, roused by his words and actions, and that innate honor which inspires the brave, seconded their lord so well, that wheresoever he turned his fatal sword, the enemies were mowed down, or retreated before him. But now, when victory seemed to blow on his standard, misfortune was active behind it; for when he looked round, be beheld almost his whole army, excepting that body he commanded in person, devouring the paths of flight.” The Gaznevide was abandoned by the cowardice or treachery of some generals of Turkish race; and this memorable day of Zendecan 14 founded in Persia the dynasty of the shepherd kings. 15
今日的亚洲人烟凋敝,政令与农耕的正常运作,只局限在城镇周边一带;而僻远的乡野,则听凭阿拉伯人、库尔德人与土库曼人这些游牧部族占据11。上述诸族中的土库曼人,又分作两大支系,散布于里海两岸:西边的一支,可征集起四万战士;东边的一支,行旅之人虽不大留意,实则更为强盛,人丁更旺,已繁衍到十万户之众。他们身处文明各邦之间,却依旧保留着斯基泰荒漠的旧俗:随着季节更替而迁徙营地,在宫殿与神庙的废墟间放牧牲畜。牛羊牲畜,便是他们唯一的财富;他们的帐篷,随旗帜的颜色或黑或白,一律蒙着毡子,呈圆形;冬装是一件羊皮袄,夏衣则是一袭布袍或棉袍:男子的相貌粗犷而凶悍,妇人的容颜却柔和而讨喜。四处漂泊的生活,使他们始终保持尚武精神,武艺娴熟;他们惯于马上厮杀,无论族内相争还是与邻族交锋,勇武之气都展露无遗。为换取放牧的许可,他们向当地君主缴纳一点微薄的贡赋;但部族内部的裁断之权,则操于各部首领与长老之手。东部土库曼人是这一族中最古老的一支,他们的首次迁徙,大约可追溯到基督纪元的十世纪12。其时哈里发势力衰微,麾下的封疆大吏也软弱无力,锡尔河这道天然屏障屡遭突破;每一次入侵之后,不论其同族是得胜还是败退,总有某支游牧部落皈依伊斯兰教,得以在河中地区与花剌子模那片辽阔的平原、宜人的气候中,自由地扎下营帐。那些觊觎王位的土耳其奴隶,竭力鼓励这类迁徙:一来可为自己的军队补充兵源,二来可震慑臣民与对手,三来又能替他们戍守边疆、抵御突厥斯坦那些更为野蛮的土著。然而,加兹尼王朝的马哈茂德滥用这一策略,较之前人更是有过之而无不及。塞尔柱一族的首领——当时正居于布哈拉境内——曾就此提醒过他的失策。原来,苏丹曾问他能提供多少人手充当兵役。“您若把这样一支箭,”伊斯玛仪答道,“射入我们的营中,便会有五万仆从翻身上马。”——“倘若这个数目,”马哈茂德接着问,“还嫌不够呢?”——“那就把这第二支箭送到巴利克部去,您又能得到五万人。”——“可是,”这位加兹尼君主掩饰着心中的不安,又问,“万一我需要动用你们同族各部的全部人马呢?”——“那就把我这张弓传下去,”伊斯玛仪最后答道,“弓一经各部传阅,便会有二十万骑兵应召而来。”这样一份可畏的“友谊”,叫马哈茂德心生忌惮,于是把其中最令他不安的几支部落迁入呼罗珊腹地,好让他们与阿姆河那边的同族隔绝开来,四面又有一座座顺服的城池围住。谁知那一带的地貌,与其说令他们畏惧,不如说更教他们垂涎;加之加兹尼苏丹先是离境、继而身故,朝廷的管束也随之松弛下来。牧人化作了盗匪,一股股盗匪又聚合成一支征服者的大军:西至伊斯法罕、底格里斯河一带,波斯全境都饱受他们劫掠侵扰之苦;土库曼人非但不以为惧、不以为耻,反倒敢与亚洲最显赫的君主一较勇力、比拼众寡。马哈茂德之子兼继承人马苏德,对麾下贤臣的劝谏久已置若罔闻。“您的这些敌人,”他们再三进谏,“起初不过是一窝蚂蚁;如今已长成一条条小蛇;倘不趁早将其碾碎,他日必成毒性剧烈、身形庞大的巨蟒。”其间和战交替,他麾下的将领或遭击退,或略有斩获;最终,苏丹亲率大军讨伐土库曼人,对方却从四面八方发起攻击,一边发出蛮野的呼喊,一边毫无阵法地猛冲上来。“马苏德,”这位波斯史家写道13,“单骑挺身,去抵挡那如潮涌来、寒光闪闪的刀枪,施展出巍巍膂力与盖世英勇,为从前任何君王所未曾展现。他身边少数几位袍泽,为他的言语与举动、也为那激励勇士的天生荣誉感所鼓舞,紧紧策应着他们的君主:无论他手中那把索命的利剑挥向何方,敌人不是被一片片砍倒,便是望风退却。然而,正当胜利的东风似已吹拂在他的军旗之上,厄运却已在旗后悄然发作;因为他环顾四周,只见除了自己亲自统领的那一部之外,几乎全军都在没命奔逃、争相夺路。”麾下几名土耳其血统的将领,或因怯懦,或因背叛,终究抛弃了这位加兹尼君主;而这值得铭记的赞德坎一役14,便在波斯奠定了牧人为王的一代王朝15
The victorious Turkmans immediately proceeded to the election of a king; and, if the probable tale of a Latin historian 16 deserves any credit, they determined by lot the choice of their new master. A number of arrows were successively inscribed with the name of a tribe, a family, and a candidate; they were drawn from the bundle by the hand of a child; and the important prize was obtained by Togrul Beg, the son of Michael the son of Seljuk, whose surname was immortalized in the greatness of his posterity. The sultan Mahmud, who valued himself on his skill in national genealogy, professed his ignorance of the family of Seljuk; yet the father of that race appears to have been a chief of power and renown. 17 For a daring intrusion into the harem of his prince, Seljuk was banished from Turkestan: with a numerous tribe of his friends and vassals, he passed the Jaxartes, encamped in the neighborhood of Samarcand, embraced the religion of Mahomet, and acquired the crown of martyrdom in a war against the infidels. His age, of a hundred and seven years, surpassed the life of his son, and Seljuk adopted the care of his two grandsons, Togrul and Jaafar; the eldest of whom, at the age of forty-five, was invested with the title of Sultan, in the royal city of Nishabur. The blind determination of chance was justified by the virtues of the successful candidate. It would be superfluous to praise the valor of a Turk; and the ambition of Togrul 18 was equal to his valor. By his arms, the Gasnevides were expelled from the eastern kingdoms of Persia, and gradually driven to the banks of the Indus, in search of a softer and more wealthy conquest. In the West he annihilated the dynasty of the Bowides; and the sceptre of Irak passed from the Persian to the Turkish nation. The princes who had felt, or who feared, the Seljukian arrows, bowed their heads in the dust; by the conquest of Aderbijan, or Media, he approached the Roman confines; and the shepherd presumed to despatch an ambassador, or herald, to demand the tribute and obedience of the emperor of Constantinople. 19 In his own dominions, Togrul was the father of his soldiers and people; by a firm and equal administration, Persia was relieved from the evils of anarchy; and the same hands which had been imbrued in blood became the guardians of justice and the public peace. The more rustic, perhaps the wisest, portion of the Turkmans 20 continued to dwell in the tents of their ancestors; and, from the Oxus to the Euphrates, these military colonies were protected and propagated by their native princes. But the Turks of the court and city were refined by business and softened by pleasure: they imitated the dress, language, and manners of Persia; and the royal palaces of Nishabur and Rei displayed the order and magnificence of a great monarchy. The most deserving of the Arabians and Persians were promoted to the honors of the state; and the whole body of the Turkish nation embraced, with fervor and sincerity, the religion of Mahomet. The northern swarms of Barbarians, who overspread both Europe and Asia, have been irreconcilably separated by the consequences of a similar conduct. Among the Moslems, as among the Christians, their vague and local traditions have yielded to the reason and authority of the prevailing system, to the fame of antiquity, and the consent of nations. But the triumph of the Koran is more pure and meritorious, as it was not assisted by any visible splendor of worship which might allure the Pagans by some resemblance of idolatry. The first of the Seljukian sultans was conspicuous by his zeal and faith: each day he repeated the five prayers which are enjoined to the true believers; of each week, the two first days were consecrated by an extraordinary fast; and in every city a mosch was completed, before Togrul presumed to lay the foundations of a palace. 21
得胜的土库曼人随即着手推选国王;倘若一位拉丁史家所述的这段颇合情理的传闻16当真可信,那么他们新主人的人选,竟是凭抽签定夺的。他们取来若干支箭,依次刻上部落之名、家族之名、候选人之名;再由一个孩童从箭束中抽取。这至高的彩头,最终落到了图格鲁勒·贝格身上——他是米卡伊尔之子、塞尔柱之孙,而“塞尔柱”这个姓氏,也因其子孙的赫赫功业而永垂不朽。苏丹马哈茂德一向自诩精通各族谱系,却声称对塞尔柱这个家族一无所知;然而,这一族的始祖,看来倒是一位既有权势、又有声望的首领17。塞尔柱曾胆大妄为,擅闯其君主的后宫,因而被逐出突厥斯坦;他带着为数众多的亲友与部属,渡过锡尔河,在撒马尔罕近郊安营扎寨,皈依了伊斯兰教,后来又在一场讨伐异教徒的战争中捐躯,赢得了殉教者的桂冠。他享年一百零七岁,寿数超过了自己的儿子;于是塞尔柱亲自抚养两个孙儿——图格鲁勒与贾法尔。其中年长的图格鲁勒,四十五岁时在王都内沙布尔被授予苏丹的称号。命运这般盲目的裁定,却因中选者的德才而显得名正言顺。夸赞一个土耳其人的勇武,原是多余的话;而图格鲁勒的雄心18,恰与他的勇武相称。凭着他的武力,加兹尼王朝被逐出波斯东部诸国,一步步退到印度河畔,只得另寻更安逸、更富庶之地去征服。在西边,他覆灭了布韦希王朝;伊拉克的王权,便从波斯人手中转入了土耳其人之手。那些领教过、或惧怕塞尔柱利箭的君主,一个个俯首伏地;他攻取了阿塞拜疆(即米底)之后,便逼近了罗马帝国的边界;这位牧人竟胆敢派出一名使节(或曰传令官),前去向君士坦丁堡的皇帝索要贡赋、勒令臣服19。在自己的领地上,图格鲁勒俨然是士兵与百姓的慈父;他施政坚定而公允,使波斯摆脱了无政府之乱;那双曾沾满鲜血的手,如今竟成了公道与太平的守护者。土库曼人中较为质朴——或许也是最明智——的那一部分20,依旧住在祖辈的帐篷里;从阿姆河到幼发拉底河,这些尚武的移民聚落,一直受到本族君主的庇护,并不断繁衍壮大。至于宫廷与城中的土耳其人,却在政务中变得文雅,在享乐中变得柔弱:他们模仿波斯的衣着、语言与风尚;内沙布尔与雷伊的王宫,更彰显出一个泱泱大国的井然秩序与堂皇气象。阿拉伯人与波斯人中最有才德者,得以擢升,享有国家的荣位;整个土耳其民族,也满怀热忱与真诚,皈依了伊斯兰教。北方那一群群蛮族,曾漫卷欧亚两洲;他们行事本自相似,到头来却因这相似之举的后果而分道扬镳、再难调和。无论在穆斯林中,还是在基督徒中,那些含糊而地方性的旧日传说,都让位给了当世通行的宗教体系——让位给它的义理与权威、它悠久的名望,以及万邦的公认。不过,《古兰经》的这番胜利,倒更为纯粹、更值得称道:因为它并未借助任何炫目的礼拜排场——那种与偶像崇拜有几分相似、足以诱惑异教徒的东西。塞尔柱王朝的第一位苏丹,以其虔诚与笃信而引人注目:每日,他都遵行信士应做的五番拜功;每周的头两天,则专以格外的斋戒奉为圣日;而在每一座城里,图格鲁勒总要先建成一座清真寺,才敢动手为自己的宫殿奠基21
With the belief of the Koran, the son of Seljuk imbibed a lively reverence for the successor of the prophet. But that sublime character was still disputed by the caliphs of Bagdad and Egypt, and each of the rivals was solicitous to prove his title in the judgment of the strong, though illiterate Barbarians. Mahmud the Gaznevide had declared himself in favor of the line of Abbas; and had treated with indignity the robe of honor which was presented by the Fatimite ambassador. Yet the ungrateful Hashemite had changed with the change of fortune; he applauded the victory of Zendecan, and named the Seljukian sultan his temporal vicegerent over the Moslem world. As Togrul executed and enlarged this important trust, he was called to the deliverance of the caliph Cayem, and obeyed the holy summons, which gave a new kingdom to his arms. 22 In the palace of Bagdad, the commander of the faithful still slumbered, a venerable phantom. His servant or master, the prince of the Bowides, could no longer protect him from the insolence of meaner tyrants; and the Euphrates and Tigris were oppressed by the revolt of the Turkish and Arabian emirs. The presence of a conqueror was implored as a blessing; and the transient mischiefs of fire and sword were excused as the sharp but salutary remedies which alone could restore the health of the republic. At the head of an irresistible force, the sultan of Persia marched from Hamadan: the proud were crushed, the prostrate were spared; the prince of the Bowides disappeared; the heads of the most obstinate rebels were laid at the feet of Togrul; and he inflicted a lesson of obedience on the people of Mosul and Bagdad. After the chastisement of the guilty, and the restoration of peace, the royal shepherd accepted the reward of his labors; and a solemn comedy represented the triumph of religious prejudice over Barbarian power. 23 The Turkish sultan embarked on the Tigris, landed at the gate of Racca, and made his public entry on horseback. At the palace-gate he respectfully dismounted, and walked on foot, preceded by his emirs without arms. The caliph was seated behind his black veil: the black garment of the Abbassides was cast over his shoulders, and he held in his hand the staff of the apostle of God. The conqueror of the East kissed the ground, stood some time in a modest posture, and was led towards the throne by the vizier and interpreter. After Togrul had seated himself on another throne, his commission was publicly read, which declared him the temporal lieutenant of the vicar of the prophet. He was successively invested with seven robes of honor, and presented with seven slaves, the natives of the seven climates of the Arabian empire. His mystic veil was perfumed with musk; two crowns 231 were placed on his head; two cimeters were girded to his side, as the symbols of a double reign over the East and West. After this inauguration, the sultan was prevented from prostrating himself a second time; but he twice kissed the hand of the commander of the faithful, and his titles were proclaimed by the voice of heralds and the applause of the Moslems. In a second visit to Bagdad, the Seljukian prince again rescued the caliph from his enemies and devoutly, on foot, led the bridle of his mule from the prison to the palace. Their alliance was cemented by the marriage of Togrul’s sister with the successor of the prophet. Without reluctance he had introduced a Turkish virgin into his harem; but Cayem proudly refused his daughter to the sultan, disdained to mingle the blood of the Hashemites with the blood of a Scythian shepherd; and protracted the negotiation many months, till the gradual diminution of his revenue admonished him that he was still in the hands of a master. The royal nuptials were followed by the death of Togrul himself; 24 as he left no children, his nephew Alp Arslan succeeded to the title and prerogatives of sultan; and his name, after that of the caliph, was pronounced in the public prayers of the Moslems. Yet in this revolution, the Abbassides acquired a larger measure of liberty and power. On the throne of Asia, the Turkish monarchs were less jealous of the domestic administration of Bagdad; and the commanders of the faithful were relieved from the ignominious vexations to which they had been exposed by the presence and poverty of the Persian dynasty.
这位塞尔柱一族的后裔,在接受《古兰经》信仰的同时,也对先知的继承人生出一种由衷的崇敬。然而,“先知继承人”这一崇高名分,当时仍为巴格达与埃及两地的哈里发所争夺;两个对手都急于在这些强悍却目不识丁的蛮族面前,证明自己才是正统。加兹尼王朝的马哈茂德早已公开表态,支持阿拔斯世系;对于法蒂玛王朝使节所献的荣袍,他更是不屑一顾、加以羞辱。然而,这位出身哈希姆家族的哈里发忘恩负义,随时运转变而改弦更张:他为赞德坎一役的胜利喝彩,册封这位塞尔柱苏丹为自己在穆斯林世界的世俗代治者。图格鲁勒既担起并扩展了这项重任,便应召去拯救哈里发卡伊姆;他听从这神圣的召唤,而这一召唤,又为他的武力带来了一片新的疆土22。在巴格达的宫殿里,那位信士的长官依旧昏睡度日,不过是个令人敬畏的虚影罢了。布韦希王朝的君主——说是他的仆人也好,说是他的主子也罢——如今已无力再护他免遭那些更卑劣的暴君欺凌;幼发拉底河与底格里斯河一带,更因土耳其与阿拉伯埃米尔的叛乱而备受荼毒。人们竟把一位征服者的降临当作福音,苦苦企盼;至于兵火刀剑一时带来的祸患,也被谅解为一剂虽猛烈却有益的良药——唯有它,才能使这个国度恢复元气。波斯苏丹率领一支势不可挡的大军,自哈马丹进发:骄横者被碾碎,俯首者获宽宥;布韦希王朝的君主就此销声匿迹;那些最顽固的叛党,首级都被摆到了图格鲁勒脚下;摩苏尔与巴格达的百姓,也被他狠狠教训了一番,叫他们懂得顺服。惩治了罪人、恢复了太平之后,这位牧人之王便领受了他辛劳的酬报;随后上演的一幕庄严的喜剧,恰恰象征着宗教偏见对蛮族强权的一场胜利23。这位土耳其苏丹从底格里斯河登船,在拉卡门附近上岸,骑马公开入城。到了宫门前,他恭恭敬敬地下了马,徒步而行,一班埃米尔卸去兵器,走在他前头引路。哈里发端坐在黑色的帷幕之后:阿拔斯王朝的黑袍披在他肩上,手中则握着真主使者的权杖。这位东方的征服者跪地吻土,又以谦卑的姿态肃立片刻,然后由维齐尔与译员引领着,走向宝座。图格鲁勒在另一张御座上落座后,便有人当众宣读授权诏书,册立他为先知代理人麾下的世俗代治者。他先后被授予七件荣袍,又获赠七名奴隶,分别来自阿拉伯帝国的七大气候带。他神秘的面纱上熏染着麝香;两顶王冠231戴在他头上,两柄弯刀佩在他腰间,象征着他对东方与西方的双重统治。这番册立礼毕,有人拦住了苏丹,不让他再度俯身跪拜;但他仍两次亲吻信士长官的手,而他的种种尊号,也在传令官的高声宣唱与穆斯林的喝彩声中一一昭告天下。第二次造访巴格达时,这位塞尔柱君主再度从仇敌手中救出哈里发,并虔诚地徒步为他牵着骡子的缰绳,一路从囚所护送到宫中。图格鲁勒之妹嫁给了先知的继承人,两家的同盟便由这桩婚事而愈加牢固。他毫不迟疑地把一位土耳其少女纳入自己的后宫;然而,卡伊姆却傲然拒绝把女儿嫁给苏丹,不屑让哈希姆家族的血脉与一个斯基泰牧人的血脉相混;他将这桩联姻的商议拖延了好几个月,直到岁入日渐减少,才醒悟到:自己终究仍捏在主人的手心里。这场皇家婚礼过后不久,图格鲁勒本人便与世长辞24;由于他膝下无子,苏丹的名号与特权便由其侄阿尔普·阿尔斯兰承袭;此后,穆斯林在公开祷告中,继哈里发之后所诵念的便是他的名字。不过,经此更迭,阿拔斯王朝反倒赢得了更多几分自由与权力。高踞亚洲宝座的土耳其君主们,对巴格达内部的行政事务不再那般猜忌;历代信士的长官,也得以摆脱昔日的种种屈辱烦扰——那些烦扰,原是波斯王朝就近盘踞、又囊中羞涩所带来的。

Notes 注释

1
I am indebted for his character and history to D’Herbelot, (Bibliotheque Orientale, Mahmud, p. 533-537,) M. De Guignes, (Histoire des Huns, tom. iii. p. 155-173,) and our countryman Colonel Alexander Dow, (vol. i. p. 23-83.) In the two first volumes of his History of Hindostan, he styles himself the translator of the Persian Ferishta; but in his florid text, it is not easy to distinguish the version and the original. * Note: The European reader now possesses a more accurate version of Ferishta, that of Col. Briggs. Of Col. Dow’s work, Col. Briggs observes, “that the author’s name will be handed down to posterity as one of the earliest and most indefatigable of our Oriental scholars. Instead of confining himself, however, to mere translation, he has filled his work with his own observations, which have been so embodied in the text that Gibbon declares it impossible to distinguish the translator from the original author.” Preface p. vii.—M.
关于此人的品性与生平,我得益于埃尔布洛(《东方文库》,Mahmud 条,p. 533-537)、德经先生(Histoire des Huns, tom. iii. p. 155-173),以及我国同胞亚历山大·道上校(vol. i. p. 23-83)。道上校在其《印度斯坦史》头两卷中,自称是波斯史家费里什塔的译者;然而他文辞华丽,读者很难分清哪是译文、哪是原著。* 编者按:如今欧洲读者手中已有一部更为精确的费里什塔译本,即布里格斯上校所译。布里格斯上校论及道上校的著作时说:“此书作者之名,必将作为我国最早、也最不知疲倦的东方学者之一而流传后世。然而他并不甘于单纯的迻译,而是在书中塞满了自己的见解,且与正文糅合得如此紧密,以致吉本断言,已无从分辨何为译者之言、何为原作者之语。”见序言 p. vii。—M
2
The dynasty of the Samanides continued 125 years, A.D. 847-999, under ten princes. See their succession and ruin, in the Tables of M. De Guignes, (Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p. 404-406.) They were followed by the Gaznevides, A.D. 999-1183, (see tom. i. p. 239, 240.) His divisions of nations often disturbs the series of time and place.
萨曼王朝历经十位君主,延续了 125 年,自公元 847 年至 999 年。其世系传承与覆灭的经过,可参见德经先生的年表(Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p. 404-406)。继之而起的是加兹尼王朝,自公元 999 年至 1183 年(见 tom. i. p. 239, 240)。德经按民族分门别类的做法,往往打乱了时间与地域的次序。
3
Gaznah hortos non habet: est emporium et domicilium mercaturae Indicae. Abulfedae Geograph. Reiske, tab. xxiii. p. 349. D’Herbelot, p. 364. It has not been visited by any modern traveller.
Gaznah hortos non habet: est emporium et domicilium mercaturae Indicae.(加兹尼没有花园,却是印度商货的集散地与货栈。)见 Abulfedae Geograph. Reiske, tab. xxiii. p. 349;埃尔布洛,p. 364。至今尚无任何近代旅行者到访过此地。
4
By the ambassador of the caliph of Bagdad, who employed an Arabian or Chaldaic word that signifies lord and master, (D’Herbelot, p. 825.) It is interpreted by the Byzantine writers of the eleventh century; and the name (Soldanus) is familiarly employed in the Greek and Latin languages, after it had passed from the Gaznevides to the Seljukides, and other emirs of Asia and Egypt. Ducange (Dissertation xvi. sur Joinville, p. 238-240. Gloss. Graec. et Latin.) labors to find the title of Sultan in the ancient kingdom of Persia: but his proofs are mere shadows; a proper name in the Themes of Constantine, (ii. 11,) an anticipation of Zonaras, &c., and a medal of Kai Khosrou, not (as he believes) the Sassanide of the vith, but the Seljukide of Iconium of the xiiith century, (De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p. 246.)
这一称号出自巴格达哈里发的使节之口,他用的是一个阿拉伯语或迦勒底语词,意为“主上”(埃尔布洛,p. 825)。十一世纪的拜占庭作家曾对它加以解说;这个名号(Soldanus)在从加兹尼王朝传到塞尔柱王朝、以及亚洲和埃及其他埃米尔手中之后,便在希腊语和拉丁语中被普遍使用。杜康热(Dissertation xvi. sur Joinville, p. 238-240. Gloss. Graec. et Latin.)煞费苦心地想在古波斯王国中寻出“苏丹”这一头衔,可他的证据不过是些捕风捉影之谈:一处见于君士坦丁《论军区》的专名(ii. 11),一处佐纳拉斯的臆测,如此等等;还有一枚凯·霍斯鲁的钱币——那并非(如他所信)六世纪的萨珊君主,而是十三世纪伊科尼乌姆的塞尔柱君主(德经,Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p. 246)。
5
Ferishta (apud Dow, Hist. of Hindostan, vol. i. p. 49) mentions the report of a gun in the Indian army. But as I am slow in believing this premature (A.D. 1008) use of artillery, I must desire to scrutinize first the text, and then the authority of Ferishta, who lived in the Mogul court in the last century. * Note: This passage is differently written in the various manuscripts I have seen; and in some the word tope (gun) has been written for nupth, (naphtha, and toofung) (musket) for khudung, (arrow.) But no Persian or Arabic history speaks of gunpowder before the time usually assigned for its invention, (A.D. 1317;) long after which, it was first applied to the purposes of war. Briggs’s Ferishta, vol. i. p. 47, note.—M.
费里什塔(转引自道《印度斯坦史》,vol. i. p. 49)提到,印度军中有过一门火炮的记载。但我实在难以相信,火炮竟会如此之早(公元 1008 年)便投入使用;所以我必须先仔细推敲原文,再考究费里什塔本人的可信度——此人生活在上个世纪的莫卧儿宫廷。* 编者按:这一段文字,在我所见过的各种抄本中写法不一:有些抄本把本应是 nupth(石脑油)的词写成了 tope(火炮),把本应是 khudung(箭矢)的词写成了 toofung(火枪)。然而,在火药通常被认定的发明年代(公元 1317 年)之前,无论波斯还是阿拉伯的史籍,都不曾提及火药;而火药首次用于战争,更是此后很久的事。见布里格斯所译费里什塔,vol. i. p. 47,注。—M
6
Kinnouge, or Canouge, (the old Palimbothra) is marked in latitude 27 Degrees 3 Minutes, longitude 80 Degrees 13 Minutes. See D’Anville, (Antiquite de l’Inde, p. 60-62,) corrected by the local knowledge of Major Rennel (in his excellent Memoir on his Map of Hindostan, p. 37-43: ) 300] jewellers, 30,000 shops for the arreca nut, 60,000 bands of musicians, &c. (Abulfed. Geograph. tab. xv. p. 274. Dow, vol. i. p. 16,) will allow an ample deduction. * Note: Mr. Wilson (Hindu Drama, vol. iii. p. 12) and Schlegel (Indische Bibliothek, vol. ii. p. 394) concur in identifying Palimbothra with the Patalipara of the Indians; the Patna of the moderns.—M.
卡瑙杰(Kinnouge,或作 Canouge,即古时的帕利姆波特拉),据载位于北纬 27 度 3 分、东经 80 度 13 分。参见当维尔(Antiquite de l'Inde, p. 60-62),伦内尔少校又凭其对当地的实地了解加以订正(见其为所绘《印度斯坦地图》撰写的精湛说明,p. 37-43)。所谓珠宝匠三百、槟榔铺三万、乐队六万支等等(Abulfed. Geograph. tab. xv. p. 274;道,vol. i. p. 16),都不妨大打折扣。* 编者按:威尔逊先生(Hindu Drama, vol. iii. p. 12)与施莱格尔(Indische Bibliothek, vol. ii. p. 394)一致认为,帕利姆波特拉即印度人所称的帕塔利普拉,也就是今人所说的巴特那。—M
7
The idolaters of Europe, says Ferishta, (Dow, vol. i. p. 66.) Consult Abulfeda, (p. 272,) and Rennel’s Map of Hindostan.
费里什塔称(葡萄牙人)为“欧洲的偶像崇拜者”(道,vol. i. p. 66)。另可参阅阿布尔费达(p. 272)及伦内尔的《印度斯坦地图》。
711
Ferishta says, some “crores of gold.” Dow says, in a note at the bottom of the page, “ten millions,” which is the explanation of the word “crore.” Mr. Gibbon says rashly that the sum offered by the Brahmins was ten millions sterling. Note to Mill’s India, vol. ii. p. 222. Col. Briggs’s translation is “a quantity of gold.” The treasure found in the temple, “perhaps in the image,” according to Major Price’s authorities, was twenty millions of dinars of gold, above nine millions sterling; but this was a hundred-fold the ransom offered by the Brahmins. Price, vol. ii. p. 290.—M.
费里什塔说是“若干克若尔(crore)黄金”。道在页脚的一条注释里说是“一千万”,那正是“克若尔”一词的释义。吉本先生却轻率地说,婆罗门所愿出的赎金是一千万英镑。见米尔《印度史》注,vol. ii. p. 222。布里格斯上校的译文则作“一批黄金”。据普赖斯少校所依据的史料,神庙中(“或许是在神像里”)所发现的财宝,是两千万金第纳尔,合九百余万英镑;但这已是婆罗门所出赎金的一百倍。见普赖斯,vol. ii. p. 290。—M
712
Rather than the idol broker, he chose to be called Mahmud the idol breaker. Price, vol. ii. p. 289—M
他宁可被称作“捣毁偶像者马哈茂德”,也不愿被称作“贩卖偶像者马哈茂德”。见普赖斯,vol. ii. p. 289—M
8
D’Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 527. Yet these letters apothegms, &c., are rarely the language of the heart, or the motives of public action.
埃尔布洛,《东方文库》,p. 527。不过,这类书信、警语之属,难得是发自肺腑之言,也难得是公开行动的真正动机。
811
Compare Price, vol. ii. p. 295.—M
参较普赖斯,vol. ii. p. 295。—M
9
For instance, a ruby of four hundred and fifty miskals, (Dow, vol. i. p. 53,) or six pounds three ounces: the largest in the treasury of Delhi weighed seventeen miskals, (Voyages de Tavernier, partie ii. p. 280.) It is true, that in the East all colored stones are calied rubies, (p. 355,) and that Tavernier saw three larger and more precious among the jewels de notre grand roi, le plus puissant et plus magnifique de tous les rois de la terre, (p. 376.)
举例来说,有一颗重达四百五十密斯卡尔的红宝石(道,vol. i. p. 53),约合六磅三盎司;而德里国库中最大的一颗,也不过重十七密斯卡尔(Voyages de Tavernier, partie ii. p. 280)。诚然,在东方,一切有色宝石都被称作红宝石(p. 355);塔韦尼耶还说,在 de notre grand roi, le plus puissant et plus magnifique de tous les rois de la terre(“我们那位伟大的君王,普天之下最强盛、最显赫的王”,指法王)的珠宝之中,他见过三颗更大、更珍贵的(p. 376)。
10
Dow, vol. i. p. 65. The sovereign of Kinoge is said to have possessed 2500 elephants, (Abulfed. Geograph. tab. xv. p. 274.) From these Indian stories, the reader may correct a note in my first volume, (p. 245;) or from that note he may correct these stories.
道,vol. i. p. 65。据说卡瑙杰的君主拥有 2500 头大象(Abulfed. Geograph. tab. xv. p. 274)。读者可凭这些印度传闻,去订正我本书第一卷中的一条注释(p. 245);或者反过来,用那条注释去订正这些传闻。
11
See a just and natural picture of these pastoral manners, in the history of William archbishop of Tyre, (l. i. c. vii. in the Gesta Dei per Francos, p. 633, 634,) and a valuable note by the editor of the Histoire Genealogique des Tatars, p. 535-538.
关于这些游牧风俗,提尔大主教威廉的史著中有一幅公允而生动的描摹(l. i. c. vii.,载于 Gesta Dei per Francos, p. 633, 634);此外,《鞑靼谱系史》(Histoire Genealogique des Tatars)编者所作的一条注释亦颇有价值,p. 535-538。
12
The first emigration of the Turkmans, and doubtful origin of the Seljukians, may be traced in the laborious History of the Huns, by M. De Guignes, (tom. i. Tables Chronologiques, l. v. tom. iii. l. vii. ix. x.) and the Bibliotheque Orientale, of D’Herbelot, (p. 799-802, 897-901,) Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen. p. 321-333,) and Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 221, 222.)
土库曼人的首次迁徙,以及塞尔柱人来历不明的起源,均可在德经先生那部下足功夫的《匈人史》中查考(tom. i. Tables Chronologiques, l. v.;tom. iii. l. vii. ix. x.),另可参见埃尔布洛的《东方文库》(p. 799-802, 897-901)、埃尔马金(Hist. Saracen. p. 321-333)以及阿布·法拉杰(Dynast. p. 221, 222)。
13
Dow, Hist. of Hindostan, vol. i. p. 89, 95-98. I have copied this passage as a specimen of the Persian manner; but I suspect that, by some odd fatality, the style of Ferishta has been improved by that of Ossian. * Note: Gibbon’s conjecture was well founded. Compare the more sober and genuine version of Col. Briggs, vol. i. p. 110.-M.
道,《印度斯坦史》,vol. i. p. 89, 95-98。我抄录这一段,是作为波斯文风的一个样本;但我怀疑,由于某种离奇的机缘,费里什塔的文笔竟被莪相的风格“润色”过了。* 编者按:吉本的这一猜测不无根据。可对照布里格斯上校较为质朴、也较为真实的译文,vol. i. p. 110。-M。
14
The Zendekan of D’Herbelot, (p. 1028,) the Dindaka of Dow (vol. i. p. 97,) is probably the Dandanekan of Abulfeda, (Geograph. p. 345, Reiske,) a small town of Chorasan, two days’ journey from Maru, and renowned through the East for the production and manufacture of cotton.
埃尔布洛所称的赞德坎(Zendekan,p. 1028)、道所称的丁达卡(Dindaka,vol. i. p. 97),多半就是阿布尔费达笔下的丹达内坎(Dandanekan,Geograph. p. 345, Reiske)——那是呼罗珊的一座小城,距木鹿有两天路程,以出产和制造棉花闻名于整个东方。
15
The Byzantine historians (Cedrenus, tom. ii. p. 766, 766, Zonaras tom. ii. p. 255, Nicephorus Bryennius, p. 21) have confounded, in this revolution, the truth of time and place, of names and persons, of causes and events. The ignorance and errors of these Greeks (which I shall not stop to unravel) may inspire some distrust of the story of Cyaxares and Cyrus, as it is told by their most eloquent predecessor.
拜占庭的几位史家(塞德雷努斯,tom. ii. p. 766, 766;佐纳拉斯,tom. ii. p. 255;尼基弗鲁斯·布列尼乌斯,p. 21)在叙述这场变革时,把时间与地点、人名与人物、缘由与事件通通搅作一团。这些希腊人的无知与谬误(我不打算在此一一辨析),倒不免叫人对基亚克萨雷斯与居鲁士的故事也生出几分疑虑——那故事,正是由他们最能言善辩的前辈讲述的。
16
Willerm. Tyr. l. i. c. 7, p. 633. The divination by arrows is ancient and famous in the East.
Willerm. Tyr. l. i. c. 7, p. 633。以箭占卜,在东方是一种古老而著名的做法。
17
D’Herbelot, p. 801. Yet after the fortune of his posterity, Seljuk became the thirty-fourth in lineal descent from the great Afrasiab, emperor of Touran, (p. 800.) The Tartar pedigree of the house of Zingis gave a different cast to flattery and fable; and the historian Mirkhond derives the Seljukides from Alankavah, the virgin mother, (p. 801, col. 2.) If they be the same as the Zalzuts of Abulghazi Bahadur Kahn, (Hist. Genealogique, p. 148,) we quote in their favor the most weighty evidence of a Tartar prince himself, the descendant of Zingis, Alankavah, or Alancu, and Oguz Khan.
埃尔布洛,p. 801。然而,随着其子孙飞黄腾达,塞尔柱竟被追认为图兰皇帝、伟大的阿夫拉西亚卜的第三十四代直系子孙(p. 800)。成吉思汗家族的鞑靼谱系,给这类奉承与传说赋予了另一种面目;史家米尔洪德则把塞尔柱王朝上溯到童贞之母阿兰豁阿(p. 801, col. 2)。倘若他们果真就是阿布尔加齐·巴哈杜尔汗所说的扎尔祖特人(Hist. Genealogique, p. 148),那么我们便可援引一位鞑靼君主本人——成吉思汗、阿兰豁阿(又作 Alancu)与乌古斯汗的后裔——作为最有分量的佐证,来支持他们的说法。
18
By a slight corruption, Togrul Beg is the Tangroli-pix of the Greeks. His reign and character are faithfully exhibited by D’Herbelot (Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 1027, 1028) and De Guignes, (Hist. des Huns, tom. iii. p. 189-201.)
稍加讹变,图格鲁勒·贝格便成了希腊人笔下的坦格罗利皮克斯(Tangroli-pix)。关于他的统治与品性,埃尔布洛(《东方文库》,p. 1027, 1028)与德经(Hist. des Huns, tom. iii. p. 189-201)都有翔实的记述。
19
Cedrenus, tom. ii. p. 774, 775. Zonaras, tom. ii. p. 257. With their usual knowledge of Oriental affairs, they describe the ambassador as a sherif, who, like the syncellus of the patriarch, was the vicar and successor of the caliph.
塞德雷努斯,tom. ii. p. 774, 775;佐纳拉斯,tom. ii. p. 257。他们照例对东方事务一知半解,竟把那使节描述成一位谢里夫(sherif),说他犹如牧首身边的辛克洛斯,乃是哈里发的代理人兼继承者。
20
From William of Tyre I have borrowed this distinction of Turks and Turkmans, which at least is popular and convenient. The names are the same, and the addition of man is of the same import in the Persic and Teutonic idioms. Few critics will adopt the etymology of James de Vitry, (Hist. Hierosol. l. i. c. 11 p. 1061,) of Turcomani, quesi Turci et Comani, a mixed people.
土耳其人与土库曼人的这一区分,我是从提尔的威廉那里借来的,它至少通行而便利。两个名称本是一回事,而后缀“-man”在波斯语和条顿语中含义相同。至于雅克·德维特里的词源解释(Hist. Hierosol. l. i. c. 11 p. 1061),即把 Turcomani 解作 Turci et Comani(仿佛是“突厥人”与“库曼人”的混合,指一支混血民族),恐怕鲜有考据家愿意采纳。
21
Hist. Generale des Huns, tom. iii. p. 165, 166, 167. M. DeGognes Abulmahasen, an historian of Egypt.
Hist. Generale des Huns, tom. iii. p. 165, 166, 167。德经先生所引者,为埃及史家阿布勒马哈辛(Abulmahasen)。
22
Consult the Bibliotheque Orientale, in the articles of the Abbassides, Caher, and Caiem, and the Annals of Elmacin and Abulpharagius.
可查阅《东方文库》中“阿拔斯王朝”“卡希尔”“卡伊姆”等条目,以及埃尔马金与阿布·法拉杰的编年史。
23
For this curious ceremony, I am indebted to M. De Guignes (tom. iii. p. 197, 198,) and that learned author is obliged to Bondari, who composed in Arabic the history of the Seljukides, tom. v. p. 365) I am ignorant of his age, country, and character.
关于这场奇特的典礼,我得益于德经先生(tom. iii. p. 197, 198);而这位博学的作者又得益于邦达里——此人以阿拉伯文撰写了塞尔柱王朝的历史(tom. v. p. 365)。至于邦达里其人的年代、国籍与生平,我一概不知。
231
According to Von Hammer, “crowns” are incorrect. They are unknown as a symbol of royalty in the East. V. Hammer, Osmanische Geschischte, vol. i. p. 567.—M.
据冯·哈默说,“王冠”一词并不确切:在东方,王冠并不被用作王权的象征。见冯·哈默,《奥斯曼帝国史》(Osmanische Geschichte),vol. i. p. 567。—M
24
Eodem anno (A. H. 455) obiit princeps Togrulbecus .... rex fuit clemens, prudens, et peritus regnandi, cujus terror corda mortalium invaserat, ita ut obedirent ei reges atque ad ipsum scriberent. Elma cin, Hist. Saracen. p. 342, vers. Erpenii. * Note: He died, being 75 years old. V. Hammer.—M.
Eodem anno (A. H. 455) obiit princeps Togrulbecus .... rex fuit clemens, prudens, et peritus regnandi, cujus terror corda mortalium invaserat, ita ut obedirent ei reges atque ad ipsum scriberent.(同年——回历 455 年——图格鲁勒·贝格君主去世……他是一位仁慈、审慎而精于治国的君主,其威名慑服了世人之心,以致列王都俯首听命,并致书于他。)见埃尔马金,Hist. Saracen. p. 342,埃尔佩尼乌斯拉丁译本。* 编者按:他去世时年七十五岁。见冯·哈默。—M