Chapter LVII: The Turks.—Part III. 第五十七章 土耳其人——第三节
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The greatness and unity of the Turkish empire expired in the person of Malek Shah. His vacant throne was disputed by his brother and his four sons; 461 and, after a series of civil wars, the treaty which reconciled the surviving candidates confirmed a lasting separation in the Persian dynasty, the eldest and principal branch of the house of Seljuk. The three younger dynasties were those of Kerman, of Syria, and of Roum: the first of these commanded an extensive, though obscure, 47 dominion on the shores of the Indian Ocean: 48 the second expelled the Arabian princes of Aleppo and Damascus; and the third, our peculiar care, invaded the Roman provinces of Asia Minor. The generous policy of Malek contributed to their elevation: he allowed the princes of his blood, even those whom he had vanquished in the field, to seek new kingdoms worthy of their ambition; nor was he displeased that they should draw away the more ardent spirits, who might have disturbed the tranquillity of his reign. As the supreme head of his family and nation, the great sultan of Persia commanded the obedience and tribute of his royal brethren: the thrones of Kerman and Nice, of Aleppo and Damascus; the Atabeks, and emirs of Syria and Mesopotamia, erected their standards under the shadow of his sceptre: 49 and the hordes of Turkmans overspread the plains of the Western Asia.
土耳其帝国的宏大与统一,随马利克·沙阿一人之死而告终。他身后空出的王座,遭到兄弟与四个儿子的争夺;461 几番内战之后,幸存的角逐者才缔约言和,这一和约也就此确认了长久的分裂——塞尔柱家族最年长、也最主要的一支,即波斯王朝。较晚兴起的另三支,分踞克尔曼、叙利亚与鲁姆:克尔曼一支,在印度洋沿岸据有一片广袤却湮没无闻的47疆土;48 叙利亚一支,驱逐了阿勒颇与大马士革的阿拉伯诸侯;至于鲁姆一支——本书尤为关注者——则侵入罗马治下的小亚细亚诸行省。这几支得以坐大,也有赖于马利克的宽厚之政:凡出自他血脉的宗王,纵是曾被他阵前击败的,他也听任其另寻与其雄心相称的新邦;至于那些性情最躁烈、原本可能搅扰他太平治世的人,随这些宗王一同离去,他非但不以为忤,反倒乐见其成。身为全族全国的至尊之首,这位波斯大苏丹号令诸位王室兄弟俯首纳贡:克尔曼与尼西亚的王座、阿勒颇与大马士革的王座,连同叙利亚与美索不达米亚的阿塔贝格和众埃米尔,无不在他权杖的荫蔽下各竖旗帜;49 成群的土库曼人则漫布于西亚的平原。
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After the death of Malek, the bands of union and subordination were relaxed and finally dissolved: the indulgence of the house of Seljuk invested their slaves with the inheritance of kingdoms; and, in the Oriental style, a crowd of princes arose from the dust of their feet. 50
马利克死后,维系一统与臣属的纽带日渐松弛,终至瓦解:塞尔柱王室一味纵容,竟把王国的继承之权授予自家的奴仆;于是,一如东方惯有的说法,一大群君主便从他们脚下的尘土中崛起。50
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A prince of the royal line, Cutulmish, 501 the son of Izrail, the son of Seljuk, had fallen in a battle against Alp Arslan and the humane victor had dropped a tear over his grave. His five sons, strong in arms, ambitious of power, and eager for revenge, unsheathed their cimeters against the son of Alp Arslan. The two armies expected the signal when the caliph, forgetful of the majesty which secluded him from vulgar eyes, interposed his venerable mediation. “Instead of shedding the blood of your brethren, your brethren both in descent and faith, unite your forces in a holy war against the Greeks, the enemies of God and his apostle.” They listened to his voice; the sultan embraced his rebellious kinsmen; and the eldest, the valiant Soliman, accepted the royal standard, which gave him the free conquest and hereditary command of the provinces of the Roman empire, from Arzeroum to Constantinople, and the unknown regions of the West. 51 Accompanied by his four brothers, he passed the Euphrates; the Turkish camp was soon seated in the neighborhood of Kutaieh in Phrygia; and his flying cavalry laid waste the country as far as the Hellespont and the Black Sea. Since the decline of the empire, the peninsula of Asia Minor had been exposed to the transient, though destructive, inroads of the Persians and Saracens; but the fruits of a lasting conquest were reserved for the Turkish sultan; and his arms were introduced by the Greeks, who aspired to reign on the ruins of their country. Since the captivity of Romanus, six years the feeble son of Eudocia had trembled under the weight of the Imperial crown, till the provinces of the East and West were lost in the same month by a double rebellion: of either chief Nicephorus was the common name; but the surnames of Bryennius and Botoniates distinguish the European and Asiatic candidates. Their reasons, or rather their promises, were weighed in the Divan; and, after some hesitation, Soliman declared himself in favor of Botoniates, opened a free passage to his troops in their march from Antioch to Nice, and joined the banner of the Crescent to that of the Cross. After his ally had ascended the throne of Constantinople, the sultan was hospitably entertained in the suburb of Chrysopolis or Scutari; and a body of two thousand Turks was transported into Europe, to whose dexterity and courage the new emperor was indebted for the defeat and captivity of his rival, Bryennius. But the conquest of Europe was dearly purchased by the sacrifice of Asia: Constantinople was deprived of the obedience and revenue of the provinces beyond the Bosphorus and Hellespont; and the regular progress of the Turks, who fortified the passes of the rivers and mountains, left not a hope of their retreat or expulsion. Another candidate implored the aid of the sultan: Melissenus, in his purple robes and red buskins, attended the motions of the Turkish camp; and the desponding cities were tempted by the summons of a Roman prince, who immediately surrendered them into the hands of the Barbarians. These acquisitions were confirmed by a treaty of peace with the emperor Alexius: his fear of Robert compelled him to seek the friendship of Soliman; and it was not till after the sultan’s death that he extended as far as Nicomedia, about sixty miles from Constantinople, the eastern boundary of the Roman world. Trebizond alone, defended on either side by the sea and mountains, preserved at the extremity of the Euxine the ancient character of a Greek colony, and the future destiny of a Christian empire.
王族之中有一位宗王库图勒米什,501 乃伊斯拉伊勒之子、塞尔柱之孙。此人曾在与阿尔普·阿尔斯兰交战时阵亡,而宽仁的胜者还曾在其墓前落泪。库图勒米什遗有五子,个个骁勇善战、觊觎权位、急于复仇,遂拔出弯刀,指向阿尔普·阿尔斯兰之子。两军对垒,只待冲杀的号令,哈里发却忘却了那令他深居简出、不与俗人相见的尊严,出面居中调停,语重心长地劝道:“你们同宗同教,皆为兄弟,与其自相残杀,何不合力对希腊人发动一场圣战——他们才是真主及其使者的仇敌。”众人听从了他的话;苏丹与叛乱的族人重归于好;而年长的勇士苏莱曼接过了王旗,凭此得以自由征讨、并世袭统辖罗马帝国的诸行省,自埃尔祖鲁姆直到君士坦丁堡,乃至西方那些尚不为人知的地方。51 他偕四个兄弟渡过幼发拉底河,土耳其人的营帐很快便扎在弗里吉亚屈塔希亚一带,其飞骑纵掠四野,远及赫勒斯滂与黑海。自帝国衰颓以来,小亚细亚半岛屡遭波斯人与萨拉森人的入侵,其势虽凶,却终归短暂;而长久占据的果实,却留给了这位土耳其苏丹——更何况引狼入室的,正是那些妄图在故国废墟上称王的希腊人。自罗曼努斯被俘之后,欧多西娅那位孱弱的儿子,头顶帝国皇冠、战战兢兢地度过了六年,直到东西两方的行省在同一个月里因两处叛乱而尽失:两位首领都名唤尼基弗鲁斯,而以布列尼乌斯与博塔尼阿特斯之姓,可辨其一在欧、一在亚。两人的理由——或者不如说他们的许诺——在御前会议上被反复掂量;踌躇再三,苏莱曼终于表态支持博塔尼阿特斯,为其军队自安条克向尼西亚的进军敞开通路,让新月旗与十字旗并肩而行。待这位盟友登上君士坦丁堡的皇位,苏丹便在克里索波利斯(即斯库塔里)的近郊受到殷勤款待;两千名土耳其人随即被运往欧洲,新皇帝正是仰仗他们的机敏与勇武,才击败并生擒了他的对手布列尼乌斯。然而,欧洲的征服,是以牺牲亚洲为惨重代价换来的:君士坦丁堡从此失去了博斯普鲁斯与赫勒斯滂彼岸诸行省的臣服与赋税;土耳其人步步为营,扼守江河山口,令人再不敢指望他们会撤退或被逐走。又有一位觊觎帝位者向苏丹求援:梅利塞努斯身披紫袍、足蹬红靴,追随着土耳其营地的一举一动;那些心灰意冷的城市,经不住这位罗马宗王的招降,随即被他拱手交到蛮族手中。这些所得,后来又经与皇帝阿历克塞缔结和约而得到确认:阿历克塞因惧怕罗伯特,不得不谋求苏莱曼的友谊;直到苏丹死后,他才把罗马世界的东界推进到尼科米底亚,那里离君士坦丁堡约六十英里。唯有特拉比松,两面凭海与山为屏障,孤悬于黑海之滨,既保住了希腊殖民地的古老风貌,也预示着日后一个基督教帝国的命运。
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Since the first conquests of the caliphs, the establishment of the Turks in Anatolia or Asia Minor was the most deplorable loss which the church and empire had sustained. By the propagation of the Moslem faith, Soliman deserved the name of Gazi, a holy champion; and his new kingdoms, of the Romans, or of Roum, was added to the tables of Oriental geography. It is described as extending from the Euphrates to Constantinople, from the Black Sea to the confines of Syria; pregnant with mines of silver and iron, of alum and copper, fruitful in corn and wine, and productive of cattle and excellent horses. 52 The wealth of Lydia, the arts of the Greeks, the splendor of the Augustan age, existed only in books and ruins, which were equally obscure in the eyes of the Scythian conquerors. Yet, in the present decay, Anatolia still contains some wealthy and populous cities; and, under the Byzantine empire, they were far more flourishing in numbers, size, and opulence. By the choice of the sultan, Nice, the metropolis of Bithynia, was preferred for his palace and fortress: the seat of the Seljukian dynasty of Roum was planted one hundred miles from Constantinople; and the divinity of Christ was denied and derided in the same temple in which it had been pronounced by the first general synod of the Catholics. The unity of God, and the mission of Mahomet, were preached in the moschs; the Arabian learning was taught in the schools; the Cadhis judged according to the law of the Koran; the Turkish manners and language prevailed in the cities; and Turkman camps were scattered over the plains and mountains of Anatolia. On the hard conditions of tribute and servitude, the Greek Christians might enjoy the exercise of their religion; but their most holy churches were profaned; their priests and bishops were insulted; 53 they were compelled to suffer the triumph of the Pagans, and the apostasy of their brethren; many thousand children were marked by the knife of circumcision; and many thousand captives were devoted to the service or the pleasures of their masters. 54 After the loss of Asia, Antioch still maintained her primitive allegiance to Christ and Caesar; but the solitary province was separated from all Roman aid, and surrounded on all sides by the Mahometan powers. The despair of Philaretus the governor prepared the sacrifice of his religion and loyalty, had not his guilt been prevented by his son, who hastened to the Nicene palace, and offered to deliver this valuable prize into the hands of Soliman. The ambitious sultan mounted on horseback, and in twelve nights (for he reposed in the day) performed a march of six hundred miles. Antioch was oppressed by the speed and secrecy of his enterprise; and the dependent cities, as far as Laodicea and the confines of Aleppo, 55 obeyed the example of the metropolis. From Laodicea to the Thracian Bosphorus, or arm of St. George, the conquests and reign of Soliman extended thirty days’ journey in length, and in breadth about ten or fifteen, between the rocks of Lycia and the Black Sea. 56 The Turkish ignorance of navigation protected, for a while, the inglorious safety of the emperor; but no sooner had a fleet of two hundred ships been constructed by the hands of the captive Greeks, than Alexius trembled behind the walls of his capital. His plaintive epistles were dispersed over Europe, to excite the compassion of the Latins, and to paint the danger, the weakness, and the riches of the city of Constantine. 57
自哈里发们最初的征服以来,土耳其人在安纳托利亚(即小亚细亚)的立足,是教会与帝国所蒙受的最惨痛的损失。凭着传布穆斯林信仰之功,苏莱曼无愧于“加齐”之名,即神圣的斗士;他新建的这个罗马人之国,或曰鲁姆国,也列入了东方地理的图志。据载其疆域自幼发拉底河延展至君士坦丁堡,自黑海直抵叙利亚边境;境内蕴藏着银、铁、明矾与铜的矿脉,盛产五谷与美酒,又出产牛群与良马。52 至于吕底亚的丰饶、希腊人的技艺、奥古斯都时代的辉煌,如今只存于书册与废墟之间,而这两者在这些斯基泰征服者眼中同样晦暗难解。然而即便沦落至此,安纳托利亚仍不乏富庶而稠密的城邑;早先在拜占庭帝国治下,这些城市在数目、规模与富足上还要繁盛得多。苏丹择定比提尼亚的都会尼西亚,作其宫殿与堡垒之所:鲁姆的塞尔柱王朝就此在离君士坦丁堡一百英里处扎下根基;而基督的神性,竟在当年第一次大公会议宣示这一信条的同一座殿堂里,遭到否认与讥嘲。清真寺中宣讲真主独一、穆罕默德受命为使者之道;学校里教授阿拉伯学问;卡迪们依《古兰经》律法断案;土耳其的风习与语言通行于各城;土库曼人的营地则散布在安纳托利亚的平原与山间。希腊的基督徒若肯忍受纳贡与屈从的苛酷条件,尚可保有奉行自家宗教的权利;然而他们最神圣的教堂遭到亵渎,教士与主教备受凌辱;53 他们不得不眼看着异教徒耀武扬威、自家弟兄改宗叛教;成千上万的孩童被割礼之刀刻下印记;又有成千上万的俘虏被驱去侍奉主人、供其役使或取乐。54 亚洲尽失之后,安条克仍固守着对基督与恺撒的旧日忠诚;然而这座孤悬的行省已与一切罗马援手隔绝,四面尽为伊斯兰列强所包围。总督菲拉雷图斯一度绝望,几乎要献出自己的信仰与忠节;不过这桩罪行尚未酿成,他的儿子便抢在了前头——此子急奔尼西亚的宫廷,愿把这份贵重的猎物拱手交给苏莱曼。野心勃勃的苏丹翻身上马,十二个夜晚里(白日则歇息)疾行六百英里。安条克在这场神速而隐秘的奇袭下无从招架;连带其辖下诸城,远及拉奥迪西亚与阿勒颇边境,55 也都步这座都会的后尘俯首归降。自拉奥迪西亚至色雷斯的博斯普鲁斯海峡(即圣乔治海峡),苏莱曼的征服与统辖之地,长达三十日行程,宽则约十至十五日,介于吕基亚的岩岸与黑海之间。56 土耳其人不谙航海,一时间还保全了皇帝那不甚体面的安稳;可是俘来的希腊人一旦造出一支两百艘战船的舰队,阿历克塞便在都城墙内瑟瑟发抖了。他那些哀婉的书信散布于欧洲各地,为的是激起拉丁人的怜悯,把君士坦丁之城的危难、孱弱与富庶一一描绘出来。57
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But the most interesting conquest of the Seljukian Turks was that of Jerusalem, 58 which soon became the theatre of nations. In their capitulation with Omar, the inhabitants had stipulated the assurance of their religion and property; but the articles were interpreted by a master against whom it was dangerous to dispute; and in the four hundred years of the reign of the caliphs, the political climate of Jerusalem was exposed to the vicissitudes of storm and sunshine. 59 By the increase of proselytes and population, the Mahometans might excuse the usurpation of three fourths of the city: but a peculiar quarter was resolved for the patriarch with his clergy and people; a tribute of two pieces of gold was the price of protection; and the sepulchre of Christ, with the church of the Resurrection, was still left in the hands of his votaries. Of these votaries, the most numerous and respectable portion were strangers to Jerusalem: the pilgrimages to the Holy Land had been stimulated, rather than suppressed, by the conquest of the Arabs; and the enthusiasm which had always prompted these perilous journeys, was nourished by the congenial passions of grief and indignation. A crowd of pilgrims from the East and West continued to visit the holy sepulchre, and the adjacent sanctuaries, more especially at the festival of Easter; and the Greeks and Latins, the Nestorians and Jacobites, the Copts and Abyssinians, the Armenians and Georgians, maintained the chapels, the clergy, and the poor of their respective communions. The harmony of prayer in so many various tongues, the worship of so many nations in the common temple of their religion, might have afforded a spectacle of edification and peace; but the zeal of the Christian sects was imbittered by hatred and revenge; and in the kingdom of a suffering Messiah, who had pardoned his enemies, they aspired to command and persecute their spiritual brethren. The preeminence was asserted by the spirit and numbers of the Franks; and the greatness of Charlemagne 60 protected both the Latin pilgrims and the Catholics of the East. The poverty of Carthage, Alexandria, and Jerusalem, was relieved by the alms of that pious emperor; and many monasteries of Palestine were founded or restored by his liberal devotion. Harun Alrashid, the greatest of the Abbassides, esteemed in his Christian brother a similar supremacy of genius and power: their friendship was cemented by a frequent intercourse of gifts and embassies; and the caliph, without resigning the substantial dominion, presented the emperor with the keys of the holy sepulchre, and perhaps of the city of Jerusalem. In the decline of the Carlovingian monarchy, the republic of Amalphi promoted the interest of trade and religion in the East. Her vessels transported the Latin pilgrims to the coasts of Egypt and Palestine, and deserved, by their useful imports, the favor and alliance of the Fatimite caliphs: 61 an annual fair was instituted on Mount Calvary: and the Italian merchants founded the convent and hospital of St. John of Jerusalem, the cradle of the monastic and military order, which has since reigned in the isles of Rhodes and of Malta. Had the Christian pilgrims been content to revere the tomb of a prophet, the disciples of Mahomet, instead of blaming, would have imitated, their piety: but these rigid Unitarians were scandalized by a worship which represents the birth, death, and resurrection, of a God; the Catholic images were branded with the name of idols; and the Moslems smiled with indignation 62 at the miraculous flame which was kindled on the eve of Easter in the holy sepulchre. 63 This pious fraud, first devised in the ninth century, 64 was devoutly cherished by the Latin crusaders, and is annually repeated by the clergy of the Greek, Armenian, and Coptic sects, 65 who impose on the credulous spectators 66 for their own benefit, and that of their tyrants. In every age, a principle of toleration has been fortified by a sense of interest: and the revenue of the prince and his emir was increased each year, by the expense and tribute of so many thousand strangers.
不过,塞尔柱土耳其人最引人注目的征服,还要数攻取耶路撒冷,58 此城不久便成了万邦角逐的舞台。当年向欧麦尔投降时,城中居民曾在降约里为自己的信仰与财产讨得保障;然而条款如何解释,全凭一位不容置辩的主子说了算;于是在哈里发们统治的四百年间,耶路撒冷的政治气候便时而风暴、时而晴和,反复无常。59 随着改宗者与人口日增,穆斯林占去全城的四分之三,倒也不算全无理由:但仍划出一块专属的城区,留给牧首连同其教士与信众;每人纳两枚金币为贡,便可换得庇护;而基督的圣墓,连同复活教堂,也依旧留在其信徒手中。这些信徒之中,人数最众、也最可敬的一部分,本非耶路撒冷本地人:阿拉伯人的征服,非但未曾遏止前往圣地的朝圣,反倒推波助澜;而一向驱使人们踏上这凶险旅途的那股热忱,又由悲愤这一相近的情感滋养得愈发炽烈。来自东方与西方的成群朝圣者,仍不断前来拜谒圣墓及邻近的圣所,尤以复活节时为盛;希腊人与拉丁人、聂斯脱利派与雅各派、科普特人与阿比西尼亚人、亚美尼亚人与格鲁吉亚人,各自维系着本教派的礼拜堂、教士与贫众。这许多种语言的祷告交汇成谐,这许多民族在共同的宗教圣殿里一同礼拜,本可成为一幅教化与安宁的景象;无奈各基督教派的热忱都被仇恨与报复熏得发苦;在一位受难弥赛亚——一位曾宽恕仇敌的弥赛亚——的国度里,他们却一心要辖制、迫害自己灵性上的弟兄。凭着法兰克人的气势与人数,首要之位归了他们;而查理曼的赫赫声威,60 既庇护着拉丁朝圣者,也庇护着东方的大公教徒。迦太基、亚历山大里亚与耶路撒冷的贫困,赖这位虔诚皇帝的施舍而得到纾解;巴勒斯坦许多修道院,也因他慷慨的敬奉而得以兴建或重修。阿拔斯王朝中最伟大的哈伦·拉希德,在这位基督教兄弟身上看到了同样超群的才略与权势:两人频繁互赠礼物、遣使往来,情谊由此愈笃;这位哈里发虽未让出实际的主权,却把圣墓——或许连同耶路撒冷全城——的钥匙赠予了皇帝。及至加洛林王朝衰微,阿马尔菲共和国便在东方推进商贸与宗教之利。其船只把拉丁朝圣者运往埃及与巴勒斯坦的海岸,又因输入有用的货物,赢得了法蒂玛哈里发的青睐与结盟;61 各各他山上每年设起一次集市;意大利商人还创建了耶路撒冷的圣约翰修道院与医院——后来称雄罗得岛与马耳他二岛的那个僧侣兼武士修会,正发轫于此。倘若基督教朝圣者只满足于崇敬一位先知的坟墓,穆罕默德的门徒非但不会指摘,反倒会效法他们的虔诚:可是这些一丝不苟的一位论派,见到一种崇拜竟把神的降生、死亡与复活一一演绎出来,只觉大为骇异;他们把大公教的圣像斥为偶像;每逢复活节前夜,圣墓中会燃起一团所谓的神迹之火,63穆斯林见了,只报以愤然的冷笑。62 这一桩虔诚的骗局,最早出于九世纪的杜撰,64 却为拉丁十字军所笃信珍视,如今希腊、亚美尼亚与科普特各派的教士仍年年重演,65 以此蒙骗轻信的看客,66 既为自己牟利,也为其暴君敛财。任何时代,容忍的原则总因利益的考量而愈发牢靠:靠着这成千上万异乡客的花费与纳贡,君主及其埃米尔的岁入年年都在增长。
¶
The revolution which transferred the sceptre from the Abbassides to the Fatimites was a benefit, rather than an injury, to the Holy Land. A sovereign resident in Egypt was more sensible of the importance of Christian trade; and the emirs of Palestine were less remote from the justice and power of the throne. But the third of these Fatimite caliphs was the famous Hakem, 67 a frantic youth, who was delivered by his impiety and despotism from the fear either of God or man; and whose reign was a wild mixture of vice and folly. Regardless of the most ancient customs of Egypt, he imposed on the women an absolute confinement; the restraint excited the clamors of both sexes; their clamors provoked his fury; a part of Old Cairo was delivered to the flames and the guards and citizens were engaged many days in a bloody conflict. At first the caliph declared himself a zealous Mussulman, the founder or benefactor of moschs and colleges: twelve hundred and ninety copies of the Koran were transcribed at his expense in letters of gold; and his edict extirpated the vineyards of the Upper Egypt. But his vanity was soon flattered by the hope of introducing a new religion; he aspired above the fame of a prophet, and styled himself the visible image of the Most High God, who, after nine apparitions on earth, was at length manifest in his royal person. At the name of Hakem, the lord of the living and the dead, every knee was bent in religious adoration: his mysteries were performed on a mountain near Cairo: sixteen thousand converts had signed his profession of faith; and at the present hour, a free and warlike people, the Druses of Mount Libanus, are persuaded of the life and divinity of a madman and tyrant. 68 In his divine character, Hakem hated the Jews and Christians, as the servants of his rivals; while some remains of prejudice or prudence still pleaded in favor of the law of Mahomet. Both in Egypt and Palestine, his cruel and wanton persecution made some martyrs and many apostles: the common rights and special privileges of the sectaries were equally disregarded; and a general interdict was laid on the devotion of strangers and natives. The temple of the Christian world, the church of the Resurrection, was demolished to its foundations; the luminous prodigy of Easter was interrupted, and much profane labor was exhausted to destroy the cave in the rock which properly constitutes the holy sepulchre. At the report of this sacrilege, the nations of Europe were astonished and afflicted: but instead of arming in the defence of the Holy Land, they contented themselves with burning, or banishing, the Jews, as the secret advisers of the impious Barbarian. 69 Yet the calamities of Jerusalem were in some measure alleviated by the inconstancy or repentance of Hakem himself; and the royal mandate was sealed for the restitution of the churches, when the tyrant was assassinated by the emissaries of his sister. The succeeding caliphs resumed the maxims of religion and policy: a free toleration was again granted; with the pious aid of the emperor of Constantinople, the holy sepulchre arose from its ruins; and, after a short abstinence, the pilgrims returned with an increase of appetite to the spiritual feast. 70 In the sea-voyage of Palestine, the dangers were frequent, and the opportunities rare: but the conversion of Hungary opened a safe communication between Germany and Greece. The charity of St. Stephen, the apostle of his kingdom, relieved and conducted his itinerant brethren; 71 and from Belgrade to Antioch, they traversed fifteen hundred miles of a Christian empire. Among the Franks, the zeal of pilgrimage prevailed beyond the example of former times: and the roads were covered with multitudes of either sex, and of every rank, who professed their contempt of life, so soon as they should have kissed the tomb of their Redeemer. Princes and prelates abandoned the care of their dominions; and the numbers of these pious caravans were a prelude to the armies which marched in the ensuing age under the banner of the cross. About thirty years before the first crusade, the arch bishop of Mentz, with the bishops of Utrecht, Bamberg, and Ratisbon, undertook this laborious journey from the Rhine to the Jordan; and the multitude of their followers amounted to seven thousand persons. At Constantinople, they were hospitably entertained by the emperor; but the ostentation of their wealth provoked the assault of the wild Arabs: they drew their swords with scrupulous reluctance, and sustained siege in the village of Capernaum, till they were rescued by the venal protection of the Fatimite emir. After visiting the holy places, they embarked for Italy, but only a remnant of two thousand arrived in safety in their native land.
王权从阿拔斯王朝转入法蒂玛王朝,这场变革对圣地而言是福而非祸。一位坐镇埃及的君主,对基督徒商贸的分量体会得更深;巴勒斯坦的诸埃米尔,距王座的公义与威权也不再那么遥远。然而法蒂玛这一系的第三位哈里发,便是那著名的哈基姆,67 一个狂悖的青年——他的亵神与专横,使他既不畏神明,也不惧世人;其一朝之治,简直是恶行与蠢事的荒唐杂烩。他全不顾埃及最古老的习俗,勒令妇女足不出户、彻底幽闭;这一禁令激起了男女两性的怨声,怨声又惹得他勃然大怒;旧开罗有一片街区被付之一炬,卫兵与市民更连日血战不休。起初这位哈里发自命为热忱的穆斯林,是清真寺与学馆的兴建者或施惠人:由他出资、以金字誊抄的《古兰经》多达一千二百九十部;他还颁下敕令,把上埃及的葡萄园尽数铲除。可是不久,创立一种新宗教的妄想便撩拨起他的虚荣心;他不甘只享先知之名,径自号称是至高神的可见化身——说这位神在人间显现九次之后,终于借他这王者之身昭示于世。一提到哈基姆——这位生者与死者之主——的名字,人人便屈膝顶礼,如敬神明;他的秘仪在开罗附近一座山上举行;已有一万六千名皈依者签名认信;直到今日,黎巴嫩山那个自由而尚武的族群,即德鲁兹派,仍笃信这个疯子兼暴君尚且在世、且具神性。68 以神自居的哈基姆,痛恨犹太人与基督徒,视之为其对头的仆从;不过尚存的几分偏见或审慎,仍让他为穆罕默德的律法说几句话。在埃及和巴勒斯坦两地,他残忍而恣意的迫害造就了若干殉道者,也逼出了众多叛教者:教派信众的普遍权利与特殊优待被一概漠视;对异乡人与本地人的宗教活动,则一律下了禁令。基督教世界的圣殿——复活教堂——被拆毁到只剩地基;复活节那道光耀的奇迹被打断;为了捣毁岩石中那处真正构成圣墓的洞窟,更是耗费了大量亵渎神圣的苦工。这桩渎圣之举的消息传开,欧洲诸国既震惊又痛心:可他们非但不武装起来去保卫圣地,反倒满足于焚烧或驱逐犹太人,只当他们是这亵神蛮子的暗中出谋者。69 不过,耶路撒冷的灾祸,也多少因哈基姆本人的反复无常或幡然悔悟而有所减轻;就在他下达重建教堂的御旨、加盖玺印之际,这暴君却被他妹妹派出的刺客暗杀了。继位的诸哈里发重拾宗教与治国的常道:容忍之政再度施行;靠着君士坦丁堡皇帝虔诚的资助,圣墓从废墟中重新立起;朝圣者在短暂的断念之后,又胃口大增地回到这场灵性的盛宴前。70 取道海路前往巴勒斯坦,危险频仍而机会难得:然而匈牙利归信基督教,为日耳曼与希腊之间打通了一条安全的通道。圣斯蒂芬——这个王国的使徒——以其仁爱周济并护送四方游历的教友;71 自贝尔格莱德到安条克,他们穿行于一个基督教帝国境内长达一千五百英里的土地。在法兰克人中间,朝圣的热忱盛况空前:道路上挤满了男女老少、各等身份的人群,他们都声称,只要能亲吻救主之墓,便视生死如无物。王公与高级教士也撇下治理封邦的职守;这一支支虔诚的朝圣队伍,正是下一个世纪高举十字旗行进的大军的前奏。约在第一次十字军东征前三十年,美因茨的大主教偕乌得勒支、班贝格与雷根斯堡三地的主教,踏上了这段自莱茵河到约旦河的艰苦旅程;随行的众人多达七千。在君士坦丁堡,他们受到皇帝的殷勤款待;然而他们炫示的财富招来了野蛮阿拉伯人的袭击:他们万般不情愿地拔剑自卫,在迦百农村中被围困,直到花钱买通那位法蒂玛埃米尔的庇护,才得脱身。拜谒过圣地之后,他们登船驶往意大利,可最终平安回到故土的,只剩两千残众。
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Ingulphus, a secretary of William the Conqueror, was a companion of this pilgrimage: he observes that they sailed from Normandy, thirty stout and well-appointed horsemen; but that they repassed the Alps, twenty miserable palmers, with the staff in their hand, and the wallet at their back. 72
征服者威廉的一位秘书英古尔弗,也曾随这次朝圣同行:据他记述,他们从诺曼底启程渡海时,是三十名强健而装备齐整的骑士;可再度翻越阿尔卑斯山时,却成了二十名潦倒的朝圣者,手拄拐杖,背负行囊。72
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After the defeat of the Romans, the tranquillity of the Fatimite caliphs was invaded by the Turks. 73 One of the lieutenants of Malek Shah, Atsiz the Carizmian, marched into Syria at the head of a powerful army, and reduced Damascus by famine and the sword. Hems, and the other cities of the province, acknowledged the caliph of Bagdad and the sultan of Persia; and the victorious emir advanced without resistance to the banks of the Nile: the Fatimite was preparing to fly into the heart of Africa; but the negroes of his guard and the inhabitants of Cairo made a desperate sally, and repulsed the Turk from the confines of Egypt. In his retreat he indulged the license of slaughter and rapine: the judge and notaries of Jerusalem were invited to his camp; and their execution was followed by the massacre of three thousand citizens. The cruelty or the defeat of Atsiz was soon punished by the sultan Toucush, the brother of Malek Shah, who, with a higher title and more formidable powers, asserted the dominion of Syria and Palestine. The house of Seljuk reigned about twenty years in Jerusalem; 74 but the hereditary command of the holy city and territory was intrusted or abandoned to the emir Ortok, the chief of a tribe of Turkmans, whose children, after their expulsion from Palestine, formed two dynasties on the borders of Armenia and Assyria. 75 The Oriental Christians and the Latin pilgrims deplored a revolution, which, instead of the regular government and old alliance of the caliphs, imposed on their necks the iron yoke of the strangers of the North. 76 In his court and camp the great sultan had adopted in some degree the arts and manners of Persia; but the body of the Turkish nation, and more especially the pastoral tribes, still breathed the fierceness of the desert. From Nice to Jerusalem, the western countries of Asia were a scene of foreign and domestic hostility; and the shepherds of Palestine, who held a precarious sway on a doubtful frontier, had neither leisure nor capacity to await the slow profits of commercial and religious freedom. The pilgrims, who, through innumerable perils, had reached the gates of Jerusalem, were the victims of private rapine or public oppression, and often sunk under the pressure of famine and disease, before they were permitted to salute the holy sepulchre. A spirit of native barbarism, or recent zeal, prompted the Turkmans to insult the clergy of every sect: the patriarch was dragged by the hair along the pavement, and cast into a dungeon, to extort a ransom from the sympathy of his flock; and the divine worship in the church of the Resurrection was often disturbed by the savage rudeness of its masters. The pathetic tale excited the millions of the West to march under the standard of the cross to the relief of the Holy Land; and yet how trifling is the sum of these accumulated evils, if compared with the single act of the sacrilege of Hakem, which had been so patiently endured by the Latin Christians! A slighter provocation inflamed the more irascible temper of their descendants: a new spirit had arisen of religious chivalry and papal dominion; a nerve was touched of exquisite feeling; and the sensation vibrated to the heart of Europe.
罗马人败绩之后,法蒂玛哈里发的太平也遭到土耳其人的侵扰。73 马利克·沙阿麾下一员大将,花剌子模人阿特西兹,率大军开进叙利亚,以饥困与刀兵攻陷了大马士革。希姆斯及本省其余诸城纷纷承认巴格达的哈里发与波斯的苏丹为主;这位得胜的埃米尔一路挺进,未遇抵抗便抵达尼罗河畔:法蒂玛君主正打算逃往非洲腹地,幸有他卫队里的黑人与开罗居民拼死突击,才把这土耳其人逐出埃及边境。他在退兵途中恣意屠戮劫掠:耶路撒冷的法官与公证人被诱至其营中,处死之后,又有三千市民惨遭屠杀。阿特西兹的残暴——或者说他的败绩——不久便由马利克·沙阿的兄弟、苏丹图图什来清算;此人凭更高的名号与更可畏的兵力,确立了对叙利亚与巴勒斯坦的统治。塞尔柱王室治理耶路撒冷约二十年;74 但对这座圣城及其辖地的世袭掌管权,却托付——或者说撂给了——埃米尔奥尔托克,一个土库曼部落的首领;此人的子嗣被逐出巴勒斯坦后,又在亚美尼亚与亚述的边境上另立了两个王朝。75 东方的基督徒与拉丁朝圣者,无不痛惜这场变故:它抹去了哈里发那种循规的治理与旧日的盟好,转而把北方异族的铁轭套上了他们的脖颈。76 那位大苏丹在朝廷与营帐中,多少沾染了几分波斯的文艺与礼仪;可土耳其民族的主体,尤其是那些游牧部落,仍透着大漠的凶悍。自尼西亚到耶路撒冷,亚洲西部诸邦成了内外交攻、战乱不息的战场;而巴勒斯坦那些牧人,在一条捉摸不定的边界上勉强维持着摇摇欲坠的统治,既无余暇、也无能耐去坐等商贸与宗教自由那迟缓的收益。朝圣者历尽无数艰险,好不容易走到耶路撒冷城门下,却或遭私人的劫掠、或受公家的压榨,往往还未获准拜谒圣墓,就已在饥饿与疾病的重压下倒毙。或出于天生的野蛮,或出于新起的狂热,土库曼人竟凌辱起各教派的教士来:牧首被揪着头发拖过街石,投入地牢,好借其信众的怜恤之情勒索赎金;复活教堂里的神圣礼拜,也屡屡被这些主子的粗野蛮横所搅扰。这凄惨的传闻,激得西方千百万人高举十字旗奔赴圣地救援;然而,这些累积起来的种种祸患,若与哈基姆那一桩渎圣之举相比,又是何等微不足道——而当年拉丁基督徒对那桩暴行,可是何等隐忍!如今更小的一点挑衅,却点燃了他们后代更易动怒的性情:一种宗教骑士精神与教宗权势的新气象已然兴起;一根极其敏感的神经被触动了,那阵震颤直传到欧洲的心脏。
Notes 注释
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See Von Hammer, Osmanische Geschichte, vol. i. p. 16. The Seljukian dominions were for a time reunited in the person of Sandjar, one of the sons of Malek Shah, who ruled “from Kashgar to Antioch, from the Caspian to the Straits of Babelmandel.”—M.
参见 Von Hammer, Osmanische Geschichte, vol. i. p. 16。塞尔柱的疆土一度在马利克·沙阿之子桑贾尔一人手中重归统一,其治下“自喀什噶尔到安条克,自里海到曼德海峡”。—M
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So obscure, that the industry of M. De Guignes could only copy (tom. i. p. 244, tom. iii. part i. p. 269, &c.) the history, or rather list, of the Seljukides of Kerman, in Bibliotheque Orientale. They were extinguished before the end of the xiith century.
(克尔曼一支)如此湮没无闻,以致德经再勤勉,也只能(见 tom. i. p. 244, tom. iii. part i. p. 269 等处)从《东方文库》里抄录克尔曼塞尔柱人的历史——毋宁说是一份名单。他们在十二世纪结束以前便已绝嗣。
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Tavernier, perhaps the only traveller who has visited Kerman, describes the capital as a great ruinous village, twenty-five days’ journey from Ispahan, and twenty-seven from Ormus, in the midst of a fertile country, (Voyages en Turquie et en Perse, p. 107, 110.)
塔韦尼耶或许是唯一到过克尔曼的旅行家,他把那座都城形容为一个残破的大村落,坐落在一片沃野之中,距伊斯法罕二十五日路程,距霍尔木兹二十七日路程。(Voyages en Turquie et en Perse, p. 107, 110.)
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It appears from Anna Comnena, that the Turks of Asia Minor obeyed the signet and chiauss of the great sultan, (Alexias, l. vi. p. 170;) and that the two sons of Soliman were detained in his court, (p. 180.)
据安娜·科穆宁娜所述,小亚细亚的土耳其人听命于大苏丹的印玺与传令使(chiauss),(Alexias, l. vi. p. 170;)而苏莱曼的两个儿子则被扣留在他的宫廷中(p. 180)。
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This expression is quoted by Petit de la Croix (Vie de Gestis p. 160) from some poet, most probably a Persian.
这一说法为佩蒂·德拉克鲁瓦所引(Vie de Gestis, p. 160),出自某位诗人,多半是波斯人。
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Wilken considers Cutulmish not a Turkish name. Geschicht Kreuz-zuge, vol. i. p. 9.—M.
维尔肯认为库图勒米什并非一个土耳其名字。Geschicht Kreuz-zuge, vol. i. p. 9。—M
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On the conquest of Asia Minor, M. De Guignes has derived no assistance from the Turkish or Arabian writers, who produce a naked list of the Seljukides of Roum. The Greeks are unwilling to expose their shame, and we must extort some hints from Scylitzes, (p. 860, 863,) Nicephorus Bryennius, (p. 88, 91, 92, &c., 103, 104,) and Anna Comnena (Alexias, p. 91, 92, &c., 163, &c.)
论及小亚细亚的征服,德经从土耳其或阿拉伯作家那里得不到什么帮助,因为他们只列出一份鲁姆塞尔柱人的干巴巴的名单。希腊人又不愿自曝其丑,我们只得从斯基利齐斯(p. 860, 863)、尼基弗鲁斯·布列尼乌斯(p. 88, 91, 92 等,103, 104)以及安娜·科穆宁娜(Alexias, p. 91, 92 等,163 等)那里勉强榨取些许线索。
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Such is the description of Roum by Haiton the Armenian, whose Tartar history may be found in the collections of Ramusio and Bergeron, (see Abulfeda, Geograph. climat. xvii. p. 301-305.)
这便是亚美尼亚人海屯对鲁姆的描述,他那部鞑靼史可见于拉穆西奥与贝尔热隆的文集(另见 Abulfeda, Geograph. climat. xvii. p. 301-305)。
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Dicit eos quendam abusione Sodomitica intervertisse episcopum, (Guibert. Abbat. Hist. Hierosol. l. i. p. 468.) It is odd enough, that we should find a parallel passage of the same people in the present age. “Il n’est point d’horreur que ces Turcs n’ayent commis, et semblables aux soldats effrenes, qui dans le sac d’une ville, non contens de disposer de tout a leur gre pretendent encore aux succes les moins desirables. Quelque Sipahis ont porte leurs attentats sur la personne du vieux rabbi de la synagogue, et celle de l’Archeveque Grec.” (Memoires du Baron de Tott, tom. ii. p. 193.)
Dicit eos quendam abusione Sodomitica intervertisse episcopum,(Guibert. Abbat. Hist. Hierosol. l. i. p. 468.)(大意:据说他们曾以鸡奸之恶行凌辱一位主教。)颇为离奇的是,我们竟能在当今这个时代找到关于同一族人的类似记载:“Il n’est point d’horreur que ces Turcs n’ayent commis, et semblables aux soldats effrenes, qui dans le sac d’une ville, non contens de disposer de tout a leur gre pretendent encore aux succes les moins desirables. Quelque Sipahis ont porte leurs attentats sur la personne du vieux rabbi de la synagogue, et celle de l’Archeveque Grec.”(Memoires du Baron de Tott, tom. ii. p. 193.)(大意:这些土耳其人无恶不作,一如攻陷城池时肆意妄为的乱兵;有的西帕希竟对犹太会堂的老拉比与希腊大主教本人施暴。)
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The emperor, or abbot describe the scenes of a Turkish camp as if they had been present. Matres correptae in conspectu filiarum multipliciter repetitis diversorum coitibus vexabantur; (is that the true reading?) cum filiae assistentes carmina praecinere saltando cogerentur. Mox eadem passio ad filias, &c.
皇帝,或者说那位修道院长,把一座土耳其营地里的情景描述得如同亲眼所见。Matres correptae in conspectu filiarum multipliciter repetitis diversorum coitibus vexabantur;(这果真是原文吗?)cum filiae assistentes carmina praecinere saltando cogerentur. Mox eadem passio ad filias, &c.(大意:母亲当着女儿的面被掳,遭众人反复轮番奸淫;女儿则被逼在旁边且歌且舞。随后同样的暴行又加诸女儿,如此等等。)
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See Antioch, and the death of Soliman, in Anna Comnena, (Alexius, l. vi. p. 168, 169,) with the notes of Ducange.
关于安条克以及苏莱曼之死,见安娜·科穆宁娜(Alexius, l. vi. p. 168, 169),并杜康热的注释。
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William of Tyre (l. i. c. 9, 10, p. 635) gives the most authentic and deplorable account of these Turkish conquests.
提尔的威廉(l. i. c. 9, 10, p. 635)对这些土耳其人的征服,给出了最翔实、也最令人痛心的记述。
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In his epistle to the count of Flanders, Alexius seems to fall too low beneath his character and dignity; yet it is approved by Ducange, (Not. ad Alexiad. p. 335, &c.,) and paraphrased by the Abbot Guibert, a contemporary historian. The Greek text no longer exists; and each translator and scribe might say with Guibert, (p. 475,) verbis vestita meis, a privilege of most indefinite latitude.
在致佛兰德伯爵的书信里,阿历克塞似乎把自己贬抑得过于失了身份与尊严;然而杜康热认可这封信(Not. ad Alexiad. p. 335 等),当时的史家吉贝尔院长也曾转述其大意。希腊原文已不复存在;每一位译者与誊录者,都不妨学吉贝尔(p. 475)说一句 verbis vestita meis(“以我自己的言辞加以装点”)——这可是一项漫无边际的特权。
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Our best fund for the history of Jerusalem from Heraclius to the crusades is contained in two large and original passages of William archbishop of Tyre, (l. i. c. 1-10, l. xviii. c. 5, 6,) the principal author of the Gesta Dei per Francos. M. De Guignes has composed a very learned Memoire sur le Commerce des Francois dans le de Levant avant les Croisades, &c. (Mem. de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxxvii. p. 467-500.)
要考究自希拉克略到十字军东征这段耶路撒冷的历史,我们最好的依据,是提尔大主教威廉两大段原始的记述(l. i. c. 1-10, l. xviii. c. 5, 6)——他正是《上帝借法兰克人之功业》(Gesta Dei per Francos)的主要作者。德经则写有一篇极为博学的论著,Memoire sur le Commerce des Francois dans le de Levant avant les Croisades(《十字军东征前法兰西人在黎凡特的贸易》),等等。(Mem. de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxxvii. p. 467-500.)
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Secundum Dominorum dispositionem plerumque lucida plerum que nubila recepit intervalla, et aegrotantium more temporum praesentium gravabatur aut respirabat qualitate, (l. i. c. 3, p. 630.) The latinity of William of Tyre is by no means contemptible: but in his account of 490 years, from the loss to the recovery of Jerusalem, precedes the true account by 30 years.
Secundum Dominorum dispositionem plerumque lucida plerumque nubila recepit intervalla, et aegrotantium more temporum praesentium gravabatur aut respirabat qualitate,(l. i. c. 3, p. 630.)(大意:依照神意,耶路撒冷时而迎来晴明、时而迎来阴晦的时段,如同病人一般,随时势之好坏而或苦或舒。)提尔的威廉,其拉丁文笔绝非等闲:只是他把从耶路撒冷失陷到收复之间算作四百九十年,却比真实的年数多出了三十年。
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For the transactions of Charlemagne with the Holy Land, see Eginhard, (de Vita Caroli Magni, c. 16, p. 79-82,) Constantine Porphyrogenitus, (de Administratione Imperii, l. ii. c. 26, p. 80,) and Pagi, (Critica, tom. iii. A.D. 800, No. 13, 14, 15.)
关于查理曼与圣地的往来,见艾因哈德(de Vita Caroli Magni, c. 16, p. 79-82)、君士坦丁·波菲罗格尼图斯(de Administratione Imperii, l. ii. c. 26, p. 80)以及帕吉(Critica, tom. iii. 公元 800 年,No. 13, 14, 15)。
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The caliph granted his privileges, Amalphitanis viris amicis et utilium introductoribus, (Gesta Dei, p. 934.) The trade of Venice to Egypt and Palestine cannot produce so old a title, unless we adopt the laughable translation of a Frenchman, who mistook the two factions of the circus (Veneti et Prasini) for the Venetians and Parisians.
哈里发把种种特权授予他们,称之为 Amalphitanis viris amicis et utilium introductoribus(“阿马尔菲的友人、有用货物的贩来者”),(Gesta Dei, p. 934.)威尼斯对埃及和巴勒斯坦的贸易,可拿不出这么古老的凭证——除非我们采信某个法国人那个可笑的译法,他把竞技场上的两派(Veneti et Prasini,即蓝党与绿党)错当成了威尼斯人与巴黎人。
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An Arabic chronicle of Jerusalem (apud Asseman. Bibliot. Orient. tom. i. p. 268, tom. iv. p. 368) attests the unbelief of the caliph and the historian; yet Cantacuzene presumes to appeal to the Mahometans themselves for the truth of this perpetual miracle.
耶路撒冷的一部阿拉伯编年史(见 Asseman. Bibliot. Orient. tom. i. p. 268, tom. iv. p. 368)证实,那位哈里发与那位史家都不信此事;坎塔库泽努斯却大胆援引穆斯林自己的说法,来佐证这桩年年上演的神迹确有其事。
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In his Dissertations on Ecclesiastical History, the learned Mosheim has separately discussed this pretended miracle, (tom. ii. p. 214-306,) de lumine sancti sepulchri.
博学的莫斯海姆在其《教会史论集》中,专门讨论过这桩所谓的神迹(tom. ii. p. 214-306),题为 de lumine sancti sepulchri(“论圣墓之光”)。
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William of Malmsbury (l. iv. c. 2, p. 209) quotes the Itinerary of the monk Bernard, an eye-witness, who visited Jerusalem A.D. 870. The miracle is confirmed by another pilgrim some years older; and Mosheim ascribes the invention to the Franks, soon after the decease of Charlemagne.
马姆斯伯里的威廉(l. iv. c. 2, p. 209)引述了修士贝尔纳的行纪,此人曾于公元 870 年亲赴耶路撒冷,是目击者。另有一位年代稍早些的朝圣者也证实了这桩神迹;莫斯海姆则认为,这一发明出自法兰克人之手,就在查理曼去世后不久。
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Our travellers, Sandys, (p. 134,) Thevenot, (p. 621-627,) Maundrell, (p. 94, 95,) &c., describes this extravagant farce. The Catholics are puzzled to decide when the miracle ended and the trick began.
我们的几位旅行家——桑兹(p. 134)、泰夫诺(p. 621-627)、蒙德雷尔(p. 94, 95)等——都记述过这出荒唐的闹剧。天主教徒们则为难于断定:神迹究竟到哪里为止,把戏又从哪里开始。
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The Orientals themselves confess the fraud, and plead necessity and edification, (Memoires du Chevalier D’Arvieux, tom. ii. p. 140. Joseph Abudacni, Hist. Copt. c. 20;) but I will not attempt, with Mosheim, to explain the mode. Our travellers have failed with the blood of St. Januarius at Naples.
东方人自己也承认这是骗局,只辩称出于不得已、又能教化人心(Memoires du Chevalier D’Arvieux, tom. ii. p. 140;Joseph Abudacni, Hist. Copt. c. 20);但我不打算像莫斯海姆那样,去解释其中的门道。我们那几位旅行家,就连那不勒斯圣雅努阿里乌斯之血的把戏也没能勘破。
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See D’Herbelot, (Bibliot. Orientale, p. 411,) Renaudot, (Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 390, 397, 400, 401,) Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen. p. 321-323,) and Marei, (p. 384-386,) an historian of Egypt, translated by Reiske from Arabic into German, and verbally interpreted to me by a friend.
见埃尔布洛(Bibliot. Orientale, p. 411)、勒诺多(Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 390, 397, 400, 401)、埃尔马金(Hist. Saracen. p. 321-323),以及埃及史家马雷伊(p. 384-386)——马雷伊的著作由赖斯克从阿拉伯文译成德文,又经一位友人口头为我讲解。
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The religion of the Druses is concealed by their ignorance and hypocrisy. Their secret doctrines are confined to the elect who profess a contemplative life; and the vulgar Druses, the most indifferent of men, occasionally conform to the worship of the Mahometans and Christians of their neighborhood. The little that is, or deserves to be, known, may be seen in the industrious Niebuhr, (Voyages, tom. ii. p. 354-357,) and the second volume of the recent and instructive Travels of M. de Volney. * Note: The religion of the Druses has, within the present year, been fully developed from their own writings, which have long lain neglected in the libraries of Paris and Oxford, in the “Expose de la Religion des Druses, by M. Silvestre de Sacy.” Deux tomes, Paris, 1838. The learned author has prefixed a life of Hakem Biamr-Allah, which enables us to correct several errors in the account of Gibbon. These errors chiefly arose from his want of knowledge or of attention to the chronology of Hakem’s life. Hakem succeeded to the throne of Egypt in the year of the Hegira 386. He did not assume his divinity till 408. His life was indeed “a wild mixture of vice and folly,” to which may be added, of the most sanguinary cruelty. During his reign, 18,000 persons were victims of his ferocity. Yet such is the god, observes M. de Sacy, whom the Druses have worshipped for 800 years! (See p. ccccxxix.) All his wildest and most extravagant actions were interpreted by his followers as having a mystic and allegoric meaning, alluding to the destruction of other religions and the propagation of his own. It does not seem to have been the “vanity” of Hakem which induced him to introduce a new religion. The curious point in the new faith is that Hamza, the son of Ali, the real founder of the Unitarian religion, (such is its boastful title,) was content to take a secondary part. While Hakem was God, the one Supreme, the Imam Hamza was his Intelligence. It was not in his “divine character” that Hakem “hated the Jews and Christians,” but in that of a Mahometan bigot, which he displayed in the earlier years of his reign. His barbarous persecution, and the burning of the church of the Resurrection at Jerusalem, belong entirely to that period; and his assumption of divinity was followed by an edict of toleration to Jews and Christians. The Mahometans, whose religion he then treated with hostility and contempt, being far the most numerous, were his most dangerous enemies, and therefore the objects of his most inveterate hatred. It is another singular fact, that the religion of Hakem was by no means confined to Egypt and Syria. M. de Sacy quotes a letter addressed to the chief of the sect in India; and there is likewise a letter to the Byzantine emperor Constantine, son of Armanous, (Romanus,) and the clergy of the empire. (Constantine VIII., M. de Sacy supposes, but this is irreconcilable with chronology; it must mean Constantine XI., Monomachus.) The assassination of Hakem is, of course, disbelieved by his sectaries. M. de Sacy seems to consider the fact obscure and doubtful. According to his followers he disappeared, but is hereafter to return. At his return the resurrection is to take place; the triumph of Unitarianism, and the final discomfiture of all other religions. The temple of Mecca is especially devoted to destruction. It is remarkable that one of the signs of this final consummation, and of the reappearance of Hakem, is that Christianity shall be gaining a manifest predominance over Mahometanism. As for the religion of the Druses, I cannot agree with Gibbon that it does not “deserve” to be better known; and am grateful to M. de Sacy, notwithstanding the prolixity and occasional repetition in his two large volumes, for the full examination of the most extraordinary religious aberration which ever extensively affected the mind of man. The worship of a mad tyrant is the basis of a subtle metaphysical creed, and of a severe, and even ascetic, morality.—M.
德鲁兹派的宗教,被他们的蒙昧与虚伪所遮蔽。其秘传教义只限于自称过沉思生活的少数选民;而普通的德鲁兹人,是天底下最漠然的一群,有时也随邻近穆斯林与基督徒的礼拜随俗应付。人们所知、或值得知道的那一点点,可参见勤勉的尼布尔(Voyages, tom. ii. p. 354-357),以及沃尔内那部晚近而颇有教益的游记第二卷。* 按:就在今年,德鲁兹派的宗教已凭其自家的典籍得到充分披露——这些典籍长久湮没于巴黎与牛津的藏书之中——见西尔维斯特·德萨西所著《德鲁兹宗教述略》(“Expose de la Religion des Druses”,两卷本,巴黎,1838 年)。这位博学的作者在书前附有一篇哈基姆·比亚姆尔-阿拉的传记,使我们得以订正吉本记述中的若干讹误。这些讹误多半源于他对哈基姆生平的年代不甚了了、或未加留意。哈基姆于希吉拉历 386 年登上埃及王位,直到 408 年才自称神明。他的一生确是“恶行与蠢事的荒唐杂烩”,还可再添上最嗜血的残忍:在位期间,有一万八千人惨死于他的暴虐之下。德萨西评论道:这样一位神,德鲁兹派竟供奉了八百年之久!(见 p. ccccxxix。)他一切最疯狂、最出格的举动,都被其信徒解作别有神秘而寓言的深意,暗指要摧毁别的宗教、传扬他自己的宗教。诱使哈基姆创立新教的,似乎并非什么“虚荣”。这一新信仰有个奇特之处:一位论宗教(这是他们自夸的名号)真正的创立者,其实是阿里之子哈姆扎,而他却甘居次位。哈基姆是神,是独一的至尊,伊玛目哈姆扎则是他的“智慧”。哈基姆“仇恨犹太人与基督徒”,并非出于他“以神自居”的身份,而是出于一个穆斯林狂信者的身份——那是他在位早年所表现出来的。他那野蛮的迫害,以及焚毁耶路撒冷复活教堂之举,全都发生在那一时期;而他自封神明之后,随即颁下一道对犹太人与基督徒宽容的敕令。至于穆斯林——他此时对其宗教满怀敌意与鄙夷——因人数远为众多,反成了他最危险的敌人,因而也是他最刻骨仇恨的对象。还有一件奇事:哈基姆的宗教绝不止于埃及与叙利亚。德萨西引述过一封写给该教派在印度的首领的信;另有一封信,是写给拜占庭皇帝——阿尔马努斯(即罗曼努斯)之子君士坦丁——及帝国教士的。(德萨西推测是君士坦丁八世,但这与年代不合;应指君士坦丁十一世,即莫诺马库斯。)哈基姆遇刺一事,其教徒自然不信。德萨西似乎也认为此事晦暗可疑。按其信徒的说法,他只是隐没不见,日后终将归来。待他归来之时,复活便会发生:一位论派将大获全胜,其余一切宗教则终归败亡。麦加的圣殿尤其注定要被摧毁。值得一提的是,这场最终成全、以及哈基姆再现的征兆之一,便是基督教将明显压倒伊斯兰教而占上风。至于德鲁兹派的宗教,我不能苟同吉本所谓它“不值得”让人多加了解之说;尽管德萨西那两大卷书冗长而时有重复,我仍要感谢他,因为他详尽考察了有史以来最离奇、且曾广泛左右人心的一场宗教迷误。对一个疯狂暴君的崇拜,竟成了一套精微的形而上信条、以及一种严苛乃至禁欲的道德的根基。—M
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See Glaber, l. iii. c. 7, and the Annals of Baronius and Pagi, A.D. 1009.
见格拉贝尔(l. iii. c. 7),以及巴罗尼乌斯与帕吉的编年史(公元 1009 年条)。
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Per idem tempus ex universo orbe tam innumerabilis multitudo coepit confluere ad sepulchrum Salvatoris Hierosolymis, quantum nullus hominum prius sperare poterat. Ordo inferioris plebis.... mediocres.... reges et comites..... praesules ..... mulieres multae nobilis cum pauperioribus.... Pluribus enim erat mentis desiderium mori priusquam ad propria reverterentur, (Glaber, l. iv. c. 6, Bouquet. Historians of France, tom. x. p. 50.) * Note: Compare the first chap. of Wilken, Geschichte der Kreuz-zuge.—M.
Per idem tempus ex universo orbe tam innumerabilis multitudo coepit confluere ad sepulchrum Salvatoris Hierosolymis, quantum nullus hominum prius sperare poterat. Ordo inferioris plebis.... mediocres.... reges et comites..... praesules ..... mulieres multae nobilis cum pauperioribus.... Pluribus enim erat mentis desiderium mori priusquam ad propria reverterentur,(Glaber, l. iv. c. 6, Bouquet. Historians of France, tom. x. p. 50.)(大意:正当此时,来自世界各地、多得空前难以想象的人群,开始涌向耶路撒冷救主的圣墓:下层百姓……中等之人……列王与伯爵……高级教士……许多贵妇偕同贫者……对许多人而言,他们心中所愿,便是死在归乡之前。)* 按:可参看维尔肯《十字军史》第一章。—M
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Glaber, l. iii. c. 1. Katona (Hist. Critic. Regum Hungariae, tom. i. p. 304-311) examines whether St. Stephen founded a monastery at Jerusalem.
格拉贝尔,l. iii. c. 1。卡托纳(Hist. Critic. Regum Hungariae, tom. i. p. 304-311)考究了圣斯蒂芬是否曾在耶路撒冷创建过一座修道院。
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Baronius (A.D. 1064, No. 43-56) has transcribed the greater part of the original narratives of Ingulphus, Marianus, and Lambertus.
巴罗尼乌斯(公元 1064 年,No. 43-56)誊录了英古尔弗、马里亚努斯与兰贝尔图斯原始记述的大部分。
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See Elmacin (Hist. Saracen. p. 349, 350) and Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 237, vers. Pocock.) M. De Guignes (Hist. des Huns, tom iii. part i. p. 215, 216) adds the testimonies, or rather the names, of Abulfeda and Novairi.
见埃尔马金(Hist. Saracen. p. 349, 350)与阿布·法拉杰(Dynast. p. 237, 波科克拉丁译本)。德经(Hist. des Huns, tom. iii. part i. p. 215, 216)又补上了阿布尔费达与努韦里的佐证——或者不如说,只是补上了他们的名字。
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From the expedition of Isar Atsiz, (A. H. 469, A.D. 1076,) to the expulsion of the Ortokides, (A.D. 1096.) Yet William of Tyre (l. i. c. 6, p. 633) asserts, that Jerusalem was thirty-eight years in the hands of the Turks; and an Arabic chronicle, quoted by Pagi, (tom. iv. p. 202) supposes that the city was reduced by a Carizmian general to the obedience of the caliph of Bagdad, A. H. 463, A.D. 1070. These early dates are not very compatible with the general history of Asia; and I am sure, that as late as A.D. 1064, the regnum Babylonicum (of Cairo) still prevailed in Palestine, (Baronius, A.D. 1064, No. 56.)
自伊萨尔·阿特西兹出征(希吉拉历 469 年,公元 1076 年),到奥尔托克王朝被逐(公元 1096 年)为止。不过提尔的威廉(l. i. c. 6, p. 633)称,耶路撒冷落入土耳其人之手达三十八年;帕吉所引的一部阿拉伯编年史(tom. iv. p. 202)则以为,此城是由一位花剌子模将领于希吉拉历 463 年、即公元 1070 年攻取,使之归顺巴格达哈里发。这些偏早的年代与亚洲的通史颇难吻合;而我可以确信,迟至公元 1064 年,(开罗的)“巴比伦王国”(regnum Babylonicum)仍统辖着巴勒斯坦(巴罗尼乌斯,公元 1064 年,No. 56)。
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De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p. 249-252.
德经,Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p. 249-252。
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Willierm. Tyr. l. i. c. 8, p. 634, who strives hard to magnify the Christian grievances. The Turks exacted an aureus from each pilgrim! The caphar of the Franks now is fourteen dollars: and Europe does not complain of this voluntary tax.
Willierm. Tyr. l. i. c. 8, p. 634——他极力渲染基督徒所受的苦楚。土耳其人向每个朝圣者勒索一枚金币(aureus)!如今法兰克人所纳的“卡法尔”(caphar,即通行税)是十四美元,欧洲对这项自愿缴纳的税却并无怨言。