Chapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part I. 第五十一章 阿拉伯人的征服——第一节
¶
The Conquest Of Persia, Syria, Egypt, Africa, And Spain, By The Arabs Or Saracens.—Empire Of The Caliphs, Or Successors Of Mahomet.—State Of The Christians, &c., Under Their Government.
阿拉伯人(或称萨拉森人)征服波斯、叙利亚、埃及、阿非利加与西班牙——哈里发(即穆罕默德的继承者)的帝国——其治下基督徒等群体的处境。
¶
The revolution of Arabia had not changed the character of the Arabs: the death of Mahomet was the signal of independence; and the hasty structure of his power and religion tottered to its foundations. A small and faithful band of his primitive disciples had listened to his eloquence, and shared his distress; had fled with the apostle from the persecution of Mecca, or had received the fugitive in the walls of Medina. The increasing myriads, who acknowledged Mahomet as their king and prophet, had been compelled by his arms, or allured by his prosperity. The polytheists were confounded by the simple idea of a solitary and invisible God; the pride of the Christians and Jews disdained the yoke of a mortal and contemporary legislator. The habits of faith and obedience were not sufficiently confirmed; and many of the new converts regretted the venerable antiquity of the law of Moses, or the rites and mysteries of the Catholic church; or the idols, the sacrifices, the joyous festivals, of their Pagan ancestors. The jarring interests and hereditary feuds of the Arabian tribes had not yet coalesced in a system of union and subordination; and the Barbarians were impatient of the mildest and most salutary laws that curbed their passions, or violated their customs. They submitted with reluctance to the religious precepts of the Koran, the abstinence from wine, the fast of the Ramadan, and the daily repetition of five prayers; and the alms and tithes, which were collected for the treasury of Medina, could be distinguished only by a name from the payment of a perpetual and ignominious tribute. The example of Mahomet had excited a spirit of fanaticism or imposture, and several of his rivals presumed to imitate the conduct, and defy the authority, of the living prophet. At the head of the fugitives and auxiliaries, the first caliph was reduced to the cities of Mecca, Medina, and Tayef; and perhaps the Koreish would have restored the idols of the Caaba, if their levity had not been checked by a seasonable reproof. “Ye men of Mecca, will ye be the last to embrace, and the first to abandon, the religion of Islam?” After exhorting the Moslems to confide in the aid of God and his apostle, Abubeker resolved, by a vigorous attack, to prevent the junction of the rebels. The women and children were safely lodged in the cavities of the mountains: the warriors, marching under eleven banners, diffused the terror of their arms; and the appearance of a military force revived and confirmed the loyalty of the faithful. The inconstant tribes accepted, with humble repentance, the duties of prayer, and fasting, and alms; and, after some examples of success and severity, the most daring apostates fell prostrate before the sword of the Lord and of Caled. In the fertile province of Yemanah, 1 between the Red Sea and the Gulf of Persia, in a city not inferior to Medina itself, a powerful chief (his name was Moseilama) had assumed the character of a prophet, and the tribe of Hanifa listened to his voice. A female prophetess 1111 was attracted by his reputation; the decencies of words and actions were spurned by these favorites of Heaven; 2 and they employed several days in mystic and amorous converse. An obscure sentence of his Koran, or book, is yet extant; 3 and in the pride of his mission, Moseilama condescended to offer a partition of the earth. The proposal was answered by Mahomet with contempt; but the rapid progress of the impostor awakened the fears of his successor: forty thousand Moslems were assembled under the standard of Caled; and the existence of their faith was resigned to the event of a decisive battle. 3111 In the first action they were repulsed by the loss of twelve hundred men; but the skill and perseverance of their general prevailed; their defeat was avenged by the slaughter of ten thousand infidels; and Moseilama himself was pierced by an Aethiopian slave with the same javelin which had mortally wounded the uncle of Mahomet. The various rebels of Arabia without a chief or a cause, were speedily suppressed by the power and discipline of the rising monarchy; and the whole nation again professed, and more steadfastly held, the religion of the Koran. The ambition of the caliphs provided an immediate exercise for the restless spirit of the Saracens: their valor was united in the prosecution of a holy war; and their enthusiasm was equally confirmed by opposition and victory.
阿拉伯半岛虽经这场剧变,阿拉伯人的秉性却依然如故。穆罕默德一死,便成了各部落各自独立的信号;他仓促建起的权势与教门,登时根基动摇。当初真心追随他的门徒,本只是一小群人:他们听过他的雄辩,分担过他的患难,或曾随这位使者逃离麦加的迫害,或曾在麦地那城中收留这位亡命者。至于后来成千上万奉他为王、尊他为先知的人,则或是慑于他的兵威,或是慕其煊赫而来。独一无形之真主这一朴素的观念,令那些多神教徒惶惑不解;基督徒与犹太人则自恃高贵,不屑俯首于一个与自己同代、终将一死的立法者。信仰与顺从的习惯尚未牢固,许多新皈依者不免眷恋起摩西律法那令人敬畏的古老渊源,或大公教会的礼仪与奥秘,又或是异教祖先所奉的偶像、牲祭与欢腾的节庆。阿拉伯各部落利害相争、世仇相寻,还未曾熔铸成一套上下相属、彼此联结的体制;这些蛮人天性桀骜,纵是最温和、最有益的律法,只要约束了他们的情欲、触犯了他们的习俗,也一概难以容忍。《古兰经》的种种教规——戒酒、赖买丹月的斋戒、每日五番礼拜——他们都是勉强遵行;至于为麦地那国库征收的施舍与什一税,在他们看来,除了名目不同,与那永无休止、屈辱难堪的纳贡实在别无二致。穆罕默德既开其先例,狂热与假冒之风便随之而起,好几个与他争雄的人竟也敢效其所为,公然藐视这位在世先知的权威。头一位哈里发所能倚仗的,不过是那批逃亡者与相助的信众,势力仅及麦加、麦地那与塔伊夫三城而已;若不是一番及时的申斥压下了古莱什人的轻浮之念,他们说不定早已把克尔白的偶像重新供奉起来。“麦加的人啊,难道你们要做最迟归信、最先背弃伊斯兰教的人吗?”阿布·伯克尔一面勉励众穆斯林笃信真主及其使者的佑助,一面决意先发制人,以雷霆之势阻止叛党会合。妇孺妥善安置在山间的岩窟中;将士则分列十一面旗帜之下进军,兵威所至,四方震恐;而这一支武力的现身,也重新唤起并坚定了信众的忠诚。那些反复无常的部落,谦卑悔过,重又领受礼拜、斋戒与施舍的功课;待到几番既获胜绩、又加严惩之后,连最悍勇的叛教者也一一拜倒在“真主与哈立德之剑”的锋刃之下。在红海与波斯湾之间那片富饶的亚玛麦地方1,有一座不逊于麦地那的城池,城中一位强悍的酋长(其名为穆赛利迈)自命为先知,哈尼法部落对他言听计从。一位女先知1111慕其名声而来;这两位“上天的宠儿”全然不顾言行的体面2,一连数日沉溺于神秘而暧昧的絮语之中。他那部经书(他自称的《古兰经》)中,尚存一句晦涩的话3;穆赛利迈自负身负使命,竟屈尊提议与穆罕默德平分天下。穆罕默德对这提议报以轻蔑;然而这冒牌先知势力扩张之速,却令其继承者惊惧起来:四万穆斯林集结在哈立德旗下,全教的存亡都系于一战的胜负3111。首役中他们被击退,折损一千二百人;但主帅凭其韬略与坚忍终占上风,以斩杀一万异教徒雪了败绩之耻;穆赛利迈本人也被一名埃塞俄比亚奴隶用标枪刺死——当年正是这支标枪,给了穆罕默德的叔父致命一击。阿拉伯境内其余的叛乱,既无首领,又无旗号,很快便为这新兴王朝的威权与纪律所平定;举国上下重新归奉《古兰经》的信仰,且守持得比先前更为坚定。众哈里发的雄心,恰好为萨拉森人那躁动不安的心性提供了立时可施的用武之地:他们的勇武因一场圣战而凝聚一体,而无论遇挫还是获胜,都同样坚定了他们的狂热。
¶
From the rapid conquests of the Saracens a presumption will naturally arise, that the caliphs 311 commanded in person the armies of the faithful, and sought the crown of martyrdom in the foremost ranks of the battle. The courage of Abubeker, 4 Omar, 5 and Othman, 6 had indeed been tried in the persecution and wars of the prophet; and the personal assurance of paradise must have taught them to despise the pleasures and dangers of the present world. But they ascended the throne in a venerable or mature age; and esteemed the domestic cares of religion and justice the most important duties of a sovereign. Except the presence of Omar at the siege of Jerusalem, their longest expeditions were the frequent pilgrimage from Medina to Mecca; and they calmly received the tidings of victory as they prayed or preached before the sepulchre of the prophet. The austere and frugal measure of their lives was the effect of virtue or habit, and the pride of their simplicity insulted the vain magnificence of the kings of the earth. When Abubeker assumed the office of caliph, he enjoined his daughter Ayesha to take a strict account of his private patrimony, that it might be evident whether he were enriched or impoverished by the service of the state. He thought himself entitled to a stipend of three pieces of gold, with the sufficient maintenance of a single camel and a black slave; but on the Friday of each week he distributed the residue of his own and the public money, first to the most worthy, and then to the most indigent, of the Moslems. The remains of his wealth, a coarse garment, and five pieces of gold, were delivered to his successor, who lamented with a modest sigh his own inability to equal such an admirable model. Yet the abstinence and humility of Omar were not inferior to the virtues of Abubeker: his food consisted of barley bread or dates; his drink was water; he preached in a gown that was torn or tattered in twelve places; and the Persian satrap, who paid his homage to the conqueror, found him asleep among the beggars on the steps of the mosch of Medina. Oeeconomy is the source of liberality, and the increase of the revenue enabled Omar to establish a just and perpetual reward for the past and present services of the faithful. Careless of his own emolument, he assigned to Abbas, the uncle of the prophet, the first and most ample allowance of twenty-five thousand drachms or pieces of silver. Five thousand were allotted to each of the aged warriors, the relics of the field of Beder; and the last and meanest of the companions of Mahomet was distinguished by the annual reward of three thousand pieces. One thousand was the stipend of the veterans who had fought in the first battles against the Greeks and Persians; and the decreasing pay, as low as fifty pieces of silver, was adapted to the respective merit and seniority of the soldiers of Omar. Under his reign, and that of his predecessor, the conquerors of the East were the trusty servants of God and the people; the mass of the public treasure was consecrated to the expenses of peace and war; a prudent mixture of justice and bounty maintained the discipline of the Saracens, and they united, by a rare felicity, the despatch and execution of despotism with the equal and frugal maxims of a republican government. The heroic courage of Ali, 7 the consummate prudence of Moawiyah, 8 excited the emulation of their subjects; and the talents which had been exercised in the school of civil discord were more usefully applied to propagate the faith and dominion of the prophet. In the sloth and vanity of the palace of Damascus, the succeeding princes of the house of Ommiyah were alike destitute of the qualifications of statesmen and of saints. 9 Yet the spoils of unknown nations were continually laid at the foot of their throne, and the uniform ascent of the Arabian greatness must be ascribed to the spirit of the nation rather than the abilities of their chiefs. A large deduction must be allowed for the weakness of their enemies. The birth of Mahomet was fortunately placed in the most degenerate and disorderly period of the Persians, the Romans, and the Barbarians of Europe: the empires of Trajan, or even of Constantine or Charlemagne, would have repelled the assault of the naked Saracens, and the torrent of fanaticism might have been obscurely lost in the sands of Arabia.
萨拉森人征服如此神速,人们自然会以为,历代哈里发311必是亲率信众的大军,在阵前争先,以求殉教的桂冠。阿布·伯克尔4、欧麦尔5与奥斯曼6的勇气,确曾在先知遭受迫害与征战的岁月里受过考验;他们既笃信自己稳登天园,自然也就学会了藐视今世的安逸与凶险。然而他们登位时都已届可敬的高年,更把料理宗教与司法这些内政视为君主最要紧的职责。除了欧麦尔曾亲临耶路撒冷城下,他们最远的行程也不过是屡屡从麦地那到麦加朝觐而已;捷报传来时,他们只是在先知墓前祈祷或讲道,泰然受之。他们生活的清苦俭朴,或出于德行,或出于习惯;而这份简朴中的自负,恰是对世间列王那浮华排场的一种羞辱。阿布·伯克尔就任哈里发时,曾嘱咐女儿阿伊莎,将他私有的家产严格清点入册,以便日后众目共睹:他究竟是因效力国家而致富,还是因此而变穷。他自认只该领三枚金币的俸给,外加勉强够养一头骆驼和一名黑奴的用度;可每逢星期五,他便把自己与公家余下的钱财尽数散出,先给穆斯林中最贤德的人,再给最贫苦的人。他身后遗下的全部财物,不过一件粗布衣裳和五枚金币,都交到了继任者手中;那位继任者谦然一叹,自愧无从企及这样一个可敬的榜样。然而欧麦尔的克己与谦卑,比起阿布·伯克尔的德行也毫不逊色:他吃的是大麦饼或椰枣,喝的是清水,讲道时所穿的长袍破了、烂了足有十二处;前来向这位征服者致敬的波斯总督,发现他正睡在麦地那清真寺的台阶上,与一群乞丐挤在一处。节俭乃慷慨之源;国库日渐充盈,使欧麦尔得以为信众们往日与当下的功勋,定下一套公平而长久的酬赏之制。他自己的俸禄毫不放在心上,却把头一份、也是最优厚的一份年金——两万五千德拉克马,即两万五千枚银币——拨给了先知的叔父阿拔斯。凡当年白德尔战场上幸存下来的老战士,每人拨给五千;即便是穆罕默德门徒中最末、最微不足道的一位,也享有每年三千枚的赏赐,以示尊荣。凡曾在对希腊人与波斯人最初几场战事中效命的老兵,俸给为一千;此后逐级递减,最低仅五十枚银币,一切都按欧麦尔麾下将士各自的功劳与资历而定。在他与其前任在位期间,这些东方的征服者都是忠于真主、忠于民众的仆人;公库中的钱财,尽数用于平时与战时的开支;公正与恩赏并施得宜,维系着萨拉森人的军纪。他们竟能奇妙地把专制政体那种雷厉风行、令出必从的效率,与共和政制那种均平俭约的准则融为一体。阿里7英武过人的胆气,穆阿维叶8老练圆熟的谋略,激起了臣民争相仿效之心;而那些在内争的磨砺中练就的才干,如今用来传布先知的信仰、拓展先知的疆土,反倒更见其功。大马士革宫廷里的怠惰与虚荣,把继起的倭马亚家族诸君熏染得既无政治家的才具,也无圣者的德行9。然而,从那些闻所未闻的邦国掠来的战利品,仍源源不断地堆到他们的宝座之下;阿拉伯声威之所以能一路稳步上升,与其说是靠首领们的本事,不如说是靠整个民族的精气神。此外,敌人一方的孱弱,也须大大地折算在内。穆罕默德恰好降生在一个天赐良机的时代——波斯人、罗马人乃至欧洲蛮族都正值最颓败、最混乱之际;倘若换作图拉真的帝国,甚或君士坦丁或查理曼的帝国,定能挡回这群装备简陋的萨拉森人的进攻,那股狂热的洪流,或许早已默默消散在阿拉伯的黄沙之中了。
¶
In the victorious days of the Roman republic, it had been the aim of the senate to confine their councils and legions to a single war, and completely to suppress a first enemy before they provoked the hostilities of a second. These timid maxims of policy were disdained by the magnanimity or enthusiasm of the Arabian caliphs. With the same vigor and success they invaded the successors of Augustus and those of Artaxerxes; and the rival monarchies at the same instant became the prey of an enemy whom they had been so long accustomed to despise. In the ten years of the administration of Omar, the Saracens reduced to his obedience thirty-six thousand cities or castles, destroyed four thousand churches or temples of the unbelievers, and edified fourteen hundred moschs for the exercise of the religion of Mahomet. One hundred years after his flight from Mecca, the arms and the reign of his successors extended from India to the Atlantic Ocean, over the various and distant provinces, which may be comprised under the names of, I. Persia; II. Syria; III. Egypt; IV. Africa; and, V. Spain. Under this general division, I shall proceed to unfold these memorable transactions; despatching with brevity the remote and less interesting conquests of the East, and reserving a fuller narrative for those domestic countries which had been included within the pale of the Roman empire. Yet I must excuse my own defects by a just complaint of the blindness and insufficiency of my guides. The Greeks, so loquacious in controversy, have not been anxious to celebrate the triumphs of their enemies. 10 After a century of ignorance, the first annals of the Mussulmans were collected in a great measure from the voice of tradition. 11 Among the numerous productions of Arabic and Persian literature, 12 our interpreters have selected the imperfect sketches of a more recent age. 13 The art and genius of history have ever been unknown to the Asiatics; 14 they are ignorant of the laws of criticism; and our monkish chronicle of the same period may be compared to their most popular works, which are never vivified by the spirit of philosophy and freedom.
罗马共和国鼎盛得胜的年代,元老院一向力求把谋划与军团都集中于一场战争,务必彻底制服头一个敌人,然后才去招惹第二个。这类谨小慎微的方略,阿拉伯的哈里发们凭其恢弘的气魄与炽烈的热忱,是不屑一顾的。他们以同样的锐气、同样的战果,同时进犯奥古斯都的后继者与阿尔达希尔的后继者;这两个素来争雄的君主国,几乎在同一瞬间,一齐沦为猎物,落进了那个它们久已轻慢的敌人手中。欧麦尔执政的十年间,萨拉森人使三万六千座城池与堡垒俯首归顺,捣毁了不信道者的四千座教堂与庙宇,又兴建起一千四百座清真寺,供人奉行穆罕默德的教门。自他从麦加出走算起,一百年间,其继承者的兵威与治权已从印度一直延伸到大西洋,遍及各处辽远的行省——这些地方大致可归入以下几个名目之下:一、波斯;二、叙利亚;三、埃及;四、阿非利加;五、西班牙。我便依这一大致的划分,逐一铺陈这些值得铭记的大事:对东方那些遥远而稍欠意趣的征服,从简带过;至于那些曾划入罗马帝国版图之内、与我们关系更切的地方,则留待更详尽的叙述。不过,我不得不为自己的疏漏辩解一句:这实在要归咎于我所依凭的那些向导——他们既昧于见识,又失之简陋。希腊人一遇论争便滔滔不绝,却偏偏无意去传扬敌人的赫赫战功10。在蒙昧了整整一个世纪之后,穆斯林最早的编年史才编纂成书,其内容大半采自口耳相传的传闻11。在阿拉伯与波斯汗牛充栋的文献12之中,替我们转述的人所拣选的,不过是些年代较晚、又残缺不全的粗略之作13。亚细亚人向来不懂修史的艺术与才具14,也不明考订辨伪的法度;即便拿同一时期我们那些出自僧侣之手的编年史来比,也足以与他们最负盛名的著作相提并论——因为那些著作里,从不曾有哲思与自由的精神为之注入生气。
¶
The Oriental library of a Frenchman 15 would instruct the most learned mufti of the East; and perhaps the Arabs might not find in a single historian so clear and comprehensive a narrative of their own exploits as that which will be deduced in the ensuing sheets.
一位法国人所编的《东方文库》15,足以教诲东方最博学的穆夫提;而阿拉伯人自己,或许也难在任何一位史家笔下,找到一部像下文即将展开的这般清晰而完备的叙述,来记述他们本族的功业。
¶
I. In the first year of the first caliph, his lieutenant Caled, the Sword of God, and the scourge of the infidels, advanced to the banks of the Euphrates, and reduced the cities of Anbar and Hira. Westward of the ruins of Babylon, a tribe of sedentary Arabs had fixed themselves on the verge of the desert; and Hira was the seat of a race of kings who had embraced the Christian religion, and reigned above six hundred years under the shadow of the throne of Persia. 16 The last of the Mondars 1611 was defeated and slain by Caled; his son was sent a captive to Medina; his nobles bowed before the successor of the prophet; the people was tempted by the example and success of their countrymen; and the caliph accepted as the first-fruits of foreign conquest an annual tribute of seventy thousand pieces of gold. The conquerors, and even their historians, were astonished by the dawn of their future greatness: “In the same year,” says Elmacin, “Caled fought many signal battles: an immense multitude of the infidels was slaughtered; and spoils infinite and innumerable were acquired by the victorious Moslems.” 17 But the invincible Caled was soon transferred to the Syrian war: the invasion of the Persian frontier was conducted by less active or less prudent commanders: the Saracens were repulsed with loss in the passage of the Euphrates; and, though they chastised the insolent pursuit of the Magians, their remaining forces still hovered in the desert of Babylon. 1711
一、头一位哈里发在位的第一年,他的部将、人称“真主之剑”、异教徒克星的哈立德,挥师直抵幼发拉底河畔,攻取了安巴尔与希拉两城。巴比伦废墟以西,有一支定居的阿拉伯部落落脚在沙漠的边缘;希拉便是一支王室的都城,这支王室早已皈依基督教,在波斯王座的荫庇之下君临其地六百余年16。末代蒙达尔王1611为哈立德所败、所杀;其子被俘,押往麦地那;其麾下贵族纷纷俯首于先知的继承者之前;当地民众也为本族人的先例与成功所诱动;而哈里发则收下了这份征伐外邦的头道果实——每年七万枚金币的贡赋。征服者们,乃至他们的史家,都为这未来煊赫气象的曙光而惊叹不已。埃尔马金写道:“就在这一年里,哈立德打了许多场辉煌的大仗:不信道者被屠戮者不计其数,而得胜的穆斯林掳获的战利品也多得无穷无尽。”17然而这位所向无敌的哈立德不久便被调往叙利亚战场;进犯波斯边境的重任,落到了几位不那么果决、也不那么审慎的将领手中:萨拉森人强渡幼发拉底河时被击退,损失惨重;他们虽惩创了麻葛教徒的猖狂追击,残余的兵力却仍在巴比伦一带的荒漠中往来游荡1711。
¶
The indignation and fears of the Persians suspended for a moment their intestine divisions. By the unanimous sentence of the priests and nobles, their queen Arzema was deposed; the sixth of the transient usurpers, who had arisen and vanished in three or four years since the death of Chosroes, and the retreat of Heraclius. Her tiara was placed on the head of Yezdegerd, the grandson of Chosroes; and the same aera, which coincides with an astronomical period, 18 has recorded the fall of the Sassanian dynasty and the religion of Zoroaster. 19 The youth and inexperience of the prince (he was only fifteen years of age) declined a perilous encounter: the royal standard was delivered into the hands of his general Rustam; and a remnant of thirty thousand regular troops was swelled in truth, or in opinion, to one hundred and twenty thousand subjects, or allies, of the great king. The Moslems, whose numbers were reenforced from twelve to thirty thousand, had pitched their camp in the plains of Cadesia: 20 and their line, though it consisted of fewer men, could produce more soldiers, than the unwieldy host of the infidels. I shall here observe, what I must often repeat, that the charge of the Arabs was not, like that of the Greeks and Romans, the effort of a firm and compact infantry: their military force was chiefly formed of cavalry and archers; and the engagement, which was often interrupted and often renewed by single combats and flying skirmishes, might be protracted without any decisive event to the continuance of several days. The periods of the battle of Cadesia were distinguished by their peculiar appellations. The first, from the well-timed appearance of six thousand of the Syrian brethren, was denominated the day of succor. The day of concussion might express the disorder of one, or perhaps of both, of the contending armies. The third, a nocturnal tumult, received the whimsical name of the night of barking, from the discordant clamors, which were compared to the inarticulate sounds of the fiercest animals. The morning of the succeeding day 2011 determined the fate of Persia; and a seasonable whirlwind drove a cloud of dust against the faces of the unbelievers. The clangor of arms was reechoed to the tent of Rustam, who, far unlike the ancient hero of his name, was gently reclining in a cool and tranquil shade, amidst the baggage of his camp, and the train of mules that were laden with gold and silver. On the sound of danger he started from his couch; but his flight was overtaken by a valiant Arab, who caught him by the foot, struck off his head, hoisted it on a lance, and instantly returning to the field of battle, carried slaughter and dismay among the thickest ranks of the Persians. The Saracens confess a loss of seven thousand five hundred men; 2012 and the battle of Cadesia is justly described by the epithets of obstinate and atrocious. 21 The standard of the monarchy was overthrown and captured in the field—a leathern apron of a blacksmith, who in ancient times had arisen the deliverer of Persia; but this badge of heroic poverty was disguised, and almost concealed, by a profusion of precious gems. 22 After this victory, the wealthy province of Irak, or Assyria, submitted to the caliph, and his conquests were firmly established by the speedy foundation of Bassora, 23 a place which ever commands the trade and navigation of the Persians. As the distance of fourscore miles from the Gulf, the Euphrates and Tigris unite in a broad and direct current, which is aptly styled the river of the Arabs. In the midway, between the junction and the mouth of these famous streams, the new settlement was planted on the western bank: the first colony was composed of eight hundred Moslems; but the influence of the situation soon reared a flourishing and populous capital. The air, though excessively hot, is pure and healthy: the meadows are filled with palm-trees and cattle; and one of the adjacent valleys has been celebrated among the four paradises or gardens of Asia. Under the first caliphs the jurisdiction of this Arabian colony extended over the southern provinces of Persia: the city has been sanctified by the tombs of the companions and martyrs; and the vessels of Europe still frequent the port of Bassora, as a convenient station and passage of the Indian trade.
波斯人的愤慨与恐惧,暂时压下了他们内部的纷争。祭司与贵族一致裁定,废黜了他们的女王阿尔泽玛——自库思老死去、希拉克略退兵以来的三四年间,接连有短命的僭位者起而复灭,她已是其中的第六位。王冠被戴到了库思老之孙伊嗣俟的头上;而这同一个纪元——恰与一个天文周期相合18——也记下了萨珊王朝与琐罗亚斯德教一同覆亡的时刻19。这位年少而缺乏历练的君主(时年不过十五岁)不肯亲身涉险迎战:王旗被交到大将鲁斯塔姆手中;而仅剩的三万正规军,或凭实数、或凭虚张,被夸大成了大王麾下十二万的臣民与盟军。穆斯林一方的兵力则由一万二千增援到三万,他们在卡迪西亚平原上扎下营寨20;论人数虽少,可真正能上阵厮杀的战士,反倒比不信道者那支臃肿笨重的大军还要多。这里我要说明一点,往后还得再三重申:阿拉伯人的冲锋,不像希腊人和罗马人那样,是靠一支阵形严整、密集如墙的步兵去拼杀的;他们的兵力主要由骑兵与弓箭手组成,交战时又不断因单人搏斗与流动的小股冲突而中断、再起,往往一连数日相持不下,也分不出个胜负来。卡迪西亚一役的各个阶段,都有各自别致的名目。头一阶段,因六千名叙利亚教友适时赶到,被称作“增援之日”。“冲撞之日”,或许是要形容交战一方、乃至双方阵脚大乱的情形。第三阶段是一场夜间的骚乱,得了个古怪的名字,唤作“犬吠之夜”——那乱糟糟的喧嚣,被人比作最凶猛的野兽所发出的、含混不清的嚎叫。到了次日清晨2011,波斯的命运就此定局:一阵来得正是时候的旋风,卷起漫天尘沙,直扑不信道者的面门。兵刃相击之声一路回荡,传到了鲁斯塔姆的营帐——他与那位同名的古代英雄可谓判若两人,此刻正懒洋洋地斜倚在一片清凉幽静的树荫下,四周堆着营中的辎重,还有一长列驮满金银的骡子。一听到危急的动静,他便从卧榻上一跃而起;可他仓皇逃命,终究还是被一名骁勇的阿拉伯人追上,那人抓住他的脚,砍下他的头,挑在长矛之上,随即杀回战场,在波斯人最密集的阵列中一路砍杀,散播死亡与惊惶。萨拉森人自认损失了七千五百人2012;卡迪西亚这一战,用“顽烈”与“惨酷”二字来形容,实在名副其实21。王朝的旗帜也在阵中被掀翻、夺走——那本是一名铁匠的皮围裙,相传古时此人曾挺身而出,做了波斯的救主;然而这面标志着英雄出身寒微的旗子,如今缀满珍宝,本来的模样几乎教人认不出了22。此役告捷之后,富庶的伊拉克行省(即亚述)归顺了哈里发;而巴士拉城的迅速兴建23,更把他的征服成果稳稳地扎下了根——此地历来扼控着波斯人的商贸与航运。在离海湾八十英里之处,幼发拉底河与底格里斯河汇成一道宽阔而径直的水流,人称“阿拉伯河”,这名字取得恰如其分。在这两条名川汇流之处与入海口之间的中途,新的聚居地就建在西岸:最初的移民不过八百名穆斯林,但凭着地利之便,很快便崛起为一座繁华稠密的大城。那里的空气虽酷热难当,却清新宜人;草地上遍布棕榈与牛群;附近的一处山谷,更被誉为亚洲四大乐园(或称四大名园)之一。在最初几位哈里发治下,这座阿拉伯殖民城市的管辖范围一直延伸到波斯南部各省;城中因葬有先知门徒与殉教者的坟墓而被奉为圣地;直到今日,欧洲的船只仍频繁往来于巴士拉港,视其为印度贸易一处便利的停泊站与中转地。
Notes 注释
1
↩
See the description of the city and country of Al Yamanah, in Abulfeda, Descript. Arabiae, p. 60, 61. In the xiiith century, there were some ruins, and a few palms; but in the present century, the same ground is occupied by the visions and arms of a modern prophet, whose tenets are imperfectly known, (Niebuhr, Description de l’Arabie, p. 296-302.)
关于亚玛麦城及其地方的描述,见阿布尔费达(Descript. Arabiae, p. 60, 61)。十三世纪时,那里尚存一些废墟和几株棕榈;而到当今这个世纪,同一片土地已被一位当代先知的幻象与刀兵所占据,此人的教义究竟如何,至今所知甚少(尼布尔,Description de l’Arabie, p. 296-302)。
1111
↩
This extraordinary woman was a Christian; she was at the head of a numerous and flourishing sect; Moseilama professed to recognize her inspiration. In a personal interview he proposed their marriage and the union of their sects. The handsome person, the impassioned eloquence, and the arts of Moseilama, triumphed over the virtue of the prophetesa who was rejected with scorn by her lover, and by her notorious unchastity ost her influence with her own followers. Gibbon, with that propensity too common, especially in his later volumes, has selected only the grosser part of this singular adventure.—M.
这位非凡的女子本是基督徒,统领着一个人数众多、颇为兴盛的教派;穆赛利迈声称承认她所受的启示。在一次单独会面中,他提议二人成婚,并将两派合而为一。穆赛利迈相貌堂堂,辩才炽烈,又工于心计,终于攻破了这位女先知的贞操;而她后来反遭情人轻蔑相弃,又因秽行昭彰,在自己信徒中间也丧尽了威信。吉本有一种太过常见的癖好——尤其在其后几卷中愈发如此——对这段离奇的风流韵事,他偏偏只挑了其中较为不堪的部分来讲。—M
2
↩
The first salutation may be transcribed, but cannot be translated. It was thus that Moseilama said or sung:—
Surge tandem itaque strenue permolenda; nam stratus tibi thorus est.
Aut in propatulo tentorio si velis, aut in abditiore cubiculo si malis;
Aut supinam te humi exporrectam fustigabo, si velis,
Aut si malis manibus pedibusque nixam.
Aut si velis ejus (Priapi) gemino triente aut si malis totus veniam.
Imo, totus venito, O Apostole Dei, clamabat foemina.
Id ipsum, dicebat
Moseilama, mihi quoque suggessit Deus.
The prophetess Segjah, after the fall of her lover, returned to idolatry; but under the reign of Moawiyah, she became a Mussulman, and died at Bassora, (Abulfeda, Annal. vers. Reiske, p. 63.)
Surge tandem itaque strenue permolenda; nam stratus tibi thorus est.
Aut in propatulo tentorio si velis, aut in abditiore cubiculo si malis;
Aut supinam te humi exporrectam fustigabo, si velis,
Aut si malis manibus pedibusque nixam.
Aut si velis ejus (Priapi) gemino triente aut si malis totus veniam.
Imo, totus venito, O Apostole Dei, clamabat foemina.
Id ipsum, dicebat
Moseilama, mihi quoque suggessit Deus.
The prophetess Segjah, after the fall of her lover, returned to idolatry; but under the reign of Moawiyah, she became a Mussulman, and died at Bassora, (Abulfeda, Annal. vers. Reiske, p. 63.)
这开场的招呼语,可以照录,却无法翻译。穆赛利迈当时便是这样说、或这样唱道:——
Surge tandem itaque strenue permolenda; nam stratus tibi thorus est. Aut in propatulo tentorio si velis, aut in abditiore cubiculo si malis; Aut supinam te humi exporrectam fustigabo, si velis, Aut si malis manibus pedibusque nixam. Aut si velis ejus (Priapi) gemino triente aut si malis totus veniam. Imo, totus venito, O Apostole Dei, clamabat foemina. Id ipsum, dicebat Moseilama, mihi quoque suggessit Deus.
穆赛利迈对那女先知如此说道,或如此吟唱,其狎昵的言辞大意约略如下:终于起来吧,且尽力承欢——衾榻早已为你铺设停当。你若愿意,便在这敞开的帐幕之中行事;你若中意,也不妨移往那更为幽隐的内室。你若愿意,我便让你仰面平铺、舒展于地而临之;你若中意,也可教你以双手双足撑地而伏。你若愿意,我便以其(普里阿普斯那话儿的)三分之二相就;你若中意,我索性尽数而来、毫无保留。那女子高声叫道:“不,请尽数而来吧,真主的使者!”穆赛利迈随即答道:“这也正是真主亲自启示给我的。”再说那女先知萨嘉赫,在情人穆赛利迈败亡之后,便重又皈依了偶像崇拜;然而到穆阿维叶在位之时,她终于皈信伊斯兰,成了穆斯林,最后终老于巴士拉城中(阿布尔费达《编年史》,赖斯克译本,p. 63)。
Surge tandem itaque strenue permolenda; nam stratus tibi thorus est. Aut in propatulo tentorio si velis, aut in abditiore cubiculo si malis; Aut supinam te humi exporrectam fustigabo, si velis, Aut si malis manibus pedibusque nixam. Aut si velis ejus (Priapi) gemino triente aut si malis totus veniam. Imo, totus venito, O Apostole Dei, clamabat foemina. Id ipsum, dicebat Moseilama, mihi quoque suggessit Deus.
穆赛利迈对那女先知如此说道,或如此吟唱,其狎昵的言辞大意约略如下:终于起来吧,且尽力承欢——衾榻早已为你铺设停当。你若愿意,便在这敞开的帐幕之中行事;你若中意,也不妨移往那更为幽隐的内室。你若愿意,我便让你仰面平铺、舒展于地而临之;你若中意,也可教你以双手双足撑地而伏。你若愿意,我便以其(普里阿普斯那话儿的)三分之二相就;你若中意,我索性尽数而来、毫无保留。那女子高声叫道:“不,请尽数而来吧,真主的使者!”穆赛利迈随即答道:“这也正是真主亲自启示给我的。”再说那女先知萨嘉赫,在情人穆赛利迈败亡之后,便重又皈依了偶像崇拜;然而到穆阿维叶在位之时,她终于皈信伊斯兰,成了穆斯林,最后终老于巴士拉城中(阿布尔费达《编年史》,赖斯克译本,p. 63)。
3
↩
See this text, which demonstrates a God from the work of generation, in Abulpharagius (Specimen Hist. Arabum, p. 13, and Dynast. p. 103) and Abulfeda, (Annal. p. 63.)
这段文字竟要从生殖之事来证明神的存在,见阿布·法拉杰(Specimen Hist. Arabum, p. 13;Dynast. p. 103)与阿布尔费达(Annal. p. 63)。
3111
↩
Compare a long account of this battle in Price, p. 42.—M.
关于此役的详尽记述,可比照普赖斯(Price, p. 42)。—M
311
↩
In Arabic, “successors.” V. Hammer Geschichte der Assas. p. 14—M.
此词在阿拉伯语中意为“继承者”。见哈默,Geschichte der Assas. p. 14。—M
4
↩
His reign in Eutychius, tom. ii. p. 251. Elmacin, p. 18. Abulpharagius, p. 108. Abulfeda, p. 60. D’Herbelot, p. 58.
其在位事迹见欧提基乌斯(tom. ii. p. 251)、埃尔马金(p. 18)、阿布·法拉杰(p. 108)、阿布尔费达(p. 60)、埃尔布洛(p. 58)。
5
↩
His reign in Eutychius, p. 264. Elmacin, p. 24. Abulpharagius, p. 110. Abulfeda, p. 66. D’Herbelot, p. 686.
其在位事迹见欧提基乌斯(p. 264)、埃尔马金(p. 24)、阿布·法拉杰(p. 110)、阿布尔费达(p. 66)、埃尔布洛(p. 686)。
6
↩
His reign in Eutychius, p. 323. Elmacin, p. 36. Abulpharagius, p. 115. Abulfeda, p. 75. D’Herbelot, p. 695.
其在位事迹见欧提基乌斯(p. 323)、埃尔马金(p. 36)、阿布·法拉杰(p. 115)、阿布尔费达(p. 75)、埃尔布洛(p. 695)。
7
↩
His reign in Eutychius, p. 343. Elmacin, p. 51. Abulpharagius, p. 117. Abulfeda, p. 83. D’Herbelot, p. 89.
其在位事迹见欧提基乌斯(p. 343)、埃尔马金(p. 51)、阿布·法拉杰(p. 117)、阿布尔费达(p. 83)、埃尔布洛(p. 89)。
8
↩
His reign in Eutychius, p. 344. Elmacin, p. 54. Abulpharagius, p. 123. Abulfeda, p. 101. D’Herbelot, p. 586.
其在位事迹见欧提基乌斯(p. 344)、埃尔马金(p. 54)、阿布·法拉杰(p. 123)、阿布尔费达(p. 101)、埃尔布洛(p. 586)。
9
↩
Their reigns in Eutychius, tom. ii. p. 360-395. Elmacin, p. 59-108. Abulpharagius, Dynast. ix. p. 124-139. Abulfeda, p. 111-141. D’Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 691, and the particular articles of the Ommiades.
他们诸位在位的事迹见欧提基乌斯(tom. ii. p. 360-395)、埃尔马金(p. 59-108)、阿布·法拉杰(Dynast. ix. p. 124-139)、阿布尔费达(p. 111-141)、埃尔布洛(Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 691),以及该书中专记倭马亚王朝各君的条目。
10
↩
For the viith and viiith century, we have scarcely any original evidence of the Byzantine historians, except the chronicles of Theophanes (Theophanis Confessoris Chronographia, Gr. et Lat. cum notis Jacobi Goar. Paris, 1665, in folio) and the Abridgment of Nicephorus, (Nicephori Patriarchae C. P. Breviarium Historicum, Gr. et Lat. Paris, 1648, in folio,) who both lived in the beginning of the ixth century, (see Hanckius de Scriptor. Byzant. p. 200-246.) Their contemporary, Photius, does not seem to be more opulent. After praising the style of Nicephorus, he adds, and only complains of his extreme brevity, (Phot. Bibliot. Cod. lxvi. p. 100.) Some additions may be gleaned from the more recent histories of Cedrenus and Zonaras of the xiith century.
关于七、八两个世纪,拜占庭史家几乎没给我们留下什么第一手的证据,只有塞奥法尼斯的编年史(Theophanis Confessoris Chronographia, Gr. et Lat. cum notis Jacobi Goar. Paris, 1665, in folio)和尼基弗鲁斯的节本(Nicephori Patriarchae C. P. Breviarium Historicum, Gr. et Lat. Paris, 1648, in folio)——二人都生活在九世纪初(见 Hanckius, de Scriptor. Byzant. p. 200-246)。与他们同时的佛提乌,所记似乎也不见得更丰赡:他先是称赞尼基弗鲁斯的文笔,随后又补上一句,只嫌其过于简略(Phot. Bibliot. Cod. lxvi. p. 100)。此外,还可从十二世纪塞德雷努斯与佐纳拉斯较晚的史著中,零星拾得一些补充。
11
↩
Tabari, or Al Tabari, a native of Taborestan, a famous Imam of Bagdad, and the Livy of the Arabians, finished his general history in the year of the Hegira 302, (A.D. 914.) At the request of his friends, he reduced a work of 30,000 sheets to a more reasonable size. But his Arabic original is known only by the Persian and Turkish versions. The Saracenic history of Ebn Amid, or Elmacin, is said to be an abridgment of the great Tabari, (Ockley’s Hist. of the Saracens, vol. ii. preface, p. xxxix. and list of authors, D’Herbelot, p. 866, 870, 1014.)
塔巴里(或作阿尔·塔巴里)生于塔巴里斯坦,是巴格达一位著名的伊玛目,堪称阿拉伯人的李维,他于希吉拉302年(公元914年)完成了自己的通史。应友人之请,他把一部原有三万页的巨著删削成较为适度的篇幅。不过他的阿拉伯文原本,如今只能借波斯文与土耳其文译本得见。伊本·阿米德(即埃尔马金)所著的萨拉森史,据说便是这部塔巴里巨著的节本(奥克利《萨拉森史》vol. ii. preface, p. xxxix. 及作者名录;埃尔布洛,p. 866, 870, 1014)。
12
↩
Besides the list of authors framed by Prideaux, (Life of Mahomet, p. 179-189,) Ockley, (at the end of his second volume,) and Petit de la Croix, (Hist. de Gengiscan, p. 525-550,) we find in the Bibliotheque Orientale Tarikh, a catalogue of two or three hundred histories or chronicles of the East, of which not more than three or four are older than Tabari. A lively sketch of Oriental literature is given by Reiske, (in his Prodidagmata ad Hagji Chalifae librum memorialem ad calcem Abulfedae Tabulae Syriae, Lipsiae, 1776;) but his project and the French version of Petit de la Croix (Hist. de Timur Bec, tom. i. preface, p. xlv.) have fallen to the ground.
除了普里多(Life of Mahomet, p. 179-189)、奥克利(其第二卷末)与佩蒂·德拉克鲁瓦(Hist. de Gengiscan, p. 525-550)各自开列的作者名单之外,我们还能在《东方文库》“Tarikh”(历史)一目之下,找到一份两三百部东方史著或编年史的目录,其中比塔巴里更古老的,至多不过三四部。赖斯克对东方文献有过一幅生动的勾勒(见其 Prodidagmata ad Hagji Chalifae librum memorialem,附于 Abulfedae Tabulae Syriae 卷末,Lipsiae, 1776);只可惜他的计划,连同佩蒂·德拉克鲁瓦的法文译本(Hist. de Timur Bec, tom. i. preface, p. xlv.),都终归落了空。
13
↩
The particular historians and geographers will be occasionally introduced. The four following titles represent the Annals which have guided me in this general narrative. 1. Annales Eutychii, Patriarchoe Alexandrini, ab Edwardo Pocockio, Oxon. 1656, 2 vols. in 4to. A pompous edition of an indifferent author, translated by Pocock to gratify the Presbyterian prejudices of his friend Selden. 2. Historia Saracenica Georgii Elmacini, opera et studio Thomae Erpenii, in 4to., Lugd. Batavorum, 1625. He is said to have hastily translated a corrupt Ms., and his version is often deficient in style and sense. 3. Historia compendiosa Dynastiarum a Gregorio Abulpharagio, interprete Edwardo Pocockio, in 4to., Oxon. 1663. More useful for the literary than the civil history of the East. 4. Abulfedoe Annales Moslemici ad Ann. Hegiroe ccccvi. a Jo. Jac. Reiske, in 4to., Lipsioe, 1754. The best of our chronicles, both for the original and version, yet how far below the name of Abulfeda! We know that he wrote at Hamah in the xivth century. The three former were Christians of the xth, xiith, and xiiith centuries; the two first, natives of Egypt; a Melchite patriarch, and a Jacobite scribe.
个别的史家与地理学家,将随文陆续引介。以下四部著作,便是指引我完成这篇总述的《编年史》。一、《欧提基乌斯编年史》(Annales Eutychii, Patriarchoe Alexandrini),爱德华·波科克编订,牛津,1656年,二卷,四开本。此书原作者本属平庸,却出了这么一个铺张堂皇的版本;波科克之所以译它,是为了迎合友人塞尔登那点长老派的成见。二、《埃尔马金萨拉森史》(Historia Saracenica Georgii Elmacini),托马斯·埃尔佩尼乌斯校勘编订,四开本,莱顿,1625年。据说他匆匆译自一份讹误百出的抄本,其译文往往文辞不通、义理不明。三、《王朝简史》(Historia compendiosa Dynastiarum),格里高利·阿布·法拉杰著,爱德华·波科克译,四开本,牛津,1663年。此书于东方的文史比于其政事之史更为有用。四、《阿布尔费达穆斯林编年史》(Abulfedae Annales Moslemici,讫于希吉拉406年),约·雅·赖斯克编,四开本,莱比锡,1754年。就原本与译本而言,这都是我们所有编年史中最上乘的一部,然而离“阿布尔费达”这名字所应有的分量,又何其遥远!我们只知道他于十四世纪在哈马撰述。前三位作者都是基督徒,分属十、十二、十三世纪;头两位是埃及本地人——一位麦尔基派牧首,一位雅各派书记。
14
↩
M. D. Guignes (Hist. des Huns, tom. i. pref. p. xix. xx.) has characterized, with truth and knowledge, the two sorts of Arabian historians—the dry annalist, and the tumid and flowery orator.
德经先生(Hist. des Huns, tom. i. pref. p. xix. xx.)以确凿的见识,刻画出阿拉伯史家的两种类型——枯燥乏味的编年家,与浮华绮丽的雄辩家。
15
↩
Bibliotheque Orientale, par M. D’Herbelot, in folio, Paris, 1697. For the character of the respectable author, consult his friend Thevenot, (Voyages du Levant, part i. chap. 1.) His work is an agreeable miscellany, which must gratify every taste; but I never can digest the alphabetical order; and I find him more satisfactory in the Persian than the Arabic history. The recent supplement from the papers of Mm. Visdelou, and Galland, (in folio, La Haye, 1779,) is of a different cast, a medley of tales, proverbs, and Chinese antiquities.
《东方文库》(Bibliotheque Orientale),埃尔布洛先生著,对开本,巴黎,1697年。关于这位可敬作者的为人,可参看其友泰夫诺(Voyages du Levant, part i. chap. 1)。他这部书是一部趣味盎然的杂纂,无论何种口味都能从中得到满足;只是那套按字母排列的体例,我却怎么也消受不来;而且我觉得,他记波斯的历史,要比记阿拉伯的历史更令人满意。晚近由韦德卢与加朗二位的遗稿辑成的补编(对开本,海牙,1779年),则另是一副面目,乃是传说、谚语与中国古物的大杂烩。
16
↩
Pocock will explain the chronology, (Specimen Hist. Arabum, p. 66-74,) and D’Anville the geography, (l’Euphrate, et le Tigre, p. 125,) of the dynasty of the Almondars. The English scholar understood more Arabic than the mufti of Aleppo, (Ockley, vol. ii. p. 34: ) the French geographer is equally at home in every age and every climate of the world.
阿尔蒙达尔王朝的年代,波科克有所考释(Specimen Hist. Arabum, p. 66-74);其地理,当维尔有所说明(l’Euphrate, et le Tigre, p. 125)。这位英国学者所通晓的阿拉伯语,比阿勒颇的穆夫提还要多(奥克利,vol. ii. p. 34);而那位法国地理学家,则无论世上哪个时代、哪种气候的地方,都一样了如指掌。
1611
↩
Eichhorn and Silvestre de Sacy have written on the obscure history of the Mondars.—M.
关于蒙达尔家族那段晦暗不明的历史,艾希霍恩与西尔维斯特·德萨西都曾撰文论及。—M
17
↩
Fecit et Chaled plurima in hoc anno praelia, in quibus vicerunt Muslimi, et infidelium immensa multitudine occisa spolia infinita et innumera sunt nacti, (Hist. Saracenica, p. 20.) The Christian annalist slides into the national and compendious term of infidels, and I often adopt (I hope without scandal) this characteristic mode of expression.
Fecit et Chaled plurima in hoc anno praelia, in quibus vicerunt Muslimi, et infidelium immensa multitudine occisa spolia infinita et innumera sunt nacti(Hist. Saracenica, p. 20)。这位基督徒编年史家,不知不觉便用起了“异教徒”这个本族惯用的省便称呼;我自己也常常沿用(但愿不致招人非议)这种颇具特色的说法。
1711
↩
Compare throughout Malcolm, vol. ii. p. 136.—M.
可通篇参照马尔科姆(Malcolm, vol. ii. p. 136)。—M
18
↩
A cycle of 120 years, the end of which an intercalary month of 30 days supplied the use of our Bissextile, and restored the integrity of the solar year. In a great revolution of 1440 years this intercalation was successively removed from the first to the twelfth month; but Hyde and Freret are involved in a profound controversy, whether the twelve, or only eight of these changes were accomplished before the aera of Yezdegerd, which is unanimously fixed to the 16th of June, A.D. 632. How laboriously does the curious spirit of Europe explore the darkest and most distant antiquities! (Hyde de Religione Persarum, c. 14-18, p. 181-211. Freret in the Mem. de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xvi. p. 233-267.)
这是一个 120 年的周期,每逢周期之末,便加插一个 30 天的闰月,以起到我们“闰日”的作用,使太阳年重归完整。在一个长达 1440 年的大轮回中,这一闰月的位置从第一个月依次挪移到第十二个月;不过海德与弗雷雷之间有过一场深奥的争论:在伊嗣俟纪元之前,这种挪移究竟完成了十二次,还是仅仅八次——而这个纪元,众口一致地定在公元632年6月16日。欧洲人那股好奇的探究精神,为了钩沉这些最幽暗、最遥远的古事,真是煞费苦心!(Hyde, de Religione Persarum, c. 14-18, p. 181-211。Freret, 见 Mem. de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xvi. p. 233-267。)
19
↩
Nine days after the death of Mahomet (7th June, A.D. 632) we find the aera of Yezdegerd, (16th June, A.D. 632,) and his accession cannot be postponed beyond the end of the first year. His predecessors could not therefore resist the arms of the caliph Omar; and these unquestionable dates overthrow the thoughtless chronology of Abulpharagius. See Ockley’s Hist. of the Saracens, vol. i. p. 130. * Note: The Rezont Uzzuffa (Price, p. 105) has a strange account of an embassy to Yezdegerd. The Oriental historians take great delight in these embassies, which give them an opportunity of displaying their Asiatic eloquence—M.
穆罕默德死后(公元632年6月7日)第九天,便有了伊嗣俟纪元的起点(公元632年6月16日);而他的即位,无论如何也不能推迟到第一年年末之后。由此可知,他那几位前任根本抵挡不住哈里发欧麦尔的兵锋;这些确凿无疑的年代,足以推翻阿布·法拉杰那套轻率的纪年。见奥克利《萨拉森史》vol. i. p. 130。*编者按:《热藻特·乌祖法》(Price, p. 105)载有一段派使觐见伊嗣俟的奇异记述。东方史家对这类遣使的场面津津乐道,因为正好借此一逞他们那套亚细亚式的滔滔辞令。—M
20
↩
Cadesia, says the Nubian geographer, (p. 121,) is in margine solitudinis, 61 leagues from Bagdad, and two stations from Cufa. Otter (Voyage, tom. i. p. 163) reckons 15 leagues, and observes, that the place is supplied with dates and water.
据努比亚地理学家说(p. 121),卡迪西亚位于“荒漠之缘”(in margine solitudinis),距巴格达六十一里格,离库法有两站路程。奥特(Voyage, tom. i. p. 163)则算作十五里格,并指出此地椰枣与水源都不缺。
2011
↩
The day of cormorants, or according to another reading the day of reinforcements. It was the night which was called the night of snarling. Price, p. 114.—M.
“鸬鹚之日”,或据另一种读法作“增援之日”。至于被称作“咆哮之夜”的,则是那一夜。普赖斯,p. 114。—M
2012
↩
According to Malcolm’s authorities, only three thousand; but he adds “This is the report of Mahomedan historians, who have a great disposition of the wonderful, in relating the first actions of the faithful” Vol. i. p. 39.—M.
据马尔科姆所依据的史料,仅有三千人;但他补充道:“这不过是穆斯林史家的说法,他们一讲到信众最初的战绩,便极爱铺张神异之事。”(Vol. i. p. 39。)—M
21
↩
Atrox, contumax, plus semel renovatum, are the well-chosen expressions of the translator of Abulfeda, (Reiske, p. 69.)
Atrox(惨酷)、contumax(顽梗)、plus semel renovatum(不止一次重启战端)——这都是阿布尔费达那位译者精心择取的措辞(赖斯克,p. 69)。
22
↩
D’Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 297, 348.
埃尔布洛,Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 297, 348。
23
↩
The reader may satisfy himself on the subject of Bassora by consulting the following writers: Geograph, Nubiens. p. 121. D’Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 192. D’Anville, l’Euphrate et le Tigre, p. 130, 133, 145. Raynal, Hist. Philosophique des deux Indes, tom. ii. p. 92-100. Voyages di Pietro della Valle, tom. iv. p. 370-391. De Tavernier, tom. i. p. 240-247. De Thevenot, tom. ii. p. 545-584. D Otter, tom. ii. p. 45-78. De Niebuhr, tom. ii. p. 172-199.
读者若想弄清巴士拉的种种情形,可查考以下诸家:Geograph. Nubiens. p. 121;埃尔布洛,Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 192;当维尔,l’Euphrate et le Tigre, p. 130, 133, 145;雷纳尔,Hist. Philosophique des deux Indes, tom. ii. p. 92-100;彼得罗·德拉·瓦莱《游记》(Voyages di Pietro della Valle), tom. iv. p. 370-391;塔韦尼耶,tom. i. p. 240-247;泰夫诺,tom. ii. p. 545-584;奥特,tom. ii. p. 45-78;尼布尔,tom. ii. p. 172-199。