Chapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part VIII. 第五十章 阿拉伯及其居民——第八节
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A life of prayer and contemplation had not chilled the martial activity of Ali; but in a mature age, after a long experience of mankind, he still betrayed in his conduct the rashness and indiscretion of youth. 1732 In the first days of his reign, he neglected to secure, either by gifts or fetters, the doubtful allegiance of Telha and Zobeir, two of the most powerful of the Arabian chiefs. They escaped from Medina to Mecca, and from thence to Bassora; erected the standard of revolt; and usurped the government of Irak, or Assyria, which they had vainly solicited as the reward of their services. The mask of patriotism is allowed to cover the most glaring inconsistencies; and the enemies, perhaps the assassins, of Othman now demanded vengeance for his blood. They were accompanied in their flight by Ayesha, the widow of the prophet, who cherished, to the last hour of her life, an implacable hatred against the husband and the posterity of Fatima. The most reasonable Moslems were scandalized, that the mother of the faithful should expose in a camp her person and character; 1733 but the superstitious crowd was confident that her presence would sanctify the justice, and assure the success, of their cause. At the head of twenty thousand of his loyal Arabs, and nine thousand valiant auxiliaries of Cufa, the caliph encountered and defeated the superior numbers of the rebels under the walls of Bassora. 1734 Their leaders, Telha and Zobeir, 1735 were slain in the first battle that stained with civil blood the arms of the Moslems. 1736 After passing through the ranks to animate the troops, Ayesha had chosen her post amidst the dangers of the field. In the heat of the action, seventy men, who held the bridle of her camel, were successively killed or wounded; and the cage or litter, in which she sat, was stuck with javelins and darts like the quills of a porcupine. The venerable captive sustained with firmness the reproaches of the conqueror, and was speedily dismissed to her proper station at the tomb of Mahomet, with the respect and tenderness that was still due to the widow of the apostle. 1737 After this victory, which was styled the Day of the Camel, Ali marched against a more formidable adversary; against Moawiyah, the son of Abu Sophian, who had assumed the title of caliph, and whose claim was supported by the forces of Syria and the interest of the house of Ommiyah. From the passage of Thapsacus, the plain of Siffin 174 extends along the western bank of the Euphrates. On this spacious and level theatre, the two competitors waged a desultory war of one hundred and ten days. In the course of ninety actions or skirmishes, the loss of Ali was estimated at twenty-five, that of Moawiyah at forty-five, thousand soldiers; and the list of the slain was dignified with the names of five-and-twenty veterans who had fought at Beder under the standard of Mahomet. In this sanguinary contest the lawful caliph displayed a superior character of valor and humanity. 1741 His troops were strictly enjoined to await the first onset of the enemy, to spare their flying brethren, and to respect the bodies of the dead, and the chastity of the female captives. He generously proposed to save the blood of the Moslems by a single combat; but his trembling rival declined the challenge as a sentence of inevitable death. The ranks of the Syrians were broken by the charge of a hero who was mounted on a piebald horse, and wielded with irresistible force his ponderous and two-edged sword. As often as he smote a rebel, he shouted the Allah Acbar, “God is victorious!” and in the tumult of a nocturnal battle, he was heard to repeat four hundred times that tremendous exclamation. The prince of Damascus already meditated his flight; but the certain victory was snatched from the grasp of Ali by the disobedience and enthusiasm of his troops. Their conscience was awed by the solemn appeal to the books of the Koran which Moawiyah exposed on the foremost lances; and Ali was compelled to yield to a disgraceful truce and an insidious compromise. He retreated with sorrow and indignation to Cufa; his party was discouraged; the distant provinces of Persia, of Yemen, and of Egypt, were subdued or seduced by his crafty rival; and the stroke of fanaticism, which was aimed against the three chiefs of the nation, was fatal only to the cousin of Mahomet. In the temple of Mecca, three Charegites or enthusiasts discoursed of the disorders of the church and state: they soon agreed, that the deaths of Ali, of Moawiyah, and of his friend Amrou, the viceroy of Egypt, would restore the peace and unity of religion. Each of the assassins chose his victim, poisoned his dagger, devoted his life, and secretly repaired to the scene of action. Their resolution was equally desperate: but the first mistook the person of Amrou, and stabbed the deputy who occupied his seat; the prince of Damascus was dangerously hurt by the second; the lawful caliph, in the mosch of Cufa, received a mortal wound from the hand of the third. He expired in the sixty-third year of his age, and mercifully recommended to his children, that they would despatch the murderer by a single stroke. 1742 The sepulchre of Ali 175 was concealed from the tyrants of the house of Ommiyah; 176 but in the fourth age of the Hegira, a tomb, a temple, a city, arose near the ruins of Cufa. 177 Many thousands of the Shiites repose in holy ground at the feet of the vicar of God; and the desert is vivified by the numerous and annual visits of the Persians, who esteem their devotion not less meritorious than the pilgrimage of Mecca.
阿里虽以祈祷与沉思为务,武人的锐气却未曾因此消磨;然而,即便年岁已长、阅世已深,他行事之间仍不免流露少年人的鲁莽与轻率。1732 即位之初,塔勒哈与祖拜尔——阿拉伯最有权势的两位首领——对他的效忠原本就靠不住,他却既不加以笼络,也不设法羁縻。二人先从麦地那逃往麦加,再由麦加辗转至巴士拉,竖起反旗,擅自攫取了伊拉克(即亚述)的治权——那本是他们邀功求赏却不可得的酬劳。打着忧国忧民的旗号,再明显的自相矛盾也能遮掩过去:这些人本是奥斯曼的仇敌,说不定还是杀害他的凶手,如今却反过来要为他的血债复仇。先知的遗孀阿伊莎与他们同行出逃;她对法蒂玛的丈夫及其后裔怀有刻骨的仇恨,至死不解。较为明理的穆斯林见“信士之母”竟抛头露面、置身军营,无不引以为耻;1733 但迷信的众人却深信,有她在场,己方的事业便师出有名,胜券在握。哈里发率两万忠于自己的阿拉伯人,外加九千骁勇的库法援军,在巴士拉城下迎战叛军,虽众寡悬殊,仍将其击溃。1734 叛军的两位首领塔勒哈与祖拜尔 1735 双双阵亡;这是穆斯林的刀兵头一回染上同室操戈的血。1736 阿伊莎穿行于阵列之间,为士卒鼓气,随后便择定自己的位置,立于战阵最凶险处。激战正酣,替她牵骆驼缰绳的七十名壮士接连非死即伤;她端坐的驮轿之上,插满了标枪飞镖,宛如豪猪身上倒竖的棘刺。这位可敬的女俘从容承受了胜利者的责难,随即被恭送回穆罕默德陵旁她应处的居所;身为使者的遗孀,她仍旧受到应有的敬重与体恤。1737 这场胜仗号称“骆驼之日”。此后,阿里挥师去讨伐一个更难对付的敌手——阿布·苏富扬之子穆阿维叶。此人已自称哈里发,背后有叙利亚的兵力为其撑腰,又有倭马亚家族的势力为其张目。绥芬平原 174 自塔普萨库斯渡口起,沿幼发拉底河西岸铺展开去。在这片开阔平坦的战场上,两位争位者断断续续地厮杀了一百一十天。历经大小九十次交锋,阿里一方阵亡约两万五千人,穆阿维叶一方约四万五千人;阵亡名录上,赫然列着二十五名老兵的名字——他们当年曾在穆罕默德的旗下于白德尔征战。在这场血腥的争斗中,合法的哈里发展现出更为高尚的勇武与仁德。1741 他严令部下:必待敌军先行进攻方可还手,对溃逃的同胞须手下留情,对阵亡者的遗体、对被俘妇女的贞节,都须心存敬重。他慷慨提议,以两人单打独斗来免去穆斯林的流血;但他那胆怯的对手却回避了挑战,视之无异于必死的判决。一位英雄骑着一匹花斑马冲杀而来,挥动沉重的双刃剑,其势锐不可当,叙利亚人的阵列就此被冲得七零八落。每砍倒一名叛军,他便高呼一声“安拉阿克巴”,意即“真主大胜!”;在一场夜战的喧嚣中,据说他把这惊天动地的呐喊重复了足足四百遍。大马士革的君主已在盘算逃跑;然而,唾手可得的胜利,却因阿里部下的抗命与狂热而从他掌中溜走。穆阿维叶命人把《古兰经》的经卷高挑在最前列的枪尖上,庄严地诉诸经义;阿里的将士良心受到震慑,他本人也只得屈从于一纸可耻的休战与暗藏祸心的妥协。他满怀悲愤,退回库法;麾下士气低落;波斯、也门、埃及等边远行省,或被他那狡诈的对手征服,或被其诱降;而那记冲着三位民族首领挥出的狂信者之刃,最终却只夺去了穆罕默德堂弟一人的性命。在麦加的圣所内,三名哈瓦利吉派的狂热信徒议论着教门与国政的乱象;他们很快取得一致:唯有除掉阿里、穆阿维叶,以及穆阿维叶的盟友、埃及总督阿慕尔,才能重建宗教的太平与统一。三名刺客各自选定行刺对象,将匕首淬上毒药,抱定必死之志,悄然潜往下手之地。三人决心同样孤注一掷:可第一名刺客认错了阿慕尔,刺中的是代他就座的副手;大马士革的君主被第二名刺客刺成重伤;至于合法的哈里发,则在库法的清真寺内,死于第三名刺客之手,伤重不治。他终年六十三岁;临终之际,仍以仁厚之心叮嘱子女:处死凶手时,一刀了结即可。1742 阿里的墓 175 深藏不露,倭马亚家族的暴君始终无从得知;176 然而到了希吉拉历第四个世纪,库法的废墟近旁,一座陵、一座圣殿、一座城陆续拔地而起。177 成千上万的什叶派信徒长眠于这片圣土,安卧在“真主代理人”脚下;波斯人年年成群结队前来朝拜,使这片荒漠平添生气——在他们心中,这份虔诚之功,丝毫不亚于麦加朝觐。
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The persecutors of Mahomet usurped the inheritance of his children; and the champions of idolatry became the supreme heads of his religion and empire. The opposition of Abu Sophian had been fierce and obstinate; his conversion was tardy and reluctant; his new faith was fortified by necessity and interest; he served, he fought, perhaps he believed; and the sins of the time of ignorance were expiated by the recent merits of the family of Ommiyah. Moawiyah, the son of Abu Sophian, and of the cruel Henda, was dignified, in his early youth, with the office or title of secretary of the prophet: the judgment of Omar intrusted him with the government of Syria; and he administered that important province above forty years, either in a subordinate or supreme rank. Without renouncing the fame of valor and liberality, he affected the reputation of humanity and moderation: a grateful people was attached to their benefactor; and the victorious Moslems were enriched with the spoils of Cyprus and Rhodes. The sacred duty of pursuing the assassins of Othman was the engine and pretence of his ambition. The bloody shirt of the martyr was exposed in the mosch of Damascus: the emir deplored the fate of his injured kinsman; and sixty thousand Syrians were engaged in his service by an oath of fidelity and revenge. Amrou, the conqueror of Egypt, himself an army, was the first who saluted the new monarch, and divulged the dangerous secret, that the Arabian caliphs might be created elsewhere than in the city of the prophet. 178 The policy of Moawiyah eluded the valor of his rival; and, after the death of Ali, he negotiated the abdication of his son Hassan, whose mind was either above or below the government of the world, and who retired without a sigh from the palace of Cufa to an humble cell near the tomb of his grandfather. The aspiring wishes of the caliph were finally crowned by the important change of an elective to an hereditary kingdom. Some murmurs of freedom or fanaticism attested the reluctance of the Arabs, and four citizens of Medina refused the oath of fidelity; but the designs of Moawiyah were conducted with vigor and address; and his son Yezid, a feeble and dissolute youth, was proclaimed as the commander of the faithful and the successor of the apostle of God.
昔日迫害穆罕默德的人,篡夺了本该传给他子孙的家业;昔日为偶像崇拜张目的斗士,摇身一变,竟成了他所创宗教与帝国的至尊。阿布·苏富扬当年反对得既凶且顽;归信来得又迟又不情愿;他这新入的信仰,全靠形势所迫与利害所系才得以巩固;他效力,他征战,或许也真心信奉过;蒙昧时代所犯的罪愆,如今便由倭马亚家族新近立下的功劳一笔勾销了。穆阿维叶是阿布·苏富扬与狠毒的欣德所生。他年少时便得授先知书记之职(或曰这一名衔);欧麦尔慧眼识人,把叙利亚的治权交到他手中;此后四十余年,他一直执掌这一要地,或居下位辅佐,或位极人臣独断。他既不肯放弃勇武与慷慨的美名,又刻意博取仁慈宽厚的声誉;百姓感念这位恩主,对他忠心拥戴;而节节得胜的穆斯林,则靠塞浦路斯与罗得岛的战利品富足起来。追缉杀害奥斯曼的凶手,本是一桩神圣的义务,却成了他推动野心的机关与幌子。那位殉难者血迹斑斑的衬袍,被高悬在大马士革的清真寺里示众;埃米尔痛惜蒙冤族亲的下场;六万叙利亚人遂立下效忠与复仇的誓言,投身他的麾下。征服埃及的阿慕尔——他一人便抵得上一支大军——率先向这位新君主致敬,并道破了一个危险的秘密:阿拉伯的哈里发,未必非在先知之城册立不可,别处一样立得。178 穆阿维叶以权谋避开了对手的骁勇;阿里死后,他又出面斡旋,逼使阿里之子哈桑逊位。论治理天下,哈桑的心性或失之过高,或失之过低,总之与俗务无缘;他毫不惋惜,径自离开库法的宫殿,退居其祖父陵旁一间简陋的斗室。哈里发一番野心勃勃的图谋,终于如愿以偿:他把选举产生的王国,一举变为世袭相传的王朝——这一变革意义非同小可。有人出于对自由的珍视,有人出于宗教的狂热,纷纷发出怨言,足见阿拉伯人对此心怀抵触;麦地那更有四位公民拒绝宣誓效忠。然而穆阿维叶行事既有力又老练;他那孱弱放荡的儿子叶齐德,终究被拥立为“信士的统帅”、真主使者的继承人。
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A familiar story is related of the benevolence of one of the sons of Ali. In serving at table, a slave had inadvertently dropped a dish of scalding broth on his master: the heedless wretch fell prostrate, to deprecate his punishment, and repeated a verse of the Koran: “Paradise is for those who command their anger: “—“I am not angry: “—“and for those who pardon offences: “—“I pardon your offence: “—“and for those who return good for evil: “—”I give you your liberty and four hundred pieces of silver.” With an equal measure of piety, Hosein, the younger brother of Hassan, inherited a remnant of his father’s spirit, and served with honor against the Christians in the siege of Constantinople. The primogeniture of the line of Hashem, and the holy character of grandson of the apostle, had centred in his person, and he was at liberty to prosecute his claim against Yezid, the tyrant of Damascus, whose vices he despised, and whose title he had never deigned to acknowledge. A list was secretly transmitted from Cufa to Medina, of one hundred and forty thousand Moslems, who professed their attachment to his cause, and who were eager to draw their swords so soon as he should appear on the banks of the Euphrates. Against the advice of his wisest friends, he resolved to trust his person and family in the hands of a perfidious people. He traversed the desert of Arabia with a timorous retinue of women and children; but as he approached the confines of Irak he was alarmed by the solitary or hostile face of the country, and suspected either the defection or ruin of his party. His fears were just: Obeidollah, the governor of Cufa, had extinguished the first sparks of an insurrection; and Hosein, in the plain of Kerbela, was encompassed by a body of five thousand horse, who intercepted his communication with the city and the river. He might still have escaped to a fortress in the desert, that had defied the power of Caesar and Chosroes, and confided in the fidelity of the tribe of Tai, which would have armed ten thousand warriors in his defence.
关于阿里某个儿子的仁厚,有一则广为流传的故事。一名奴隶在侍膳时,失手将一盘滚烫的肉汤泼在主人身上。这粗心的可怜人慌忙伏地叩首,乞免责罚,口中背诵起《古兰经》的一节经文:“乐园属于能制怒之人”——主人答:“我并未动怒”——“也属于能恕人过错之人”——“我宽恕你的过失”——“更属于以德报怨之人”——“我还你自由之身,另赠银币四百枚。”哈桑之弟侯赛因同样虔敬,且承袭了几分乃父的遗风;在围攻君士坦丁堡的战事中,他曾对阵基督徒,立下战功。哈希姆一系的长房嫡传,加上“使者之孙”这一神圣身份,如今都集于他一身;他大可名正言顺地向大马士革的暴君叶齐德主张自己的权利——他鄙夷此人的种种恶行,也从不屑于承认其名位。一份名单从库法秘密送抵麦地那,上列十四万穆斯林之名,个个声称拥护他的事业,只待他一现身幼发拉底河畔,便要拔剑相从。他不顾最有见识的友人劝阻,执意把自己和一家老小,托付给一群反复无常的人。他带着一队怯生生的妇孺,穿越阿拉伯的沙漠;可当他行近伊拉克边境,只见沿途或荒凉冷落、或满目敌意,不由心生警觉,疑心自己的党羽不是叛离,便是已遭覆灭。他的忧惧并非多余:库法总督欧拜杜拉早已把起事的星星之火扑灭;侯赛因则在卡尔巴拉平原上,被五千骑兵团团围住,与城池和河流的联络尽被切断。其实他本还可以逃入沙漠中一座堡垒——那堡垒当年曾令恺撒与库思老都奈何不得——再倚仗泰伊部落的忠义,那部落原可为护卫他而武装起一万勇士。
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In a conference with the chief of the enemy, he proposed the option of three honorable conditions: that he should be allowed to return to Medina, or be stationed in a frontier garrison against the Turks, or safely conducted to the presence of Yezid. But the commands of the caliph, or his lieutenant, were stern and absolute; and Hosein was informed that he must either submit as a captive and a criminal to the commander of the faithful, or expect the consequences of his rebellion. “Do you think,” replied he, “to terrify me with death?” And, during the short respite of a night, 1781 he prepared with calm and solemn resignation to encounter his fate. He checked the lamentations of his sister Fatima, who deplored the impending ruin of his house. “Our trust,” said Hosein, “is in God alone. All things, both in heaven and earth, must perish and return to their Creator. My brother, my father, my mother, were better than me, and every Mussulman has an example in the prophet.” He pressed his friends to consult their safety by a timely flight: they unanimously refused to desert or survive their beloved master: and their courage was fortified by a fervent prayer and the assurance of paradise. On the morning of the fatal day, he mounted on horseback, with his sword in one hand and the Koran in the other: his generous band of martyrs consisted only of thirty-two horse and forty foot; but their flanks and rear were secured by the tent-ropes, and by a deep trench which they had filled with lighted fagots, according to the practice of the Arabs. The enemy advanced with reluctance, and one of their chiefs deserted, with thirty followers, to claim the partnership of inevitable death. In every close onset, or single combat, the despair of the Fatimites was invincible; but the surrounding multitudes galled them from a distance with a cloud of arrows, and the horses and men were successively slain; a truce was allowed on both sides for the hour of prayer; and the battle at length expired by the death of the last companions of Hosein. Alone, weary, and wounded, he seated himself at the door of his tent. As he tasted a drop of water, he was pierced in the mouth with a dart; and his son and nephew, two beautiful youths, were killed in his arms. He lifted his hands to heaven; they were full of blood; and he uttered a funeral prayer for the living and the dead. In a transport of despair his sister issued from the tent, and adjured the general of the Cufians, that he would not suffer Hosein to be murdered before his eyes: a tear trickled down his venerable beard; and the boldest of his soldiers fell back on every side as the dying hero threw himself among them. The remorseless Shamer, a name detested by the faithful, reproached their cowardice; and the grandson of Mahomet was slain with three-and-thirty strokes of lances and swords. After they had trampled on his body, they carried his head to the castle of Cufa, and the inhuman Obeidollah struck him on the mouth with a cane: “Alas,” exclaimed an aged Mussulman, “on these lips have I seen the lips of the apostle of God!” In a distant age and climate, the tragic scene of the death of Hosein will awaken the sympathy of the coldest reader. 179 1791 On the annual festival of his martyrdom, in the devout pilgrimage to his sepulchre, his Persian votaries abandon their souls to the religious frenzy of sorrow and indignation. 180
在与敌方主将会谈时,他提出三个不失体面的条件,任择其一:或准他返回麦地那;或将他派往防御突厥人的边境戍地;或将他安然护送到叶齐德面前。然而哈里发(或其麾下将领)的命令严厉而不容通融:侯赛因得到通知,要么以俘虏和罪犯的身份向“信士的统帅”俯首听命,要么承担谋反的一切后果。“你们莫非以为,”他答道,“能拿死来吓倒我?”于是,趁着一夜短暂的宽限,1781 他心境平静而庄严,坦然听天由命,准备迎接自己的结局。他的妹妹法蒂玛为门第将倾而恸哭,他出言止住了她的悲叹。“我等所倚靠的,”侯赛因说,“唯有真主一人。天上地下,万物终将消亡,复归于造物主。我的兄长、我的父亲、我的母亲,都远胜于我;而每一个穆斯林,都能从先知身上找到榜样。”他极力劝身边的友人及早逃生,各自保全性命;他们却异口同声,拒绝背弃自己敬爱的主人,也不愿独自苟活;一番热忱的祈祷,加上乐园在望的笃信,使他们的勇气更加坚定。大限之日的清晨,他跨上战马,一手仗剑,一手持《古兰经》;追随他慷慨赴死的这一小队殉道者,不过骑兵三十二人、步卒四十人;但他们依照阿拉伯人的惯常做法,用帐篷的绳索和一道填满燃烧柴束的深沟,护住了两翼与后方。敌军进逼时颇为迟疑,其中一名将领竟带着三十名部下临阵倒戈,甘愿同赴这在劫难逃的死地。每逢短兵相接或单打独斗,法蒂玛后裔那视死如归的绝勇便无人能敌;然而四面围拢的大队人马却在远处放箭如雨,将他们死死压制,人马遂一个接一个地倒下。到了祈祷时辰,双方约定暂且休战;待战事重开,侯赛因的最后几名同伴也相继阵亡,这场厮杀终告平息。侯赛因孤身一人,既疲且伤,在自己帐篷门口坐了下来。正当他饮下一滴水时,一支飞镖射穿了他的嘴;他的儿子与侄儿——两个俊美的少年——也在他怀中被杀。他向天举起双手,掌中满是鲜血;口中为生者与死者念诵起悼亡的祷词。他的妹妹悲恸欲绝,冲出帐来,恳求库法军的主将,别让侯赛因惨死在他眼前;一行泪水从那主将可敬的须髯间滚落;而当这垂死的英雄纵身扑入敌阵之际,最勇悍的士兵也纷纷向四下退避。冷酷无情的沙迈尔——一个为信徒所深恶痛绝的名字——斥责众人怯懦;于是,穆罕默德的外孙身中三十三下枪矛与刀剑,就此殒命。他们踏践了他的遗体之后,把他的头颅送到库法的城堡;惨无人道的欧拜杜拉竟用手杖敲打那嘴唇:“唉,”一位年迈的穆斯林失声叹道,“这双唇上,我曾亲见真主使者的双唇啊!”即便相隔遥远的时代与迥异的水土,侯赛因之死那一幕悲剧,也足以唤起最铁石心肠的读者的同情。179 1791 每逢纪念他殉难的年度节日,波斯的信徒们虔诚地前往他的陵墓朝拜,把整个心灵都交付给那由悲伤与义愤交织而成的宗教狂热。180
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When the sisters and children of Ali were brought in chains to the throne of Damascus, the caliph was advised to extirpate the enmity of a popular and hostile race, whom he had injured beyond the hope of reconciliation. But Yezid preferred the councils of mercy; and the mourning family was honorably dismissed to mingle their tears with their kindred at Medina. The glory of martyrdom superseded the right of primogeniture; and the twelve imams, 181 or pontiffs, of the Persian creed, are Ali, Hassan, Hosein, and the lineal descendants of Hosein to the ninth generation. Without arms, or treasures, or subjects, they successively enjoyed the veneration of the people, and provoked the jealousy of the reigning caliphs: their tombs, at Mecca or Medina, on the banks of the Euphrates, or in the province of Chorasan, are still visited by the devotion of their sect. Their names were often the pretence of sedition and civil war; but these royal saints despised the pomp of the world: submitted to the will of God and the injustice of man; and devoted their innocent lives to the study and practice of religion. The twelfth and last of the Imams, conspicuous by the title of Mahadi, or the Guide, surpassed the solitude and sanctity of his predecessors. He concealed himself in a cavern near Bagdad: the time and place of his death are unknown; and his votaries pretend that he still lives, and will appear before the day of judgment to overthrow the tyranny of Dejal, or the Antichrist. 182 In the lapse of two or three centuries, the posterity of Abbas, the uncle of Mahomet, had multiplied to the number of thirty-three thousand: 183 the race of Ali might be equally prolific: the meanest individual was above the first and greatest of princes; and the most eminent were supposed to excel the perfection of angels. But their adverse fortune, and the wide extent of the Mussulman empire, allowed an ample scope for every bold and artful imposture, who claimed affinity with the holy seed: the sceptre of the Almohades, in Spain and Africa; of the Fatimites, in Egypt and Syria; 184 of the Sultans of Yemen; and of the Sophis of Persia; 185 has been consecrated by this vague and ambiguous title. Under their reigns it might be dangerous to dispute the legitimacy of their birth; and one of the Fatimite caliphs silenced an indiscreet question by drawing his cimeter: “This,” said Moez, “is my pedigree; and these,” casting a handful of gold to his soldiers,—“and these are my kindred and my children.” In the various conditions of princes, or doctors, or nobles, or merchants, or beggars, a swarm of the genuine or fictitious descendants of Mahomet and Ali is honored with the appellation of sheiks, or sherifs, or emirs. In the Ottoman empire they are distinguished by a green turban; receive a stipend from the treasury; are judged only by their chief; and, however debased by fortune or character, still assert the proud preeminence of their birth. A family of three hundred persons, the pure and orthodox branch of the caliph Hassan, is preserved without taint or suspicion in the holy cities of Mecca and Medina, and still retains, after the revolutions of twelve centuries, the custody of the temple, and the sovereignty of their native land. The fame and merit of Mahomet would ennoble a plebeian race, and the ancient blood of the Koreish transcends the recent majesty of the kings of the earth. 186
阿里的姐妹与子女被戴上锁链、押到大马士革的宝座前;有人进言哈里发,说这一族既得民心又心怀敌意,而哈里发对他们的伤害已深,早已无可挽回、绝难和解,不如将其斩草除根,以绝后患。但叶齐德却宁取宽仁之策;这一门戴孝之人遂获礼遇,放归麦地那,与亲族一同挥泪。殉道的荣光,盖过了长房嫡传的名分;波斯教派所奉的十二位伊玛目 181(即教长),便是阿里、哈桑、侯赛因,以及侯赛因下传九代的嫡系子孙。他们既无军队,又无财货,亦无臣民,却世代享受万民的崇敬,也招来在位哈里发的猜忌;他们的陵墓,或在麦加、麦地那,或在幼发拉底河畔,或在呼罗珊行省,至今仍有本派信徒虔诚瞻拜。他们的名号,屡屡被人拿来当作煽动叛乱、挑起内战的幌子;然而这些王家出身的圣者却鄙弃尘世的浮华,甘愿顺从真主的旨意,也逆来顺受地承受世人的不公,把清白无辜的一生,尽数奉献给对宗教的钻研与践行。十二位伊玛目中的末一位,以“马赫迪”(意即“引路者”)之号著称,其隐遁之深、圣德之高,更在历代前辈之上。他藏身于巴格达附近的一处洞穴;其死于何时、葬于何地,无人知晓;他的信徒们则宣称他至今仍在人间,将于末日审判之前重现,一举推翻达贾尔(即敌基督)的暴政。182 历经两三百年,穆罕默德的叔父阿拔斯,其后裔已繁衍至三万三千之众;183 阿里一脉大约也同样人丁兴旺。这些后裔中,最卑微的一个,地位也在天下头等尊贵的君王之上;而其中最显赫者,据说更胜过天使的至善。然而,他们时运不济,加之穆斯林帝国幅员辽阔,这就给形形色色胆大狡黠的冒名之徒留下了广阔的施展余地——个个都自称与这神圣血脉沾亲带故:西班牙与非洲的阿尔摩哈德王朝、埃及与叙利亚的法蒂玛王朝、184 也门的诸苏丹、波斯的萨非王朝,185 其王权无不借这一含糊暧昧的名号而增添了神圣色彩。在他们治下,若质疑其出身是否正统,恐有性命之虞;有一位法蒂玛王朝的哈里发,便拔出弯刀,叫一句冒失的发问就此噤声:“这,”穆伊兹说,“便是我的家谱;而这些,”——他随手抛出一把金币给身边的士兵——“这些便是我的亲族与子女。”穆罕默德与阿里的后裔,无论真伪,皆成群结队,遍布各色人等——有的贵为君侯,有的是饱学之士,有的位列显贵,有的经商为贾,有的则沦为乞丐;而世人无不尊称他们为谢赫、谢里夫或埃米尔。在奥斯曼帝国,他们以头缠绿色头巾为标志;可从国库领取俸禄;犯了事只受本族首领审断;而无论境遇多么潦倒、品行多么卑下,他们仍旧夸耀自己出身高贵、超乎众人。哈里发哈桑一系纯正嫡传的一支后裔,有一家三百口人,血脉清白无瑕、不容置疑,一直繁衍于麦加、麦地那两座圣城;历经十二个世纪的沧桑变迁,他们至今仍掌管着圣殿,也保有对故土的主权。穆罕默德的声名与功业,足以使一个平民家族跻身贵胄;古莱什那源远流长的血统,其尊贵更远在尘世列王晚近才得来的威仪之上。186
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The talents of Mahomet are entitled to our applause; but his success has, perhaps, too strongly attracted our admiration. Are we surprised that a multitude of proselytes should embrace the doctrine and the passions of an eloquent fanatic? In the heresies of the church, the same seduction has been tried and repeated from the time of the apostles to that of the reformers. Does it seem incredible that a private citizen should grasp the sword and the sceptre, subdue his native country, and erect a monarchy by his victorious arms? In the moving picture of the dynasties of the East, a hundred fortunate usurpers have arisen from a baser origin, surmounted more formidable obstacles, and filled a larger scope of empire and conquest. Mahomet was alike instructed to preach and to fight; and the union of these opposite qualities, while it enhanced his merit, contributed to his success: the operation of force and persuasion, of enthusiasm and fear, continually acted on each other, till every barrier yielded to their irresistible power. His voice invited the Arabs to freedom and victory, to arms and rapine, to the indulgence of their darling passions in this world and the other: the restraints which he imposed were requisite to establish the credit of the prophet, and to exercise the obedience of the people; and the only objection to his success was his rational creed of the unity and perfections of God. It is not the propagation, but the permanency, of his religion, that deserves our wonder: the same pure and perfect impression which he engraved at Mecca and Medina, is preserved, after the revolutions of twelve centuries, by the Indian, the African, and the Turkish proselytes of the Koran. If the Christian apostles, St. Peter or St. Paul, could return to the Vatican, they might possibly inquire the name of the Deity who is worshipped with such mysterious rites in that magnificent temple: at Oxford or Geneva, they would experience less surprise; but it might still be incumbent on them to peruse the catechism of the church, and to study the orthodox commentators on their own writings and the words of their Master. But the Turkish dome of St. Sophia, with an increase of splendor and size, represents the humble tabernacle erected at Medina by the hands of Mahomet. The Mahometans have uniformly withstood the temptation of reducing the object of their faith and devotion to a level with the senses and imagination of man. “I believe in one God, and Mahomet the apostle of God,” is the simple and invariable profession of Islam. The intellectual image of the Deity has never been degraded by any visible idol; the honors of the prophet have never transgressed the measure of human virtue; and his living precepts have restrained the gratitude of his disciples within the bounds of reason and religion. The votaries of Ali have, indeed, consecrated the memory of their hero, his wife, and his children; and some of the Persian doctors pretend that the divine essence was incarnate in the person of the Imams; but their superstition is universally condemned by the Sonnites; and their impiety has afforded a seasonable warning against the worship of saints and martyrs. The metaphysical questions on the attributes of God, and the liberty of man, have been agitated in the schools of the Mahometans, as well as in those of the Christians; but among the former they have never engaged the passions of the people, or disturbed the tranquillity of the state. The cause of this important difference may be found in the separation or union of the regal and sacerdotal characters. It was the interest of the caliphs, the successors of the prophet and commanders of the faithful, to repress and discourage all religious innovations: the order, the discipline, the temporal and spiritual ambition of the clergy, are unknown to the Moslems; and the sages of the law are the guides of their conscience and the oracles of their faith. From the Atlantic to the Ganges, the Koran is acknowledged as the fundamental code, not only of theology, but of civil and criminal jurisprudence; and the laws which regulate the actions and the property of mankind are guarded by the infallible and immutable sanction of the will of God. This religious servitude is attended with some practical disadvantage; the illiterate legislator had been often misled by his own prejudices and those of his country; and the institutions of the Arabian desert may be ill adapted to the wealth and numbers of Ispahan and Constantinople. On these occasions, the Cadhi respectfully places on his head the holy volume, and substitutes a dexterous interpretation more apposite to the principles of equity, and the manners and policy of the times.
穆罕默德的才干,理当赢得我们的赞叹;然而他的成功,或许太过牵引了我们的钦慕之情。一位能言善辩的狂热者,其教义与激情引得芸芸信众趋之若鹜——这难道值得我们惊讶吗?在教会历次异端之中,同样的蛊惑手段屡试不爽,自使徒的时代一直重演到宗教改革家的时代。一介平民,竟能攫取刀剑与王权,征服自己的故邦,凭赫赫武功建起一个王朝——这难道就那么令人难以置信吗?在东方列朝那幅变幻不定的画卷里,成百个侥幸得逞的篡位者,出身比他更卑微,跨越的阻碍比他更险峻,攫取的疆土与征服的范围也比他更辽阔。穆罕默德既善布道,又善征战,二者兼修;这两种相反相成的禀赋合于一身,既抬高了他的功业,也助成了他的成功。武力与劝服、狂热与恐惧,这几股力量彼此激荡、循环相生,直到一切障碍都在其锐不可当的威势下土崩瓦解。他的号召,引阿拉伯人走向自由与胜利,走向刀兵与劫掠,并许诺他们无论今生来世,都可尽情放纵其最钟爱的种种欲望。至于他所加的种种戒律,则是为树立先知的威信、磨炼百姓的顺从所必需;而唯一有碍其成功的,反倒是他那关于真主独一无二、至善至美的理性信条。真正值得我们称奇的,不是他这宗教传播之广,而是它绵延之久。他当年在麦加与麦地那所刻下的那一份纯净而完满的印记,历经十二个世纪的沧桑,至今仍由印度、非洲与土耳其皈依《古兰经》的信众原样保存着。倘若基督的使徒圣彼得或圣保罗能重返梵蒂冈,他们兴许会发问:在那座宏伟的殿堂里,人们用如此神秘的仪典所供奉的,究竟是哪一位神明?若是到了牛津或日内瓦,他们的惊讶会少一些;但即便如此,他们恐怕仍得研读教会的《教理问答》,还得钻研那些正统注释家对他们自己的著作、对他们主的言语所作的诠解。而圣索菲亚那属于土耳其人的穹顶,尽管更为壮丽、更为宏大,所承继的却仍是当年穆罕默德亲手在麦地那搭起的那座简陋圣所。穆斯林始终如一地抵住了一种诱惑——即把他们信仰与崇拜的对象,降格到与人的感官和想象同一层次。“我信仰独一的真主,穆罕默德是真主的使者”——这便是伊斯兰教朴素而不变的信仰宣言。对真主那纯乎心智的观念,从未因任何有形的偶像而遭贬损;对先知的尊崇,也从未逾越凡人德行的分寸;而他留下的鲜活训诫,更把门徒们的感恩之情,约束在理性与宗教的界限之内。诚然,阿里的信徒们把他们心目中的英雄,连同他的妻子儿女,一并奉为神圣,永志缅怀;某些波斯的学者更妄称,神圣的本体曾道成肉身,寄寓于历代伊玛目之身。然而逊尼派对这种迷信一致加以谴责;而其亵渎之举,恰好及时地对膜拜圣徒与殉道者之风敲响了警钟。关于真主的属性、关于人的自由意志这类形而上的问题,无论在穆斯林的学派中,还是在基督徒的学派中,都曾引发争论;只不过在前者中间,这些争论从未搅动过民众的激情,也从未扰乱过国家的安宁。这一重大差别的根由,或可从王权与祭司权二者的分立与合一中去寻求。哈里发身兼先知的继承者与“信士的统帅”,压制并遏止一切宗教上的标新立异,正合乎他们的利益。那种教士阶层的等级建制、清规戒律,以及他们对世俗与灵性权柄的双重野心,穆斯林闻所未闻;引领其良知、堪为信仰权威的,唯有精通教法的贤哲。自大西洋直到恒河,《古兰经》被公认为根本大法,不仅统摄神学,也统摄民刑两界的法理;而那些规范世人行为与财产的律法,则由真主意志那不谬不易的裁断所守护。这样一种宗教上的桎梏,也带来若干实际的弊端:那位不通文墨的立法者,往往为一己之偏见、一国之成见所误导;而源自阿拉伯沙漠的种种制度,未必适应伊斯法罕、君士坦丁堡那般的富庶与人烟。遇到这类情形,卡迪便毕恭毕敬地把那部圣典顶在头上,另以一番巧妙的诠释取而代之——这诠释更契合公道的原则,也更合乎当时的风俗与治道。
¶
His beneficial or pernicious influence on the public happiness is the last consideration in the character of Mahomet. The most bitter or most bigoted of his Christian or Jewish foes will surely allow that he assumed a false commission to inculcate a salutary doctrine, less perfect only than their own. He piously supposed, as the basis of his religion, the truth and sanctity of their prior revolutions, the virtues and miracles of their founders. The idols of Arabia were broken before the throne of God; the blood of human victims was expiated by prayer, and fasting, and alms, the laudable or innocent arts of devotion; and his rewards and punishments of a future life were painted by the images most congenial to an ignorant and carnal generation. Mahomet was, perhaps, incapable of dictating a moral and political system for the use of his countrymen: but he breathed among the faithful a spirit of charity and friendship; recommended the practice of the social virtues; and checked, by his laws and precepts, the thirst of revenge, and the oppression of widows and orphans. The hostile tribes were united in faith and obedience, and the valor which had been idly spent in domestic quarrels was vigorously directed against a foreign enemy. Had the impulse been less powerful, Arabia, free at home and formidable abroad, might have flourished under a succession of her native monarchs. Her sovereignty was lost by the extent and rapidity of conquest. The colonies of the nation were scattered over the East and West, and their blood was mingled with the blood of their converts and captives. After the reign of three caliphs, the throne was transported from Medina to the valley of Damascus and the banks of the Tigris; the holy cities were violated by impious war; Arabia was ruled by the rod of a subject, perhaps of a stranger; and the Bedoweens of the desert, awakening from their dream of dominion, resumed their old and solitary independence. 187
穆罕默德对公众福祉究竟是利是害,乃是我们品评其人时最后要考量的一点。即便是他那些基督徒或犹太仇敌中最刻毒、最偏执的一个,也势必承认:他固然假托了一项子虚乌有的使命,所灌输的教义却是有益于世的,只不过略逊于他们自家的教义罢了。他虔诚地把犹太教、基督教在先的启示奉为真确而神圣,把两教创立者的德行与神迹信以为真,并以此作为自己宗教的根基。阿拉伯的偶像,在真主的宝座前被一一砸碎;以活人献祭所流的血,如今由祈祷、斋戒与施舍——这些或可嘉许、或无伤大雅的虔修之法——来赎偿抵消;而他为来世所设的赏罚,则以种种意象加以描绘,那些意象最能投合一个蒙昧而耽于肉欲之世代的口味。要为其国人量身定制一套道德与政治的体系,穆罕默德或许力有未逮;但他毕竟在信徒之间吹入了一股仁爱与友睦之风,倡导践行种种睦邻利群的美德,又以律法和训诫,遏制了复仇的渴念,也制止了对孤儿寡母的欺凌。素来敌对的各部落,在共同的信仰与服从下归于一统;从前白白耗费于内斗的勇力,如今则昂扬地投向外敌。倘若这股推力稍弱几分,阿拉伯本可对内保有自由、对外令人生畏,在一代代本土君主的相继统治下欣欣向荣。然而,恰恰是征服的范围之广、势头之猛,反使她葬送了自己的主权。这个民族的移民散布于东方与西方,他们的血脉与被征服的皈依者、俘虏之血相互交融。三代哈里发过后,权位便从麦地那迁往大马士革的谷地与底格里斯河畔;两座圣城遭亵渎的战火蹂躏;阿拉伯反倒落入一个臣属、甚或一个外人的杖下受治;而沙漠中的贝都因人,则从称霸天下的迷梦中醒来,重又回到他们那古老而孤立的独立状态。187
Notes 注释
1732
↩
Ali had determined to supersede all the lieutenants in the different provinces. Price, p. 191. Compare, on the conduct of Telha and Zobeir, p. 193—M.
阿里已下定决心,要替换各行省所有的副官。见普赖斯,第191页。塔勒哈与祖拜尔的行止,可参看第193页。—M
1733
↩
See the very curious circumstances which took place before and during her flight. Price, p. 196.—M.
她出逃之前及逃亡途中所发生的种种离奇情形,颇值一观。见普赖斯,第196页。—M
1734
↩
The reluctance of Ali to shed the blood of true believers is strikingly described by Major Price’s Persian historians. Price, p. 222.—M.
阿里不愿让真信徒流血,普赖斯少校所引的波斯史家对此有极为生动的描述。见普赖斯,第222页。—M
1735
↩
See (in Price) the singular adventures of Zobeir. He was murdered after having abandoned the army of the insurgents. Telha was about to do the same, when his leg was pierced with an arrow by one of his own party The wound was mortal. Price, p. 222.—M.
祖拜尔那段离奇的遭遇,可参看普赖斯书中所述。他离弃了叛军之后,即遭人杀害。塔勒哈本也打算如法炮制,不料腿部被己方的人一箭射穿,伤重不治。见普赖斯,第222页。—M
1736
↩
According to Price, two hundred and eighty of the Benni Beianziel alone lost a right hand in this service, (p. 225.)—M
据普赖斯所载,单是贝尼·贝扬齐勒一族,就有二百八十人在此役中失去了右手。(第225页)—M
1737
↩
She was escorted by a guard of females disguised as soldiers. When she discovered this, Ayesha was as much gratified by the delicacy of the arrangement, as she had been offended by the familiar approach of so many men. Price, p. 229.—M.
护送她的,是一队乔装成士兵的女子。阿伊莎发觉此事后,此前因众多男子近身相扰而生的不悦,一扫而空,转而为这般周到体贴的安排深感欣慰。见普赖斯,第229页。—M
174
↩
The plain of Siffin is determined by D’Anville (l’Euphrate et le Tigre, p. 29) to be the Campus Barbaricus of Procopius.
当维尔(l’Euphrate et le Tigre,第29页)考定,绥芬平原即普罗柯比笔下的 Campus Barbaricus(蛮荒平原)。
1741
↩
The Shiite authors have preserved a noble instance of Ali’s magnanimity. The superior generalship of Moawiyah had cut off the army of Ali from the Euphrates; his soldiers were perishing from want of water. Ali sent a message to his rival to request free access to the river, declaring that under the same circumstances he would not allow any of the faithful, though his adversaries, to perish from thirst. After some debate, Moawiyah determined to avail himself of the advantage of his situation, and to reject the demand of Ali. The soldiers of Ali became desperate; forced their way through that part of the hostile army which commanded the river, and in their turn entirely cut off the troops of Moawiyah from the water. Moawiyah was reduced to make the same supplication to Ali. The generous caliph instantly complied; and both armies, with their cattle enjoyed free and unmolested access to the river. Price, vol. i. p. 268, 272—M.
什叶派的作者们保存下一桩阿里宽宏大度的美谈。穆阿维叶用兵高明,切断了阿里全军通往幼发拉底河的水路,阿里的士兵眼看就要渴死。阿里遣使向对手请求,让己方能自由取水,并声言:换作同样情形,他绝不会听任任何一个信徒——纵是自己的敌人——渴死。几番商议之后,穆阿维叶决意利用地利,回绝了阿里的请求。阿里的士兵走投无路,遂强行冲过敌军扼守河道的那一部,反过来把穆阿维叶的部队与水源完全隔断。穆阿维叶落到只得向阿里发出同样的哀求。这位慷慨的哈里发当即应允;于是两军连同牲畜,都得以自由无碍地取用河水。见普赖斯,第一卷,第268、272页。—M
1742
↩
His son Hassan was recognized as caliph in Arabia and Irak; but voluntarily abdicated the throne, after six or seven months, in favor of Moawiyah St. Martin, vol. xi. p 375.—M.
他的儿子哈桑曾在阿拉伯与伊拉克被承认为哈里发,但六七个月后便主动逊位,把王位让与穆阿维叶。见圣马丁,第十一卷,第375页。—M
175
↩
Abulfeda, a moderate Sonnite, relates the different opinions concerning the burial of Ali, but adopts the sepulchre of Cufa, hodie fama numeroque religiose frequentantium celebratum. This number is reckoned by Niebuhr to amount annually to 2000 of the dead, and 5000 of the living, (tom. ii. p. 208, 209.)
阿布尔费达是位持论温和的逊尼派,他记述了关于阿里葬地的种种异说,但采信库法之墓,称其 hodie fama numeroque religiose frequentantium celebratum(今日以虔诚朝拜者之众多而声名远扬)。尼布尔估算,这里每年迎来的,约有死者两千、生者五千。(第二卷,第208、209页)
176
↩
All the tyrants of Persia, from Adhad el Dowlat (A.D. 977, D’Herbelot, p. 58, 59, 95) to Nadir Shah, (A.D. 1743, Hist. de Nadir Shah, tom. ii. p. 155,) have enriched the tomb of Ali with the spoils of the people. The dome is copper, with a bright and massy gilding, which glitters to the sun at the distance of many a mile.
波斯历代暴君,从阿杜德·道莱(公元977年,埃尔布洛,第58、59、95页)到纳迪尔沙(公元1743年,Hist. de Nadir Shah,第二卷,第155页),无不用搜刮民脂民膏得来的财货装点阿里之墓。那穹顶以铜为之,覆着一层厚重明亮的鎏金,在数英里之外便可映日生辉。
177
↩
The city of Meshed Ali, five or six miles from the ruins of Cufa, and one hundred and twenty to the south of Bagdad, is of the size and form of the modern Jerusalem. Meshed Hosein, larger and more populous, is at the distance of thirty miles.
马什哈德·阿里城距库法废墟五六英里,在巴格达以南一百二十英里处,其大小与形制与今日的耶路撒冷相仿。马什哈德·侯赛因城则更大、人烟更稠密,距此三十英里。
178
↩
I borrow, on this occasion, the strong sense and expression of Tacitus, (Hist. i. 4: ) Evulgato imperii arcano posse imperatorem alni quam Romae fieri.
此处我借用了塔西佗那一针见血的见解与措辞(《历史》,第一卷第4节):Evulgato imperii arcano posse imperatorem alni quam Romae fieri(帝国的秘密一经泄露,人们方知皇帝未必非在罗马册立不可,别处亦可)。
1781
↩
According to Major Price’s authorities a much longer time elapsed (p. 198 &c.)—M.
据普赖斯少校所依据的史料,实际间隔的时间要长得多。(第198页及以下)—M
179
↩
I have abridged the interesting narrative of Ockley, (tom. ii. p. 170-231.) It is long and minute: but the pathetic, almost always, consists in the detail of little circumstances.
我对奥克利那段引人入胜的叙述作了删节(第二卷,第170—231页)。原文冗长而细致;然而动人之处,几乎总是蕴藏在细枝末节的铺陈之中。
1791
↩
The account of Hosein’s death, in the Persian Tarikh Tebry, is much longer; in some circumstances, more pathetic, than that of Ockley, followed by Gibbon. His family, after his defenders were all slain, perished in succession before his eyes. They had been cut off from the water, and suffered all the agonies of thirst. His eldest son, Ally Akbar, after ten different assaults on the enemy, in each of which he slew two or three, complained bitterly of his sufferings from heat and thirst. “His father arose, and introducing his own tongue within the parched lips of his favorite child, thus endeavored to alleviate his sufferings by the only means of which his enemies had not yet been able to deprive him.” Ally was slain and cut to pieces in his sight: this wrung from him his first and only cry; then it was that his sister Zeyneb rushed from the tent. The rest, including his nephew, fell in succession. Hosein’s horse was wounded—he fell to the ground. The hour of prayer, between noon and sunset, had arrived; the Imaun began the religious duties:—as Hosein prayed, he heard the cries of his infant child Abdallah, only twelve months old. The child was, at his desire, placed on his bosom: as he wept over it, it was transfixed by an arrow. Hosein dragged himself to the Euphrates: as he slaked his burning thirst, his mouth was pierced by an arrow: he drank his own blood. Wounded in four-and-thirty places, he still gallantly resisted. A soldier named Zeraiah gave the fatal wound: his head was cut off by Ziliousheng. Price, p. 402, 410.—M.
波斯文《塔巴里史》(Tarikh Tebry)中关于侯赛因之死的记述,比吉本所依从的奥克利之说要冗长得多,某些情节也更为凄恻。他的家人,在护卫他的人全部战死之后,一个接一个地在他眼前殒命。他们早已被断了水源,饱尝焦渴之苦。他的长子阿里·阿克巴尔十度冲杀敌阵,每次都手刃两三人,此时正因暑热与干渴而痛苦不堪、连声哀诉。“做父亲的站起身来,把自己的舌头伸进爱子干裂的唇间,用敌人尚且无法夺去的唯一办法,来设法减轻孩子的痛楚。”阿里当着他的面被杀、被砍成碎块:这逼出了他第一声、也是唯一一声呼号;正在此刻,他的妹妹宰纳卜从帐中冲出。其余众人,连同他的侄儿,也相继倒下。侯赛因的坐骑受了伤——他跌落在地。晌午与日落之间的祈祷时辰到了;这位伊玛目开始履行宗教的功课:侯赛因祈祷之际,忽然听见他那才十二个月大的幼子阿卜杜拉的啼哭。孩子依他之愿被放到他怀中;他正俯身垂泪,孩子却被一箭穿透。侯赛因挣扎着爬向幼发拉底河;正当他要解那焦灼之渴时,嘴又被一箭射穿:他喝下的竟是自己的血。他身负三十四处伤,仍旧英勇抵抗。一名叫泽拉亚的士兵刺出了那致命的一击;他的头颅则被齐柳申割下。见普赖斯,第402、410页。—M
180
↩
Niebuhr the Dane (Voyages en Arabie, &c., tom. ii. p. 208, &c.) is, perhaps, the only European traveller who has dared to visit Meshed Ali and Meshed Hosein. The two sepulchres are in the hands of the Turks, who tolerate and tax the devotion of the Persian heretics. The festival of the death of Hosein is amply described by Sir John Chardin, a traveller whom I have often praised.
丹麦人尼布尔(Voyages en Arabie 等,第二卷,第208页及以下),或许是唯一敢于亲访马什哈德·阿里与马什哈德·侯赛因的欧洲旅行家。这两座陵墓都落在土耳其人手中,他们容许波斯异端前来朝拜,却又向其虔诚征税。至于纪念侯赛因之死的那个节日,约翰·夏尔丹爵士——一位我屡屡称许的旅行家——有过详尽的描述。
181
↩
The general article of Imam, in D’Herbelot’s Bibliotheque, will indicate the succession; and the lives of the twelve are given under their respective names.
埃尔布洛《东方文库》中“伊玛目”一条总述,可循之查明其传承世系;十二位伊玛目的生平,则分别列在各自名下。
182
↩
The name of Antichrist may seem ridiculous, but the Mahometans have liberally borrowed the fables of every religion, (Sale’s Preliminary Discourse, p. 80, 82.) In the royal stable of Ispahan, two horses were always kept saddled, one for the Mahadi himself, the other for his lieutenant, Jesus the son of Mary.
“敌基督”这个名号听来或许可笑,然而穆斯林向来广采博取,把各种宗教的传说都借用了过来(塞尔《绪论》,第80、82页)。在伊斯法罕的王家马厩里,始终备着两匹上了鞍的马,一匹留给马赫迪本人,另一匹留给他的副手——马利亚之子耶稣。
183
↩
In the year of the Hegira 200, (A.D. 815.) See D’Herbelot, p. 146
时在希吉拉历200年(公元815年)。参见埃尔布洛,第146页。
184
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D’Herbelot, p. 342. The enemies of the Fatimites disgraced them by a Jewish origin. Yet they accurately deduced their genealogy from Jaafar, the sixth Imam; and the impartial Abulfeda allows (Annal. Moslem. p. 230) that they were owned by many, qui absque controversia genuini sunt Alidarum, homines propaginum suae gentis exacte callentes. He quotes some lines from the celebrated Scherif or Rahdi, Egone humilitatem induam in terris hostium? (I suspect him to be an Edrissite of Sicily,) cum in Aegypto sit Chalifa de gente Alii, quocum ego communem habeo patrem et vindicem.
埃尔布洛,第342页。法蒂玛王朝的敌人,用犹太出身来玷污他们的名声。可他们的世系却明白无误地上溯到第六位伊玛目贾法尔;持论公允的阿布尔费达也承认(Annal. Moslem.,第230页),许多人认可他们的血统——qui absque controversia genuini sunt Alidarum, homines propaginum suae gentis exacte callentes(这些人无疑是阿里家族的正宗后裔,对本族的支系了如指掌)。他还引了著名的谢里夫·拉迪的几行诗句:Egone humilitatem induam in terris hostium?(我岂能在仇敌的土地上甘居屈辱?)——(我疑心他是西西里的伊德里斯后裔)——cum in Aegypto sit Chalifa de gente Alii, quocum ego communem habeo patrem et vindicem(既然埃及有一位出自阿里家族的哈里发,我与他同宗同源、共戴一位护佑者)。
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The kings of Persia in the last century are descended from Sheik Sefi, a saint of the xivth century, and through him, from Moussa Cassem, the son of Hosein, the son of Ali, (Olearius, p. 957. Chardin, tom. iii. p. 288.) But I cannot trace the intermediate degrees in any genuine or fabulous pedigree. If they were truly Fatimites, they might draw their origin from the princes of Mazanderan, who reigned in the ixth century, (D’Herbelot, p. 96.)
上个世纪的波斯诸王,血脉出自十四世纪的一位圣者谢赫萨非,并经他上溯到穆萨·卡西姆——即侯赛因之子、阿里之孙(奥莱亚里乌斯,第957页;夏尔丹,第三卷,第288页)。但无论在确凿的还是虚构的家谱里,我都无从追溯其间的历代传承。他们若当真是法蒂玛后裔,或许可把渊源追到九世纪称雄的马赞德兰诸侯身上(埃尔布洛,第96页)。
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The present state of the family of Mahomet and Ali is most accurately described by Demetrius Cantemir (Hist. of the Othmae Empire, p. 94) and Niebuhr, (Description de l’Arabie, p. 9-16, 317 &c.) It is much to be lamented, that the Danish traveller was unable to purchase the chronicles of Arabia.
穆罕默德与阿里家族的现状,以德米特里·坎特米尔(《奥斯曼帝国史》,第94页)和尼布尔(Description de l’Arabie,第9—16、317页及以下)的描述最为翔实。可惜的是,这位丹麦旅行家未能购得阿拉伯的编年史籍。
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The writers of the Modern Universal History (vols. i. and ii.) have compiled, in 850 folio pages, the life of Mahomet and the annals of the caliphs. They enjoyed the advantage of reading, and sometimes correcting, the Arabic text; yet, notwithstanding their high-sounding boasts, I cannot find, after the conclusion of my work, that they have afforded me much (if any) additional information. The dull mass is not quickened by a spark of philosophy or taste; and the compilers indulge the criticism of acrimonious bigotry against Boulainvilliers, Sale, Gagnier, and all who have treated Mahomet with favor, or even justice.
《近代世界通史》的撰者们(第一、二卷)用八百五十页对开的篇幅,纂集了穆罕默德的生平与历代哈里发的纪年。他们占有一项便利:能够阅读阿拉伯文原典,有时还加以订正;然而,尽管他们自夸得天花乱坠,我在完成本书之后却发现,他们所提供的额外资料实在少得可怜(甚至可说全无)。这一大堆枯燥的文字,没有一星半点哲思或识见为之注入生气;而这些编纂者,还一味放纵自己以刻薄偏执之词,去攻讦布兰维利耶、塞尔、加尼耶,以及所有对穆罕默德抱以善意、乃至只是持平之论的人。