Chapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part II. 第五十一章 阿拉伯人的征服——第二节
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After the defeat of Cadesia, a country intersected by rivers and canals might have opposed an insuperable barrier to the victorious cavalry; and the walls of Ctesiphon or Madayn, which had resisted the battering-rams of the Romans, would not have yielded to the darts of the Saracens. But the flying Persians were overcome by the belief, that the last day of their religion and empire was at hand; the strongest posts were abandoned by treachery or cowardice; and the king, with a part of his family and treasures, escaped to Holwan at the foot of the Median hills.
卡迪西亚一败之后,波斯本可凭河渠纵横的地势,在得胜的骑兵面前设下一道难以逾越的屏障;泰西封(又名马达因)的城墙曾抵住罗马人的攻城槌,也绝非萨拉森人的标枪所能撼动。然而波斯人望风而逃,只因心中笃信:他们的宗教与帝国大限已至。于是最坚固的据点,或因叛卖、或因怯懦,尽遭弃守;波斯王只带着一部分家眷与财宝,逃往米底山麓的胡尔万。
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In the third month after the battle, Said, the lieutenant of Omar, passed the Tigris without opposition; the capital was taken by assault; and the disorderly resistance of the people gave a keener edge to the sabres of the Moslems, who shouted with religious transport, “This is the white palace of Chosroes; this is the promise of the apostle of God!” The naked robbers of the desert were suddenly enriched beyond the measure of their hope or knowledge. Each chamber revealed a new treasure secreted with art, or ostentatiously displayed; the gold and silver, the various wardrobes and precious furniture, surpassed (says Abulfeda) the estimate of fancy or numbers; and another historian defines the untold and almost infinite mass, by the fabulous computation of three thousands of thousands of thousands of pieces of gold. 24 Some minute though curious facts represent the contrast of riches and ignorance. From the remote islands of the Indian Ocean a large provision of camphire 25 had been imported, which is employed with a mixture of wax to illuminate the palaces of the East. Strangers to the name and properties of that odoriferous gum, the Saracens, mistaking it for salt, mingled the camphire in their bread, and were astonished at the bitterness of the taste. One of the apartments of the palace was decorated with a carpet of silk, sixty cubits in length, and as many in breadth: a paradise or garden was depictured on the ground: the flowers, fruits, and shrubs, were imitated by the figures of the gold embroidery, and the colors of the precious stones; and the ample square was encircled by a variegated and verdant border. 251 The Arabian general persuaded his soldiers to relinquish their claim, in the reasonable hope that the eyes of the caliph would be delighted with the splendid workmanship of nature and industry. Regardless of the merit of art, and the pomp of royalty, the rigid Omar divided the prize among his brethren of Medina: the picture was destroyed; but such was the intrinsic value of the materials, that the share of Ali alone was sold for twenty thousand drams. A mule that carried away the tiara and cuirass, the belt and bracelets of Chosroes, was overtaken by the pursuers; the gorgeous trophy was presented to the commander of the faithful; and the gravest of the companions condescended to smile when they beheld the white beard, the hairy arms, and uncouth figure of the veteran, who was invested with the spoils of the Great King. 26 The sack of Ctesiphon was followed by its desertion and gradual decay. The Saracens disliked the air and situation of the place, and Omar was advised by his general to remove the seat of government to the western side of the Euphrates. In every age, the foundation and ruin of the Assyrian cities has been easy and rapid: the country is destitute of stone and timber; and the most solid structures 27 are composed of bricks baked in the sun, and joined by a cement of the native bitumen. The name of Cufa 28 describes a habitation of reeds and earth; but the importance of the new capital was supported by the numbers, wealth, and spirit, of a colony of veterans; and their licentiousness was indulged by the wisest caliphs, who were apprehensive of provoking the revolt of a hundred thousand swords: “Ye men of Cufa,” said Ali, who solicited their aid, “you have been always conspicuous by your valor. You conquered the Persian king, and scattered his forces, till you had taken possession of his inheritance.” This mighty conquest was achieved by the battles of Jalula and Nehavend. After the loss of the former, Yezdegerd fled from Holwan, and concealed his shame and despair in the mountains of Farsistan, from whence Cyrus had descended with his equal and valiant companions. The courage of the nation survived that of the monarch: among the hills to the south of Ecbatana or Hamadan, one hundred and fifty thousand Persians made a third and final stand for their religion and country; and the decisive battle of Nehavend was styled by the Arabs the victory of victories. If it be true that the flying general of the Persians was stopped and overtaken in a crowd of mules and camels laden with honey, the incident, however slight and singular, will denote the luxurious impediments of an Oriental army. 29
战后第三个月,欧麦尔麾下的副将赛义德不费一兵便渡过底格里斯河,一举强攻夺下都城;城中民众抵抗散乱无章,反倒使穆斯林的弯刀愈发凶狠。他们怀着宗教的狂热高呼:“这就是库思老的白色宫殿,这就是真主使者所应许的一切!”这群衣不蔽体的沙漠劫掠者,一夜之间暴富,其财之巨,远超他们所敢奢望、所能想见。每一间宫室都现出新的珍宝,或藏得巧妙,或陈列炫目;金银器皿、各式衣饰、名贵陈设,据阿布尔费达说,多得超乎想象、无从计数;另一位史家则以荒诞的算法,把这笔无从量计、几近无穷的财货层层累乘,定作三十亿枚金币。24 有几桩细节虽小,却颇耐寻味,正可见财富与无知之间的反差。从印度洋上遥远的岛屿,运来了大批樟脑 25,这种东西掺上蜡,用来点亮东方的宫殿。萨拉森人既不知这种芳香树脂的名目,也不识其性状,竟错当成盐,把樟脑掺进面饼里,尝到那苦味,无不大为惊讶。宫中有一室,铺着一方丝毯,长六十肘尺,宽亦六十肘尺:毯面绘出一座乐园或花园,花卉、果实、灌木皆以金线刺绣的图案与宝石的色彩摹拟而成;这一大片方毯四周,还镶着一道斑斓青翠的花边。251 这位阿拉伯统帅劝说部下放弃分取这方丝毯,指望哈里发见到这融自然造化与人工巧思于一体的华美之作,必会龙心大悦——这盘算原也在情理之中。谁知严苛的欧麦尔既不顾念这艺术的价值,也不在意那王家的气派,竟把它当作战利品,分给麦地那的众弟兄:图画就此毁去;然而其质料本身之贵重,单是阿里所分得的一份,便卖了两万迪拉姆。有一头骡子驮着库思老的冠冕、胸甲、腰带与手镯逃走,被追兵截获;这批华丽的战利品献到信士的统领面前;当众人看见一名老兵披挂上波斯大王的这身行头——白须、多毛的臂膀、粗鄙的体态——连最庄重的门弟子也忍不住莞尔一笑。26 泰西封遭洗劫之后,随即被弃置,日渐荒败。萨拉森人嫌这地方水土不佳、地势不宜,欧麦尔的将领便建议把治所迁到幼发拉底河西岸。历朝历代,亚述诸城的兴建与倾圮向来既快且易:因当地既无石材,也缺木料;就连最坚固的建筑 27,也不过是用日晒的砖坯砌成,再以本地出产的沥青作黏合。库法 28 这名字,本指一处芦苇与泥土搭起的居所;然而这座新都之所以举足轻重,全靠一批退伍老兵聚居于此,人多、财厚、气盛;就连最贤明的哈里发,也对他们的骄纵放任姑息,唯恐激起这十万把刀剑的叛乱:阿里前来求援,对他们说道:“库法的将士们,你们素以骁勇著称。是你们打败了波斯王,冲散了他的军队,直到把他的家业尽数占据。”这场辉煌的征服,是在贾卢拉与尼哈万德两役中成就的。前一役失利后,伊嗣俟弃胡尔万而逃,把满腔的羞愤与绝望,藏进法尔斯坦的群山——当年居鲁士正是从这里率领一众同样骁勇的伙伴起兵而下。君主的勇气虽已消磨,民族的血性却犹存:在埃克巴塔纳(即哈马丹)以南的丘陵间,十五万波斯人为宗教与祖国作了第三次、也是最后一次抵抗;而这场决定命运的尼哈万德之战,被阿拉伯人誉为“众胜之胜”。倘若波斯败军的主将当真是在一群驮满蜂蜜的骡子与骆驼中被拦下擒获,那么此事纵然微末离奇,也足以见出东方军队那奢靡累赘的辎重。29
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The geography of Persia is darkly delineated by the Greeks and Latins; but the most illustrious of her cities appear to be more ancient than the invasion of the Arabs. By the reduction of Hamadan and Ispahan, of Caswin, Tauris, and Rei, they gradually approached the shores of the Caspian Sea: and the orators of Mecca might applaud the success and spirit of the faithful, who had already lost sight of the northern bear, and had almost transcended the bounds of the habitable world. 30 Again, turning towards the West and the Roman empire, they repassed the Tigris over the bridge of Mosul, and, in the captive provinces of Armenia and Mesopotamia, embraced their victorious brethren of the Syrian army. From the palace of Madayn their Eastern progress was not less rapid or extensive. They advanced along the Tigris and the Gulf; penetrated through the passes of the mountains into the valley of Estachar or Persepolis, and profaned the last sanctuary of the Magian empire. The grandson of Chosroes was nearly surprised among the falling columns and mutilated figures; a sad emblem of the past and present fortune of Persia: 31 he fled with accelerated haste over the desert of Kirman, implored the aid of the warlike Segestans, and sought an humble refuge on the verge of the Turkish and Chinese power. But a victorious army is insensible of fatigue: the Arabs divided their forces in the pursuit of a timorous enemy; and the caliph Othman promised the government of Chorasan to the first general who should enter that large and populous country, the kingdom of the ancient Bactrians. The condition was accepted; the prize was deserved; the standard of Mahomet was planted on the walls of Herat, Merou, and Balch; and the successful leader neither halted nor reposed till his foaming cavalry had tasted the waters of the Oxus. In the public anarchy, the independent governors of the cities and castles obtained their separate capitulations: the terms were granted or imposed by the esteem, the prudence, or the compassion, of the victors; and a simple profession of faith established the distinction between a brother and a slave. After a noble defence, Harmozan, the prince or satrap of Ahwaz and Susa, was compelled to surrender his person and his state to the discretion of the caliph; and their interview exhibits a portrait of the Arabian manners. In the presence, and by the command, of Omar, the gay Barbarian was despoiled of his silken robes embroidered with gold, and of his tiara bedecked with rubies and emeralds: “Are you now sensible,” said the conqueror to his naked captive—“are you now sensible of the judgment of God, and of the different rewards of infidelity and obedience?” “Alas!” replied Harmozan, “I feel them too deeply. In the days of our common ignorance, we fought with the weapons of the flesh, and my nation was superior. God was then neuter: since he has espoused your quarrel, you have subverted our kingdom and religion.” Oppressed by this painful dialogue, the Persian complained of intolerable thirst, but discovered some apprehension lest he should be killed whilst he was drinking a cup of water. “Be of good courage,” said the caliph; “your life is safe till you have drunk this water:” the crafty satrap accepted the assurance, and instantly dashed the vase against the ground. Omar would have avenged the deceit, but his companions represented the sanctity of an oath; and the speedy conversion of Harmozan entitled him not only to a free pardon, but even to a stipend of two thousand pieces of gold. The administration of Persia was regulated by an actual survey of the people, the cattle, and the fruits of the earth; 32 and this monument, which attests the vigilance of the caliphs, might have instructed the philosophers of every age. 33
希腊与拉丁作家笔下的波斯地理,本就模糊不清;不过波斯最负盛名的那些城市,看来都远早于阿拉伯人的入侵。他们先后攻取哈马丹、伊斯法罕,又下加兹温、大不里士与雷伊,一步步逼近里海之滨:麦加的雄辩家或许要盛赞这些信士的战功与豪气——他们此时已望不见北天的大熊星,几乎越出了人类可居世界的边界。30 随后他们又掉头西向,朝罗马帝国进发,从摩苏尔的桥上重渡底格里斯河,在已被征服的亚美尼亚与美索不达米亚诸行省,与叙利亚方面得胜的弟兄们会师相拥。从马达因的宫殿出发,他们向东的推进同样迅猛而广远。他们沿底格里斯河与海湾挺进,穿越重重山口,攻入伊斯塔赫尔(即波斯波利斯)的谷地,亵渎了麻葛帝国最后的圣所。库思老之孙险些在那些倾颓的石柱与残破的雕像间被擒——那断壁残垣,正是波斯昔盛今衰的凄凉写照:31 他愈发慌忙,越过克尔曼的沙漠奔逃,向骁勇的塞格斯坦人求援,又到突厥与中国势力的边缘,卑微地寻求栖身之所。然而得胜之师不觉疲乏:阿拉伯人分兵追击这胆怯的敌手;哈里发奥斯曼许下诺言:谁若第一个攻入呼罗珊——那片幅员辽阔、人烟稠密之地,古代巴克特里亚人的王国——便把该地的治权交给谁。这一条件有人应承,这份奖赏也确有人当得起:穆罕默德的旗帜相继插上赫拉特、梅尔夫与巴尔赫的城头;那位捷足先登的将领一路不停不歇,直到胯下汗沫淋漓的战马饮到阿姆河的水。时值举国无主,各城各堡自立的守将便各自谈定降约:条款或宽或严,全看征服者是敬重、是审慎,还是心存怜悯;而只需一句归信的表白,便划出了弟兄与奴隶之间的分界。阿瓦士与苏萨的君主(或曰总督)霍尔木赞英勇守御一番之后,终被迫连人带国一并降伏,任凭哈里发处置;两人相见的情形,恰好勾画出阿拉伯人的风习。在欧麦尔面前,奉他之命,这位衣饰华丽的蛮族首领被剥去了金线绣成的丝袍,摘下了镶满红宝石与绿宝石的冠冕:征服者对这赤裸的俘虏说道:“如今你可醒悟了?——你可醒悟到真主的裁判,可醒悟到背信与顺服各有怎样不同的报应?”霍尔木赞答道:“唉!我体会得太深了。当年你我同处蒙昧,各以血肉之躯的兵器相争,我的民族原本占着上风。那时真主保持中立;自从他站到你们一边,你们便颠覆了我们的王国与宗教。”这番痛切的对话压得他喘不过气,波斯人便推说口渴难忍,却又露出几分顾忌,生怕自己正饮水时被人杀掉。哈里发道:“放心吧,只要这杯水没喝完,你的性命便无虞。”狡黠的总督得了这句保证,当即把水瓶摔碎在地上。欧麦尔本想惩治这一诈术,众门弟子却向他陈说誓言神圣不可违背;加之霍尔木赞很快便皈依了伊斯兰教,不仅因此获得无条件的赦免,甚至还领到了两千枚金币的年俸。波斯的政务,是按人口、牲畜与土地收成的实地清查来厘定的;32 这样一份文献,见证了历代哈里发的勤勉用心,本可启迪各个时代的哲人。33
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The flight of Yezdegerd had carried him beyond the Oxus, and as far as the Jaxartes, two rivers 34 of ancient and modern renown, which descend from the mountains of India towards the Caspian Sea. He was hospitably entertained by Takhan, prince of Fargana, 35 a fertile province on the Jaxartes: the king of Samarcand, with the Turkish tribes of Sogdiana and Scythia, were moved by the lamentations and promises of the fallen monarch; and he solicited, by a suppliant embassy, the more solid and powerful friendship of the emperor of China. 36 The virtuous Taitsong, 37 the first of the dynasty of the Tang may be justly compared with the Antonines of Rome: his people enjoyed the blessings of prosperity and peace; and his dominion was acknowledged by forty-four hordes of the Barbarians of Tartary. His last garrisons of Cashgar and Khoten maintained a frequent intercourse with their neighbors of the Jaxartes and Oxus; a recent colony of Persians had introduced into China the astronomy of the Magi; and Taitsong might be alarmed by the rapid progress and dangerous vicinity of the Arabs. The influence, and perhaps the supplies, of China revived the hopes of Yezdegerd and the zeal of the worshippers of fire; and he returned with an army of Turks to conquer the inheritance of his fathers. The fortunate Moslems, without unsheathing their swords, were the spectators of his ruin and death. The grandson of Chosroes was betrayed by his servant, insulted by the seditious inhabitants of Merou, and oppressed, defeated, and pursued by his Barbarian allies. He reached the banks of a river, and offered his rings and bracelets for an instant passage in a miller’s boat. Ignorant or insensible of royal distress, the rustic replied, that four drams of silver were the daily profit of his mill, and that he would not suspend his work unless the loss were repaid. In this moment of hesitation and delay, the last of the Sassanian kings was overtaken and slaughtered by the Turkish cavalry, in the nineteenth year of his unhappy reign. 38 3811 His son Firuz, an humble client of the Chinese emperor, accepted the station of captain of his guards; and the Magian worship was long preserved by a colony of loyal exiles in the province of Bucharia. 3812 His grandson inherited the regal name; but after a faint and fruitless enterprise, he returned to China, and ended his days in the palace of Sigan. The male line of the Sassanides was extinct; but the female captives, the daughters of Persia, were given to the conquerors in servitude, or marriage; and the race of the caliphs and imams was ennobled by the blood of their royal mothers. 39
伊嗣俟一路奔逃,越过了阿姆河,一直逃到锡尔河畔——这两条河 34 古今皆负盛名,自印度的群山发源,朝里海奔流而去。费尔干纳的君主塔汉盛情款待了他——费尔干纳 35 是锡尔河畔一片富饶的领地:撒马尔罕之王,连同粟特与斯基泰的各突厥部落,都被这位落难君主的哀诉与许诺打动了;他又派出低声下气的使团,去争取一份更稳固、更强大的情谊——那就是中国皇帝的友好。36 贤明的太宗 37,唐朝的第一位君主,堪与罗马的安敦尼诸帝相媲美:他的子民安享太平富庶之福;鞑靼蛮荒之地的四十四个部落,都对他的统治俯首归附。他设在喀什噶尔与和田的两处极西戍所,与锡尔河、阿姆河一带的邻邦往来频繁;不久前一批波斯移民,又把麻葛的天文学传入中国;因此,阿拉伯人推进之神速、逼近之危险,或许已令太宗心生警惕。中国的声援,或许还有钱粮的接济,重新燃起了伊嗣俟的希望,也鼓舞了拜火教徒的热忱;于是他率领一支突厥大军回师,要夺回祖先留下的基业。而幸运的穆斯林,连刀都无须出鞘,便旁观了他的覆灭与死亡。库思老之孙先是遭仆从出卖,又受梅尔夫城中作乱居民的凌辱,末了连他那些蛮族盟友,也反过来欺压他、击败他、追捕他。他逃到一条河边,愿以自己的戒指与手镯为酬,只求搭一名磨坊主的小船匆匆渡河。那乡下人不知、也不在乎眼前竟是落难的君王,只答道:他这磨坊一天能挣四迪拉姆银子,若不把这损失补上,他绝不肯停下手里的活计。就在这犹豫耽搁的当口,这位萨珊末代君王被突厥骑兵追上杀害,其时正当他不幸在位的第十九个年头。38 3811 他的儿子菲鲁兹作了中国皇帝卑微的门客,受任为其禁卫队长;而麻葛教的信仰,则由一批忠贞的流亡者聚居在布哈拉一带,长久地保存了下来。3812 他的孙子袭用了这王室的名号;然而经过一番软弱无力、终归徒劳的图谋之后,仍旧回到中国,在西安的宫中了却余生。萨珊王朝的男系至此断绝;但那些被掳的女子,波斯的公主们,或作婢妾、或作妻室,都被赐给了征服者;于是哈里发与伊玛目一族,也因这些王族母亲的血统而愈显高贵。39
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After the fall of the Persian kingdom, the River Oxus divided the territories of the Saracens and of the Turks. This narrow boundary was soon overleaped by the spirit of the Arabs; the governors of Chorasan extended their successive inroads; and one of their triumphs was adorned with the buskin of a Turkish queen, which she dropped in her precipitate flight beyond the hills of Bochara. 40 But the final conquest of Transoxiana, 41 as well as of Spain, was reserved for the glorious reign of the inactive Walid; and the name of Catibah, the camel driver, declares the origin and merit of his successful lieutenant. While one of his colleagues displayed the first Mahometan banner on the banks of the Indus, the spacious regions between the Oxus, the Jaxartes, and the Caspian Sea, were reduced by the arms of Catibah to the obedience of the prophet and of the caliph. 42 A tribute of two millions of pieces of gold was imposed on the infidels; their idols were burnt or broken; the Mussulman chief pronounced a sermon in the new mosch of Carizme; after several battles, the Turkish hordes were driven back to the desert; and the emperors of China solicited the friendship of the victorious Arabs. To their industry, the prosperity of the province, the Sogdiana of the ancients, may in a great measure be ascribed; but the advantages of the soil and climate had been understood and cultivated since the reign of the Macedonian kings. Before the invasion of the Saracens, Carizme, Bochara, and Samarcand were rich and populous under the yoke of the shepherds of the north. 4211 These cities were surrounded with a double wall; and the exterior fortification, of a larger circumference, enclosed the fields and gardens of the adjacent district. The mutual wants of India and Europe were supplied by the diligence of the Sogdian merchants; and the inestimable art of transforming linen into paper has been diffused from the manufacture of Samarcand over the western world. 43
波斯王国覆亡之后,阿姆河便成了萨拉森人与突厥人两方领土的分界。阿拉伯人锐气正盛,很快便一跃越过这道狭窄的界河;呼罗珊的历任总督接连向外劫掠;其中一场大捷的战利品里,竟有一只突厥王后的靴子——那是她仓皇越过布哈拉山岭逃命时失落的。40 不过,河中地区 41 与西班牙的最终征服,都要留待那位怠惰无为的瓦利德,在其号称辉煌的治世中去完成;而屈底波(意为“赶骆驼的人”)这个名字,既点明了他那位得力副将出身之寒微,也道出了他的功绩。当屈底波的一位同僚在印度河畔第一次亮出伊斯兰的旗帜时,他本人的军队也征服了阿姆河、锡尔河与里海之间那片辽阔的疆域,使之一并归顺先知与哈里发。42 异教徒被课以两百万枚金币的贡赋;他们的偶像或遭焚毁,或被砸碎;这位穆斯林统帅在花剌子模新建的清真寺里作了一篇讲道;几番交战之后,突厥部众被逐回沙漠;就连中国的历代皇帝,也主动来向得胜的阿拉伯人示好。这片行省——即古人所称的粟特——之所以繁荣,很大程度上要归功于阿拉伯人的勤勉经营;不过,早在马其顿诸王当政的时代,人们就已懂得利用这里得天独厚的土壤与气候,加以垦殖了。萨拉森人入侵之前,花剌子模、布哈拉与撒马尔罕虽受北方游牧民族的辖制,却已是富庶繁盛、人烟稠密。4211 这些城市都围着两道城墙;外面那道周长更大的城防,把邻近一带的田地与园圃也圈在了里面。印度与欧洲彼此的需求,全靠粟特商人的勤勉往来才得以满足;而把亚麻布制成纸张这门无从估价的技艺,也正是从撒马尔罕的作坊传遍了整个西方世界。43
¶
II. No sooner had Abubeker restored the unity of faith and government, than he despatched a circular letter to the Arabian tribes. “In the name of the most merciful God, to the rest of the true believers. Health and happiness, and the mercy and blessing of God, be upon you. I praise the most high God, and I pray for his prophet Mahomet. This is to acquaint you, that I intend to send the true believers into Syria 44 to take it out of the hands of the infidels. And I would have you know, that the fighting for religion is an act of obedience to God.” His messengers returned with the tidings of pious and martial ardor which they had kindled in every province; and the camp of Medina was successively filled with the intrepid bands of the Saracens, who panted for action, complained of the heat of the season and the scarcity of provisions, and accused with impatient murmurs the delays of the caliph. As soon as their numbers were complete, Abubeker ascended the hill, reviewed the men, the horses, and the arms, and poured forth a fervent prayer for the success of their undertaking. In person, and on foot, he accompanied the first day’s march; and when the blushing leaders attempted to dismount, the caliph removed their scruples by a declaration, that those who rode, and those who walked, in the service of religion, were equally meritorious. His instructions 45 to the chiefs of the Syrian army were inspired by the warlike fanaticism which advances to seize, and affects to despise, the objects of earthly ambition. “Remember,” said the successor of the prophet, “that you are always in the presence of God, on the verge of death, in the assurance of judgment, and the hope of paradise. Avoid injustice and oppression; consult with your brethren, and study to preserve the love and confidence of your troops. When you fight the battles of the Lord, acquit yourselves like men, without turning your backs; but let not your victory be stained with the blood of women or children. Destroy no palm-trees, nor burn any fields of corn. Cut down no fruit-trees, nor do any mischief to cattle, only such as you kill to eat. When you make any covenant or article, stand to it, and be as good as your word. As you go on, you will find some religious persons who live retired in monasteries, and propose to themselves to serve God that way: let them alone, and neither kill them nor destroy their monasteries: 46 And you will find another sort of people, that belong to the synagogue of Satan, who have shaven crowns; 47 be sure you cleave their skulls, and give them no quarter till they either turn Mahometans or pay tribute.” All profane or frivolous conversation, all dangerous recollection of ancient quarrels, was severely prohibited among the Arabs: in the tumult of a camp, the exercises of religion were assiduously practised; and the intervals of action were employed in prayer, meditation, and the study of the Koran. The abuse, or even the use, of wine was chastised by fourscore strokes on the soles of the feet, and in the fervor of their primitive zeal, many secret sinners revealed their fault, and solicited their punishment. After some hesitation, the command of the Syrian army was delegated to Abu Obeidah, one of the fugitives of Mecca, and companions of Mahomet; whose zeal and devotion was assuaged, without being abated, by the singular mildness and benevolence of his temper. But in all the emergencies of war, the soldiers demanded the superior genius of Caled; and whoever might be the choice of the prince, the Sword of God was both in fact and fame the foremost leader of the Saracens. He obeyed without reluctance; 4711 he was consulted without jealousy; and such was the spirit of the man, or rather of the times, that Caled professed his readiness to serve under the banner of the faith, though it were in the hands of a child or an enemy. Glory, and riches, and dominion, were indeed promised to the victorious Mussulman; but he was carefully instructed, that if the goods of this life were his only incitement, they likewise would be his only reward.
二、阿布·伯克尔一恢复了信仰与政权的统一,便立刻向阿拉伯各部落发出一封通谕。“奉至仁至慈的真主之名,致其余的众信士。愿平安与福乐、真主的慈恩与佑护,降临于你们。我赞美至高的真主,为他的先知穆罕默德祈祷。今特告知你们:我意欲派遣众信士进入叙利亚 44,从异教徒手中夺取该地。并要你们知晓:为宗教而战,乃是顺服真主之举。”他派出的使者纷纷回报,说他们所到之处,无不点燃了虔诚而尚武的热情;一队队无所畏惧的萨拉森人陆续涌入麦地那大营,个个摩拳擦掌、急于一战,却又抱怨天气炎热、粮草匮乏,还满腹牢骚,怪哈里发一再拖延。待人马集结齐备,阿布·伯克尔登上高丘,检阅了将士、战马与兵械,并热切祈祷,愿他们此番大业马到功成。头一天行军,他亲自徒步随行;几位将领面带愧色,想要下马步行,哈里发却当即宣示:凡为宗教效力者,无论骑马还是步行,功德一般无二——这才打消了他们的顾虑。他给叙利亚方面各位将领下达的训令 45,字里行间透着一股尚武的狂热:既奋力去攫取尘世野心觊觎的种种目标,却又故作姿态,对其不屑一顾。先知的继任者说道:“你们要记住:自己时时都在真主的注视之下,时时都濒临死亡,审判确凿无疑,天园可以指望。不可行不义、施暴虐;凡事要与弟兄们商议,务必设法保住部众对你们的爱戴与信任。当你们为主作战时,要拿出男子汉的气概,绝不临阵退缩;然而,切莫让妇孺的鲜血玷污了你们的胜利。不许毁坏棕榈树,不许焚烧麦田。不许砍倒果树,也不许糟践牲畜——除非是宰来充饥的。凡立下盟约或订立条款,就要信守到底,言出必践。一路行去,你们会遇见一些隐居修道院的教徒,他们立意以这种方式侍奉真主:由他们去吧,不要杀害他们,也不要毁坏他们的修道院;46 但你们还会遇见另一类人,他们属于撒但的会堂,头顶剃得精光;47 对这些人,务必劈开他们的脑袋,决不留情,直到他们要么改信伊斯兰教,要么缴纳贡赋。”阿拉伯人中间,一切亵渎不敬或轻浮无谓的言谈,一切可能重揭旧日宿怨的危险话头,都在严禁之列:纵然身处喧嚣的军营,宗教功课也照样勤加操习;每逢战事的间歇,便用来祈祷、默想、研读《古兰经》。饮酒之罪,无论滥饮还是仅仅沾唇,一律责打脚掌八十下;而在那早期宗教热忱的驱使下,许多暗自犯戒的人竟主动坦白自己的过错,请求领受责罚。几经踌躇,叙利亚大军的指挥权交给了阿布·欧拜达——他是当年从麦加出走的流亡者之一,也是穆罕默德的门弟子;他天性格外温和仁厚,这份秉性使他的热忱与虔敬多了几分平和,却丝毫未曾减损。然而每逢战局危急,士兵们总是点名要哈立德那超群的将才;因此,无论君主属意何人,这位“真主之剑”无论就实绩还是声望而言,都是萨拉森人当之无愧的第一号统帅。他听命于人,毫无怨怼;4711 旁人向他问计,他也不生妒忌;哈立德更曾明言:只要是为信仰的旗帜效力,哪怕这旗帜握在一个孩童、甚至一个仇敌手中,他也甘愿听命——此人(或者不如说这个时代)的气度,于此可见一斑。得胜的穆斯林固然得到过荣耀、财富与权势的许诺;但他也一再受到谆谆告诫:倘若今生的财货是他唯一的动力,那么这些也将是他唯一的酬报。
Notes 注释
24
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Mente vix potest numerove comprehendi quanta spolia nostris cesserint. Abulfeda, p. 69. Yet I still suspect, that the extravagant numbers of Elmacin may be the error, not of the text, but of the version. The best translators from the Greek, for instance, I find to be very poor arithmeticians. * Note: Ockley (Hist. of Saracens, vol. i. p. 230) translates in the same manner three thousand million of ducats. See Forster’s Mahometanism Unveiled, vol. ii. p. 462; who makes this innocent doubt of Gibbon, in which, is to the amount of the plunder, I venture to concur, a grave charge of inaccuracy and disrespect to the memory of Erpenius. The Persian authorities of Price (p. 122) make the booty worth three hundred and thirty millions sterling!—M
Mente vix potest numerove comprehendi quanta spolia nostris cesserint.(意谓:我方所获战利品之丰,几乎无法以心思量、以数计算。)阿布尔费达,p. 69。然而我仍怀疑,埃尔马金所记的那些夸张数字,或许并非原文之误,而是译本之误。譬如就我所见,那些最出色的希腊文译者,往往是极蹩脚的算术家。* 编者按:奥克利(Hist. of Saracens, vol. i. p. 230)也同样译作三十亿杜卡特。参见福斯特《伊斯兰教揭秘》(Mahometanism Unveiled, vol. ii. p. 462);他把吉本这一无伤大雅的疑问——就掳获之数而言,我倒愿附和吉本——斥为一桩严重的失实之举,是对埃尔佩尼乌斯遗名的不敬。而普赖斯所据的波斯史料(p. 122),则把这笔战利品估作三亿三千万英镑!—M
25
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The camphire-tree grows in China and Japan; but many hundred weight of those meaner sorts are exchanged for a single pound of the more precious gum of Borneo and Sumatra, (Raynal, Hist. Philosoph. tom. i. p. 362-365. Dictionnaire d’Hist. Naturelle par Bomare Miller’s Gardener’s Dictionary.) These may be the islands of the first climate from whence the Arabians imported their camphire (Geograph. Nub. p. 34, 35. D’Herbelot, p. 232.)
樟树生长在中国与日本;不过,那些较次的品种,须以数百英担才能换得婆罗洲与苏门答腊所产、更为珍贵的樟脂一磅(雷纳尔,Hist. Philosoph. tom. i. p. 362-365;博马雷《自然史词典》〔Dictionnaire d’Hist. Naturelle〕;米勒《园丁词典》〔Gardener’s Dictionary〕)。阿拉伯人所进口的樟脑,或许正是从这些位于第一气候带的岛屿运来的(Geograph. Nub. p. 34, 35;埃尔布洛,p. 232)。
251
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Compare Price, p. 122.—M.
参较普赖斯,p. 122。—M
26
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See Gagnier, Vie de Mahomet, tom. i. p. 376, 377. I may credit the fact, without believing the prophecy.
参见加尼耶《穆罕默德传》(Vie de Mahomet, tom. i. p. 376, 377)。我可以采信这桩事实,却不必相信那则预言。
27
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The most considerable ruins of Assyria are the tower of Belus, at Babylon, and the hall of Chosroes, at Ctesiphon: they have been visited by that vain and curious traveller Pietro della Valle, (tom. i. p. 713-718, 731-735.) * Note: The best modern account is that of Claudius Rich Esq. Two Memoirs of Babylon. London, 1818.—M.
亚述最可观的遗迹,当数巴比伦的贝勒斯塔与泰西封的库思老大殿:那位既好虚名又好奇探究的旅行家彼得罗·德拉·瓦莱曾亲往游历(tom. i. p. 713-718, 731-735)。* 编者按:今人的记述中最出色的一部,出自克劳狄乌斯·里奇先生之手,即《巴比伦二记》(Two Memoirs of Babylon. London, 1818)。—M
28
↩
Consult the article of Coufah in the Bibliotheque of D’Herbelot ( p. 277, 278,) and the second volume of Ockley’s History, particularly p. 40 and 153.
可查阅埃尔布洛《文库》中“库法”一条(p. 277, 278),以及奥克利《历史》第二卷,尤见 p. 40 与 p. 153。
29
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See the article of Nehavend, in D’Herbelot, p. 667, 668; and Voyages en Turquie et en Perse, par Otter, tom. i. 191. * Note: Malcolm vol. i. p. 141.—M.
参见埃尔布洛书中“尼哈万德”一条,p. 667, 668;以及奥特《土耳其与波斯游记》(Voyages en Turquie et en Perse, tom. i. 191)。* 编者按:马尔科姆,vol. i. p. 141。—M
30
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It is in such a style of ignorance and wonder that the Athenian orator describes the Arctic conquests of Alexander, who never advanced beyond the shores of the Caspian. Aeschines contra Ctesiphontem, tom. iii. p. 554, edit. Graec. Orator. Reiske. This memorable cause was pleaded at Athens, Olymp. cxii. 3, (before Christ 330,) in the autumn, (Taylor, praefat. p. 370, &c.,) about a year after the battle of Arbela; and Alexander, in the pursuit of Darius, was marching towards Hyrcania and Bactriana.
那位雅典雄辩家,正是以这般无知而惊叹的口吻,来描摹亚历山大在极北的征服——其实亚历山大从未越过里海之滨。见 Aeschines contra Ctesiphontem, tom. iii. p. 554, edit. Graec. Orator. Reiske。这桩著名的诉讼在雅典受审,时当第一百一十二届奥林匹亚周期第三年(公元前 330 年)之秋(Taylor, praefat. p. 370, &c.),约在阿贝拉之战一年之后;其时亚历山大正追击大流士,向许尔卡尼亚与巴克特里亚进军。
31
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We are indebted for this curious particular to the Dynasties of Abulpharagius, p. 116; but it is needless to prove the identity of Estachar and Persepolis, (D’Herbelot, p. 327;) and still more needless to copy the drawings and descriptions of Sir John Chardin, or Corneillo le Bruyn.
这一有趣的细节,我们要归功于阿布·法拉杰的《列朝志》(Dynasties, p. 116);至于伊斯塔赫尔与波斯波利斯本属一地,实无须再加证明(埃尔布洛,p. 327);更无须照抄约翰·夏尔丹爵士或科尔内利奥·勒布伦的图绘与描述。
32
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After the conquest of Persia, Theophanes adds, (Chronograph p. 283.)
波斯既被征服之后,塞奥法尼斯又补述道(Chronograph. p. 283)。
33
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Amidst our meagre relations, I must regret that D’Herbelot has not found and used a Persian translation of Tabari, enriched, as he says, with many extracts from the native historians of the Ghebers or Magi, (Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 1014.)
在这些贫乏的记载之中,我不得不惋惜:埃尔布洛竟未能找到并利用一部波斯文的塔巴里译本——据他所言,那译本里增补了大量取自盖伯尔人(即麻葛)本土史家的摘录(《东方文库》,p. 1014)。
34
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The most authentic accounts of the two rivers, the Sihon (Jaxartes) and the Gihon, (Oxus,) may be found in Sherif al Edrisi (Geograph. Nubiens. p. 138,) Abulfeda, (Descript. Chorasan. in Hudson, tom. iii. p. 23,) Abulghazi Khan, who reigned on their banks, (Hist. Genealogique des Tatars, p. 32, 57, 766,) and the Turkish Geographer, a MS. in the king of France’s library, (Examen Critique des Historiens d’Alexandre, p. 194-360.)
关于锡洪河(即锡尔河 Jaxartes)与吉洪河(即阿姆河 Oxus)这两条河流最可信的记述,可见于谢里夫·伊德里西(Geograph. Nubiens. p. 138)、阿布尔费达(Descript. Chorasan. in Hudson, tom. iii. p. 23)、曾在两河之畔称汗的阿布尔加齐汗(Hist. Genealogique des Tatars, p. 32, 57, 766),以及那位“土耳其地理学家”——其手稿藏于法国国王的图书馆中(Examen Critique des Historiens d’Alexandre, p. 194-360)。
35
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The territory of Fergana is described by Abulfeda, p. 76, 77.
费尔干纳这片领地,阿布尔费达曾加描述,见 p. 76, 77。
36
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Eo redegit angustiarum eundem regem exsulem, ut Turcici regis, et Sogdiani, et Sinensis, auxilia missis literis imploraret, (Abulfed. Annal. p. 74) The connection of the Persian and Chinese history is illustrated by Freret (Mem. de l’Academie, tom. xvi. p. 245-255) and De Guignes, (Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p. 54-59,) and for the geography of the borders, tom. ii. p. 1-43.
Eo redegit angustiarum eundem regem exsulem, ut Turcici regis, et Sogdiani, et Sinensis, auxilia missis literis imploraret(意谓:这位流亡之君已窘迫到这般地步,竟致修书四出,向突厥王、粟特王与中国之君乞求援助)(Abulfed. Annal. p. 74)。波斯史与中国史之间的关联,弗雷雷(Mem. de l’Academie, tom. xvi. p. 245-255)与德经(Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p. 54-59)均有阐发;至于边地的地理,则见同书 tom. ii. p. 1-43。
37
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Hist. Sinica, p. 41-46, in the iiid part of the Relations Curieuses of Thevenot.
见《中国史》(Hist. Sinica, p. 41-46),载于泰夫诺《奇异见闻录》(Relations Curieuses)第三部分。
38
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I have endeavored to harmonize the various narratives of Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen. p. 37,) Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 116,) Abulfeda, (Annal. p. 74, 79,) and D’Herbelot, (p. 485.) The end of Yezdegerd, was not only unfortunate but obscure.
我曾努力调和埃尔马金(Hist. Saracen. p. 37)、阿布·法拉杰(Dynast. p. 116)、阿布尔费达(Annal. p. 74, 79)与埃尔布洛(p. 485)各家说法之间的出入。伊嗣俟的结局,不仅凄惨,而且晦暗不明。
3811
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The account of Yezdegerd’s death in the Habeib ‘usseyr and Rouzut uzzuffa (Price, p. 162) is much more probable. On the demand of the few dhirems, he offered to the miller his sword, and royal girdle, of inesturable value. This awoke the cupidity of the miller, who murdered him, and threw the body into the stream.—M.
《哈比布·西亚尔》与《洁净园》〔Habeib ‘usseyr and Rouzut uzzuffa〕中关于伊嗣俟之死的记载(普赖斯,p. 162),要可信得多。磨坊主索要那几个迪拉姆时,他拿出自己的宝剑与价值连城的王家腰带相赠。这反倒勾起了磨坊主的贪念,遂将他杀害,把尸首抛入河中。—M
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Firouz died leaving a son called Ni-ni-cha by the Chinese, probably Narses. Yezdegerd had two sons, Firouz and Bahram St. Martin, vol. xi. p. 318.—M.
菲鲁兹死时留下一子,中国人称之为“泥涅师”(Ni-ni-cha),大概就是纳尔塞斯。伊嗣俟有两个儿子,菲鲁兹与巴赫拉姆。圣马丁,vol. xi. p. 318。—M
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The two daughters of Yezdegerd married Hassan, the son of Ali, and Mohammed, the son of Abubeker; and the first of these was the father of a numerous progeny. The daughter of Phirouz became the wife of the caliph Walid, and their son Yezid derived his genuine or fabulous descent from the Chosroes of Persia, the Caesars of Rome, and the Chagans of the Turks or Avars, (D’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orientale, p. 96, 487.)
伊嗣俟的两个女儿,分别嫁给了阿里之子哈桑与阿布·伯克尔之子穆罕默德;前者子嗣繁盛。菲鲁兹的女儿则成了哈里发瓦利德的妻子,他们的儿子叶齐德,遂自称身兼波斯的库思老、罗马的诸恺撒,以及突厥或阿瓦尔人可汗三方的血脉——无论确有其事,还是子虚乌有(埃尔布洛《东方文库》,p. 96, 487)。
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It was valued at 2000 pieces of gold, and was the prize of Obeidollah, the son of Ziyad, a name afterwards infamous by the murder of Hosein, (Ockley’s History of the Saracens, vol. ii. p. 142, 143,) His brother Salem was accompanied by his wife, the first Arabian woman (A.D. 680) who passed the Oxus: she borrowed, or rather stole, the crown and jewels of the princess of the Sogdians, (p. 231, 232.)
那只靴子估值两千枚金币,落入了齐亚德之子奥贝杜拉之手;此人日后因杀害侯赛因而声名狼藉(奥克利《萨拉森人史》,vol. ii. p. 142, 143)。他的兄弟萨利姆携妻同行,这位妇人是第一个渡过阿姆河的阿拉伯女子(公元 680 年):她向粟特公主借来——或者不如说是偷来——那顶王冠与珠宝(p. 231, 232)。
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A part of Abulfeda’s geography is translated by Greaves, inserted in Hudson’s collection of the minor geographers, (tom. iii.,) and entitled Descriptio Chorasmiae et Mawaralnahroe, id est, regionum extra fluvium, Oxum, p. 80. The name of Transoxiana, softer in sound, equivalent in sense, is aptly used by Petit de la Croix, (Hist. de Gengiscan, &c.,) and some modern Orientalists, but they are mistaken in ascribing it to the writers of antiquity.
阿布尔费达地理著作的一部分,由格里夫斯译出,收入哈德森所编的《小地理学家文集》(tom. iii.),题为 Descriptio Chorasmiae et Mawaralnahroe, id est, regionum extra fluvium, Oxum(意即《花剌子模与河外之地——阿姆河以外诸地区志》),p. 80。Transoxiana(河中)一名,读来更为悦耳,含义却相同,佩蒂·德拉克鲁瓦(Hist. de Gengiscan 等)与若干近世东方学者用得颇为得当;不过,他们把这个名称归到古代作家名下,却是弄错了。
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The conquests of Catibah are faintly marked by Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen. p. 84,) D’Herbelot, (Bibliot. Orient. Catbah, Samarcand Valid.,) and De Guignes, (Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p. 58, 59.)
屈底波的征服,在埃尔马金(Hist. Saracen. p. 84)、埃尔布洛(《东方文库》,见 Catbah、Samarcand、Valid 诸条)与德经(Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p. 58, 59)笔下,都只是隐约提及。
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The manuscripts Arabian and Persian writers in the royal library contain very circumstantial details on the contest between the Persians and Arabians. M. St. Martin declined this addition to the work of Le Beau, as extending to too great a length. St. Martin vol. xi. p. 320.—M.
王家图书馆所藏阿拉伯与波斯作家的手稿中,对波斯人与阿拉伯人之间的这场角逐记载得极为详尽。圣马丁先生因篇幅过于冗长,未将这部分补入勒博的著作。圣马丁,vol. xi. p. 320。—M
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A curious description of Samarcand is inserted in the Bibliotheca Arabico-Hispana, tom. i. p. 208, &c. The librarian Casiri (tom. ii. 9) relates, from credible testimony, that paper was first imported from China to Samarcand, A. H. 30, and invented, or rather introduced, at Mecca, A. H. 88. The Escurial library contains paper Mss. as old as the ivth or vth century of the Hegira.
《阿拉伯—西班牙文库》(Bibliotheca Arabico-Hispana, tom. i. p. 208 等)载有一段关于撒马尔罕的有趣描述。图书馆员卡西里(tom. ii. 9)依据可信的证词记述道:纸张最早于希吉拉历 30 年由中国传入撒马尔罕,又于希吉拉历 88 年在麦加被发明——或者不如说被引进。埃斯科里亚尔图书馆藏有一些纸质抄本,年代可上溯至希吉拉历第四或第五世纪。
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A separate history of the conquest of Syria has been composed by Al Wakidi, cadi of Bagdad, who was born A.D. 748, and died A.D. 822; he likewise wrote the conquest of Egypt, of Diarbekir, &c. Above the meagre and recent chronicles of the Arabians, Al Wakidi has the double merit of antiquity and copiousness. His tales and traditions afford an artless picture of the men and the times. Yet his narrative is too often defective, trifling, and improbable. Till something better shall be found, his learned and spiritual interpreter (Ockley, in his History of the Saracens, vol. i. p. 21-342) will not deserve the petulant animadversion of Reiske, (Prodidagmata ad Magji Chalifae Tabulas, p. 236.) I am sorry to think that the labors of Ockley were consummated in a jail, (see his two prefaces to the 1st A.D. 1708, to the 2d, 1718, with the list of authors at the end.) * Note: M. Hamaker has clearly shown that neither of these works can be inscribed to Al Wakidi: they are not older than the end of the xith century or later than the middle of the xivth. Praefat. in Inc. Auct. LIb. de Expugnatione Memphidis, c. ix. x.—M.
关于叙利亚征服的一部专史,出自巴格达的卡迪(法官)瓦基迪之手;他生于公元 748 年,卒于公元 822 年,另外还著有埃及、迪亚巴克尔等地的征服史。比起阿拉伯人那些贫乏而晚近的编年史,瓦基迪之作兼具年代久远与内容丰赡两重长处。他所记的故事与传说,为那时的人物与时代勾勒出一幅质朴的图景。只是他的叙述往往失之残缺、琐屑,且难以取信。在找到更好的著作之前,为他作过博学而入微阐释的奥克利(见其《萨拉森人史》,vol. i. p. 21-342),实不该受赖斯克那般刻薄的责难(Prodidagmata ad Magji Chalifae Tabulas, p. 236)。想到奥克利的这番心血竟是在狱中完成的,我不禁怅然(参见他为初版〔1708 年〕与再版〔1718 年〕分别所作的两篇序言,及卷末所附的著者名录)。* 编者按:哈马克已明白地证明:这两部著作都不可能归于瓦基迪名下——它们的成书不早于十一世纪末,也不晚于十四世纪中叶。见 Praefat. in Inc. Auct. Lib. de Expugnatione Memphidis, c. ix. x。—M
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The instructions, &c., of the Syrian war are described by Al Wakidi and Ockley, tom. i. p. 22-27, &c. In the sequel it is necessary to contract, and needless to quote, their circumstantial narrative. My obligations to others shall be noticed.
有关叙利亚战事的训令等等,瓦基迪与奥克利均有记述(tom. i. p. 22-27 等)。以下行文,对他们那详尽的叙述有必要加以压缩,也就无须一一征引了。至于取材于他人之处,我自当随文注明。
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Notwithstanding this precept, M. Pauw (Recherches sur les Egyptiens, tom. ii. p. 192, edit. Lausanne) represents the Bedoweens as the implacable enemies of the Christian monks. For my own part, I am more inclined to suspect the avarice of the Arabian robbers, and the prejudices of the German philosopher. * Note: Several modern travellers (Mr. Fazakerley, in Walpole’s Travels in the East, vol. xi. 371) give very amusing accounts of the terms on which the monks of Mount Sinai live with the neighboring Bedoweens. Such, probably, was their relative state in older times, wherever the Arab retained his Bedoween habits.—M.
尽管有这条训诫,波乌先生(Recherches sur les Egyptiens, tom. ii. p. 192, edit. Lausanne)仍把贝都因人描绘成基督教修士不共戴天的仇敌。至于我,则更倾向于怀疑:这一半是阿拉伯劫掠者的贪婪,一半是这位德意志哲人的偏见。* 编者按:好几位近世旅行家(法扎克利先生,见沃波尔《东方游记》,vol. xi. 371)都饶有趣味地记述了西奈山的修士与邻近贝都因人相处的种种情形。大凡阿拉伯人仍保有其贝都因习俗的地方,昔日两者的关系,多半也是如此。—M
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Even in the seventh century, the monks were generally laymen: They wore their hair long and dishevelled, and shaved their heads when they were ordained priests. The circular tonsure was sacred and mysterious; it was the crown of thorns; but it was likewise a royal diadem, and every priest was a king, &c., (Thomassin, Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. i. p. 721-758, especially p. 737, 738.)
即便到了七世纪,修士大多仍是俗人:他们蓄着长发,任其散乱,直到受任为神父时才剃发。那圆形的削发礼神圣而神秘,既象征荆棘冠冕,同时又是王者的冠冕,因为每一位神父都是一位君王,如此等等(托马桑《教会规制》,tom. i. p. 721-758,尤见 p. 737, 738)。
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Compare Price, p. 90.—M.
参较普赖斯,p. 90。—M