Chapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part VII. 第五十章 阿拉伯及其居民——第七节

The good sense of Mahomet 158 despised the pomp of royalty: the apostle of God submitted to the menial offices of the family: he kindled the fire, swept the floor, milked the ewes, and mended with his own hands his shoes and his woollen garment. Disdaining the penance and merit of a hermit, he observed, without effort or vanity, the abstemious diet of an Arab and a soldier. On solemn occasions he feasted his companions with rustic and hospitable plenty; but in his domestic life, many weeks would elapse without a fire being kindled on the hearth of the prophet. The interdiction of wine was confirmed by his example; his hunger was appeased with a sparing allowance of barley-bread: he delighted in the taste of milk and honey; but his ordinary food consisted of dates and water. Perfumes and women were the two sensual enjoyments which his nature required, and his religion did not forbid; and Mahomet affirmed, that the fervor of his devotion was increased by these innocent pleasures. The heat of the climate inflames the blood of the Arabs; and their libidinous complexion has been noticed by the writers of antiquity. 159 Their incontinence was regulated by the civil and religious laws of the Koran: their incestuous alliances were blamed; the boundless license of polygamy was reduced to four legitimate wives or concubines; their rights both of bed and of dowry were equitably determined; the freedom of divorce was discouraged, adultery was condemned as a capital offence; and fornication, in either sex, was punished with a hundred stripes. 160 Such were the calm and rational precepts of the legislator: but in his private conduct, Mahomet indulged the appetites of a man, and abused the claims of a prophet. A special revelation dispensed him from the laws which he had imposed on his nation: the female sex, without reserve, was abandoned to his desires; and this singular prerogative excited the envy, rather than the scandal, the veneration, rather than the envy, of the devout Mussulmans. If we remember the seven hundred wives and three hundred concubines of the wise Solomon, we shall applaud the modesty of the Arabian, who espoused no more than seventeen or fifteen wives; eleven are enumerated who occupied at Medina their separate apartments round the house of the apostle, and enjoyed in their turns the favor of his conjugal society. What is singular enough, they were all widows, excepting only Ayesha, the daughter of Abubeker. She was doubtless a virgin, since Mahomet consummated his nuptials (such is the premature ripeness of the climate) when she was only nine years of age. The youth, the beauty, the spirit of Ayesha, gave her a superior ascendant: she was beloved and trusted by the prophet; and, after his death, the daughter of Abubeker was long revered as the mother of the faithful. Her behavior had been ambiguous and indiscreet: in a nocturnal march she was accidentally left behind; and in the morning Ayesha returned to the camp with a man. The temper of Mahomet was inclined to jealousy; but a divine revelation assured him of her innocence: he chastised her accusers, and published a law of domestic peace, that no woman should be condemned unless four male witnesses had seen her in the act of adultery. 161 In his adventures with Zeineb, the wife of Zeid, and with Mary, an Egyptian captive, the amorous prophet forgot the interest of his reputation. At the house of Zeid, his freedman and adopted son, he beheld, in a loose undress, the beauty of Zeineb, and burst forth into an ejaculation of devotion and desire. The servile, or grateful, freedman understood the hint, and yielded without hesitation to the love of his benefactor. But as the filial relation had excited some doubt and scandal, the angel Gabriel descended from heaven to ratify the deed, to annul the adoption, and gently to reprove the apostle for distrusting the indulgence of his God. One of his wives, Hafna, the daughter of Omar, surprised him on her own bed, in the embraces of his Egyptian captive: she promised secrecy and forgiveness, he swore that he would renounce the possession of Mary. Both parties forgot their engagements; and Gabriel again descended with a chapter of the Koran, to absolve him from his oath, and to exhort him freely to enjoy his captives and concubines, without listening to the clamors of his wives. In a solitary retreat of thirty days, he labored, alone with Mary, to fulfil the commands of the angel. When his love and revenge were satiated, he summoned to his presence his eleven wives, reproached their disobedience and indiscretion, and threatened them with a sentence of divorce, both in this world and in the next; a dreadful sentence, since those who had ascended the bed of the prophet were forever excluded from the hope of a second marriage. Perhaps the incontinence of Mahomet may be palliated by the tradition of his natural or preternatural gifts; 162 he united the manly virtue of thirty of the children of Adam: and the apostle might rival the thirteenth labor 163 of the Grecian Hercules. 164 A more serious and decent excuse may be drawn from his fidelity to Cadijah. During the twenty-four years of their marriage, her youthful husband abstained from the right of polygamy, and the pride or tenderness of the venerable matron was never insulted by the society of a rival. After her death, he placed her in the rank of the four perfect women, with the sister of Moses, the mother of Jesus, and Fatima, the best beloved of his daughters. “Was she not old?” said Ayesha, with the insolence of a blooming beauty; “has not God given you a better in her place?” “No, by God,” said Mahomet, with an effusion of honest gratitude, “there never can be a better! She believed in me when men despised me; she relieved my wants, when I was poor and persecuted by the world.” 165
穆罕默德深明事理158,不慕王者的排场;这位真主的使者甘于操持家中的粗贱杂役:亲手生火、扫地、挤羊奶,缝补自己的鞋子和毛袍。他既不屑于隐修者那种苦行修功,也不刻意矫饰,只是自然而然地保持着一个阿拉伯人、一个士兵所惯有的简朴饮食。逢重大场合,他也会以乡野人家那份热情丰盛的酒食款待同伴;然而在自家日常,先知的灶台往往一连数周不曾生过火。他以身作则,坚守禁酒之戒;果腹之物不过是少量大麦饼;他喜爱乳与蜜的滋味,寻常吃食却只有椰枣与清水。香料与女人,是他天性所需、教规亦不禁绝的两样感官之乐;穆罕默德甚至宣称,正是这些无伤大雅的享受,令他敬奉真主之心愈发炽热。阿拉伯的炎热气候使其民血气躁动,古时的作家早已留意到他们生性好色159。《古兰经》的世俗律法与宗教戒条对这种纵欲有所约束:近亲通婚受到谴责;一夫多妻本无限度,如今则限定为至多四名正妻或妾;无论同房之权还是聘礼之数,都有了公允的规定;离异之自由则加以抑制,通奸被定为死罪,男女犯淫皆处以鞭笞一百160。这位立法者定下的规条,冷静而合乎情理;然而论及私德,穆罕默德却纵情于凡人的欲望,滥用了先知的特权。一道特降的启示,使他得以豁免自己加诸国民的种种律法:天下女子尽可任其所欲,无所拘限;而这份绝无仅有的特权,在虔诚的穆斯林心中,激起的与其说是非议,不如说是艳羡,与其说是艳羡,不如说是敬仰。只要想起智者所罗门那七百名妻子、三百名妃嫔,我们便会称许这位阿拉伯人的克制——他所娶不过十七位、或说十五位妻子;其中有名可稽者十一人,各自在麦地那使者宅邸四周有独立的居室,轮流承欢于枕席之间。颇为奇特的是,除阿布·伯克尔之女阿伊莎外,她们竟无一不是寡妇。阿伊莎无疑是处子,因为穆罕默德与她圆房时(此地气候催人早熟,竟至于斯),她年方九岁。阿伊莎年少貌美、性情灵慧,因而在众妻中格外得势:先知既宠爱她,又信任她;他死后,这位阿布·伯克尔之女长久被尊为“信士之母”。她的行止曾一度暧昧失检:某回夜行军中,她偶然掉了队;次晨,阿伊莎却是随着一个男子回到营中。穆罕默德本性易生妒意;然而一道天启向他担保了她的清白:于是他惩处了那些告发者,并颁下一条保全家室安宁的律法——除非有四名男子亲眼目睹某女行奸,否则不得将她定罪161。而在与栽德之妻宰纳卜、与埃及俘虏马利亚的两桩风流韵事里,这位多情的先知却把自己的声誉抛诸脑后。栽德本是他释放的奴隶、又收为养子;一日在栽德家中,他瞥见宰纳卜衣衫不整、姿容动人,不禁脱口发出一声半是虔敬、半是欲念的叹赏。那获释的奴仆,或出于奴性、或出于感恩,会意之下,毫不迟疑便将妻子让给了自己的恩主。只因养父娶儿媳这层名分惹来些许疑议与非难,天使加百列便从天而降,出面认可此事,撤销那收养的关系,并温言责备使者,怪他竟不信真主对他何等宽纵。他的一位妻子、欧麦尔之女哈芙娜,撞见他正在她自己的床上搂抱那埃及俘虏:她答应保守秘密、既往不咎,他则起誓从此不再占有马利亚。可两下里都食了言;加百列于是再度降临,带来《古兰经》的一章经文,赦免他所立的誓言,并劝他尽可随意享用自己的女俘与姬妾,不必去理会众妻的聒噪。此后他闭门独处三十日,唯与马利亚相伴,勤勉践行天使的旨意。待到情欲与报复都已餍足,他召来十一位妻子,斥责她们的悖逆与轻率,扬言要在今世与来世都休弃她们;这实在是可怖的判决,因为凡登过先知床榻的女子,便永远断绝了再嫁的指望。穆罕默德的纵欲,或许可凭一桩传闻来开脱:相传他天赋异禀,甚至超乎常人自然之限162——一身兼有亚当子孙中三十人的雄健之力,足可与希腊英雄赫拉克勒斯的“第十三桩伟业”163相媲美164。若要为他寻一个更庄重、更体面的辩解,则莫过于他对赫蒂彻的忠贞。在两人共处的二十四年婚姻里,这位年轻的丈夫始终不曾行使一夫多妻之权,那位可敬的主妇无论出于自尊抑或柔情,都从未因身旁多出一个对手而受辱。她死后,他将她列入“四位完人”之列,与摩西的姐姐、耶稣的母亲,以及他最钟爱的女儿法蒂玛并称。“她不是已经老了吗?”阿伊莎以妙龄美人特有的骄矜口吻问道,“难道真主没有另赐你一个更好的,来顶她的位子吗?”“不,凭真主起誓,”穆罕默德满怀真挚的感念答道,“再不会有更好的了!当世人都轻蔑我时,唯有她信我;当我贫困潦倒、为举世所迫害时,是她接济了我的所需。”165
In the largest indulgence of polygamy, the founder of a religion and empire might aspire to multiply the chances of a numerous posterity and a lineal succession. The hopes of Mahomet were fatally disappointed. The virgin Ayesha, and his ten widows of mature age and approved fertility, were barren in his potent embraces. The four sons of Cadijah died in their infancy. Mary, his Egyptian concubine, was endeared to him by the birth of Ibrahim. At the end of fifteen months the prophet wept over his grave; but he sustained with firmness the raillery of his enemies, and checked the adulation or credulity of the Moslems, by the assurance that an eclipse of the sun was not occasioned by the death of the infant. Cadijah had likewise given him four daughters, who were married to the most faithful of his disciples: the three eldest died before their father; but Fatima, who possessed his confidence and love, became the wife of her cousin Ali, and the mother of an illustrious progeny. The merit and misfortunes of Ali and his descendants will lead me to anticipate, in this place, the series of the Saracen caliphs, a title which describes the commanders of the faithful as the vicars and successors of the apostle of God. 166
一夫多妻既已放纵到极致,这位一手创立宗教与帝国的人,本大可指望借此广开子嗣、多绵血脉,以求一脉相承。然而穆罕默德的这番指望,终归落空,且落得凄凉。处女阿伊莎,连同他那十位年岁已长、生育有验的寡妇,纵在他强健的怀抱之中,却一概不曾怀胎。赫蒂彻所生的四个儿子,都在襁褓中夭折。他的埃及姬妾马利亚,因生下易卜拉欣而愈得他的宠爱。可孩子活到十五个月,先知便只能对着他的坟墓恸哭;面对仇敌的讥讽,他镇定自持,又断然向众穆斯林声明:日食并非因这婴儿之死而起,以此遏止他们的谄媚阿谀或轻信盲从。赫蒂彻还为他生下四个女儿,都嫁给了他门徒中最忠诚者:三个年长的都先父而亡;唯有深得他信任与钟爱的法蒂玛,嫁给了堂叔阿里,成为一支显赫后裔的母亲。阿里及其子孙的功业与不幸,促使我在此处先行叙及萨拉森历代哈里发的世系——这一称号,意在标明这些“信士的统帅”乃是真主使者的代理人与继承者166
The birth, the alliance, the character of Ali, which exalted him above the rest of his countrymen, might justify his claim to the vacant throne of Arabia. The son of Abu Taleb was, in his own right, the chief of the family of Hashem, and the hereditary prince or guardian of the city and temple of Mecca. The light of prophecy was extinct; but the husband of Fatima might expect the inheritance and blessing of her father: the Arabs had sometimes been patient of a female reign; and the two grandsons of the prophet had often been fondled in his lap, and shown in his pulpit as the hope of his age, and the chief of the youth of paradise. The first of the true believers might aspire to march before them in this world and in the next; and if some were of a graver and more rigid cast, the zeal and virtue of Ali were never outstripped by any recent proselyte. He united the qualifications of a poet, a soldier, and a saint: his wisdom still breathes in a collection of moral and religious sayings; 167 and every antagonist, in the combats of the tongue or of the sword, was subdued by his eloquence and valor. From the first hour of his mission to the last rites of his funeral, the apostle was never forsaken by a generous friend, whom he delighted to name his brother, his vicegerent, and the faithful Aaron of a second Moses. The son of Abu Taleb was afterwards reproached for neglecting to secure his interest by a solemn declaration of his right, which would have silenced all competition, and sealed his succession by the decrees of Heaven. But the unsuspecting hero confided in himself: the jealousy of empire, and perhaps the fear of opposition, might suspend the resolutions of Mahomet; and the bed of sickness was besieged by the artful Ayesha, the daughter of Abubeker, and the enemy of Ali. 1671
阿里的出身、姻亲与品格,都使他高出同胞之上,凭此他大可有理由去争取阿拉伯那空悬的王位。作为阿布·塔利卜之子,他本身便是哈希姆家族的族长,又世袭为麦加城及其圣殿的君长兼守护者。先知之光虽已熄灭,然而身为法蒂玛的丈夫,他尽可指望承继岳父的家业与福荫:阿拉伯人有时也能容忍女子当国;何况先知的两个外孙,从前常在他膝上受他爱抚,又被他抱上讲坛,宣示为当世的希望、天堂少年之首。他是最早的信徒,大可期望无论今世来世都走在众人之前;纵有旁人性情更持重、更严正,可论虔诚与德行,阿里绝不逊于任何新近皈依之人。他集诗人、武士与圣徒的资质于一身:至今仍有一部道德与宗教箴言集,字里行间透着他的智慧167;无论是唇舌之争还是刀剑之斗,凡与他为敌者,无不为他的雄辩与勇武所折服。从使者传道的第一刻,直到他葬礼上最后的仪式,这位慷慨的挚友始终不曾离弃他;使者也乐于称他为自己的兄弟、自己的副手,是“第二个摩西”身边那忠实的亚伦。后来有人责怪阿布·塔利卜之子,怪他未曾设法用一纸郑重的权利宣告来稳固自己的地位——那本可堵住一切争夺之口,并以天命为他的继位盖上定谳的印记。可这位毫无戒心的英雄只信自己:或是出于对权位的猜忌,或是出于对反对声浪的顾虑,穆罕默德迟迟未下定决心;而他的病榻旁,早被诡谲的阿伊莎——阿布·伯克尔之女、阿里的仇敌——团团把守1671
The silence and death of the prophet restored the liberty of the people; and his companions convened an assembly to deliberate on the choice of his successor. The hereditary claim and lofty spirit of Ali were offensive to an aristocracy of elders, desirous of bestowing and resuming the sceptre by a free and frequent election: the Koreish could never be reconciled to the proud preeminence of the line of Hashem; the ancient discord of the tribes was rekindled, the fugitives of Mecca and the auxiliaries of Medina asserted their respective merits; and the rash proposal of choosing two independent caliphs would have crushed in their infancy the religion and empire of the Saracens. The tumult was appeased by the disinterested resolution of Omar, who, suddenly renouncing his own pretensions, stretched forth his hand, and declared himself the first subject of the mild and venerable Abubeker. 1672 The urgency of the moment, and the acquiescence of the people, might excuse this illegal and precipitate measure; but Omar himself confessed from the pulpit, that if any Mulsulman should hereafter presume to anticipate the suffrage of his brethren, both the elector and the elected would be worthy of death. 168 After the simple inauguration of Abubeker, he was obeyed in Medina, Mecca, and the provinces of Arabia: the Hashemites alone declined the oath of fidelity; and their chief, in his own house, maintained, above six months, a sullen and independent reserve; without listening to the threats of Omar, who attempted to consume with fire the habitation of the daughter of the apostle. The death of Fatima, and the decline of his party, subdued the indignant spirit of Ali: he condescended to salute the commander of the faithful, accepted his excuse of the necessity of preventing their common enemies, and wisely rejected his courteous offer of abdicating the government of the Arabians. After a reign of two years, the aged caliph was summoned by the angel of death. In his testament, with the tacit approbation of his companions, he bequeathed the sceptre to the firm and intrepid virtue of Omar. “I have no occasion,” said the modest candidate, “for the place.” “But the place has occasion for you,” replied Abubeker; who expired with a fervent prayer, that the God of Mahomet would ratify his choice, and direct the Mussulmans in the way of concord and obedience. The prayer was not ineffectual, since Ali himself, in a life of privacy and prayer, professed to revere the superior worth and dignity of his rival; who comforted him for the loss of empire, by the most flattering marks of confidence and esteem. In the twelfth year of his reign, Omar received a mortal wound from the hand of an assassin: he rejected with equal impartiality the names of his son and of Ali, refused to load his conscience with the sins of his successor, and devolved on six of the most respectable companions the arduous task of electing a commander of the faithful. On this occasion, Ali was again blamed by his friends 169 for submitting his right to the judgment of men, for recognizing their jurisdiction by accepting a place among the six electors. He might have obtained their suffrage, had he deigned to promise a strict and servile conformity, not only to the Koran and tradition, but likewise to the determinations of two seniors. 170 With these limitations, Othman, the secretary of Mahomet, accepted the government; nor was it till after the third caliph, twenty-four years after the death of the prophet, that Ali was invested, by the popular choice, with the regal and sacerdotal office. The manners of the Arabians retained their primitive simplicity, and the son of Abu Taleb despised the pomp and vanity of this world. At the hour of prayer, he repaired to the mosch of Medina, clothed in a thin cotton gown, a coarse turban on his head, his slippers in one hand, and his bow in the other, instead of a walking-staff. The companions of the prophet, and the chiefs of the tribes, saluted their new sovereign, and gave him their right hands as a sign of fealty and allegiance.
先知一旦缄默辞世,民众便重获自主之权;他的众门徒于是召集了一场大会,商议择立继承者。阿里凭血缘而来的继承权,加上他那份高傲的气性,触怒了由众长老构成的贵族集团——这些人一心想凭自由而频繁的推选,来授予、收回那根权杖;古莱什人也断然咽不下哈希姆一系那份倨傲的尊崇;于是部族间宿有的争端重又燃起:从麦加出走的流亡者与在麦地那接应的辅从者,各自夸功争先;竟有人贸然提议另立两位互不统属的哈里发,若果真如此,萨拉森人的宗教与帝国怕是尚在襁褓便被扼杀。这场纷乱,终因欧麦尔一片大公无私的决断而平息:他忽然放弃自己的名分,伸手向前,宣布自己甘为温厚可敬的阿布·伯克尔的第一个臣属1672。当时情势紧迫,加以民众默然应许,这一违规而仓促的举措或可谅解;然而欧麦尔本人后来也在讲坛上承认:此后若有哪个穆斯林胆敢抢在众弟兄公议之前径自拥立,那么拥立者与被立者都该处死168。阿布·伯克尔经过一番简朴的就任仪式后,麦地那、麦加以及阿拉伯各行省都归他统辖;唯有哈希姆一族拒绝宣誓效忠;他们的族长在自家宅中,一连六个多月抱着阴郁而不肯屈从的孤高,任凭欧麦尔如何威胁——后者甚至试图纵火焚毁先知之女的居所——也充耳不闻。直到法蒂玛去世、党羽日渐凋零,阿里那愤懑不平的心气才终于低伏下来:他放下身段,向“信士的统帅”致意,接受了对方的辩解——说当初实是为了防范共同的敌人才不得不如此——又明智地回绝了对方礼让、请他接掌阿拉伯政权的提议。在位两年之后,这位年迈的哈里发便为死亡的天使召去。他在遗嘱里,经众门徒默许,把那权杖传给了德行坚毅无畏的欧麦尔。“我并不需要这个位子。”这位谦逊的人选说道。“可这个位子需要你。”阿布·伯克尔答道;随后他便在一段热切的祈祷中溘然长逝,祈求穆罕默德的真主认可他所择之人,并引领众穆斯林走上和睦与顺服之路。这祈祷并非全无应验,因为连阿里本人,在退隐祈祷的生涯里,也自称敬服这位对手更高的德望与尊严;而对方也以最令人宽慰的信任与敬重,来抚慰他失却权柄之憾。在位第十二年,欧麦尔被一名刺客刺中,受了致命的一击:他一视同仁地既不提名自己的儿子,也不提名阿里,不愿让继任者的罪愆压上自己的良心,遂把推选“信士统帅”这桩难事,交托给六位最受敬重的门徒。这一回,阿里又遭朋友们的责怪169,怪他竟把自己的权利交由凡人裁断,怪他既接受了六名选举人之一的位置,便等于承认了他们的裁决之权。他本可赢得他们的选票,只要他肯屈尊许诺:不但严格奉行《古兰经》与圣训,还要一味遵从两位前辈的裁定170。奥斯曼——穆罕默德昔日的书记——正是带着这些约束接掌了政权;直到这第三位哈里发之后、即先知去世二十四年之久,阿里才终于经众人推戴,接掌了那兼具王权与教权的职位。阿拉伯人的风尚仍保持着原初的质朴,阿布·塔利卜之子也鄙弃这尘世的浮华与虚荣。每到祈祷的时辰,他便动身前往麦地那的清真寺,身着一件薄棉长袍,头缠粗糙的头巾,一手提着便鞋,另一手不拄手杖,却握着一张弓。先知的众门徒与各部族的首领纷纷向新君致意,伸出右手与他相握,以示效忠与归顺。
The mischiefs that flow from the contests of ambition are usually confined to the times and countries in which they have been agitated. But the religious discord of the friends and enemies of Ali has been renewed in every age of the Hegira, and is still maintained in the immortal hatred of the Persians and Turks. 171 The former, who are branded with the appellation of Shiites or sectaries, have enriched the Mahometan creed with a new article of faith; and if Mahomet be the apostle, his companion Ali is the vicar, of God. In their private converse, in their public worship, they bitterly execrate the three usurpers who intercepted his indefeasible right to the dignity of Imam and Caliph; and the name of Omar expresses in their tongue the perfect accomplishment of wickedness and impiety. 172 The Sonnites, who are supported by the general consent and orthodox tradition of the Mussulmans, entertain a more impartial, or at least a more decent, opinion. They respect the memory of Abubeker, Omar, Othman, and Ali, the holy and legitimate successors of the prophet. But they assign the last and most humble place to the husband of Fatima, in the persuasion that the order of succession was determined by the decrees of sanctity. 173 An historian who balances the four caliphs with a hand unshaken by superstition, will calmly pronounce that their manners were alike pure and exemplary; that their zeal was fervent, and probably sincere; and that, in the midst of riches and power, their lives were devoted to the practice of moral and religious duties. But the public virtues of Abubeker and Omar, the prudence of the first, the severity of the second, maintained the peace and prosperity of their reigns. The feeble temper and declining age of Othman were incapable of sustaining the weight of conquest and empire. He chose, and he was deceived; he trusted, and he was betrayed: the most deserving of the faithful became useless or hostile to his government, and his lavish bounty was productive only of ingratitude and discontent. The spirit of discord went forth in the provinces: their deputies assembled at Medina; and the Charegites, the desperate fanatics who disclaimed the yoke of subordination and reason, were confounded among the free-born Arabs, who demanded the redress of their wrongs and the punishment of their oppressors. From Cufa, from Bassora, from Egypt, from the tribes of the desert, they rose in arms, encamped about a league from Medina, and despatched a haughty mandate to their sovereign, requiring him to execute justice, or to descend from the throne. His repentance began to disarm and disperse the insurgents; but their fury was rekindled by the arts of his enemies; and the forgery of a perfidious secretary was contrived to blast his reputation and precipitate his fall. The caliph had lost the only guard of his predecessors, the esteem and confidence of the Moslems: during a siege of six weeks his water and provisions were intercepted, and the feeble gates of the palace were protected only by the scruples of the more timorous rebels. Forsaken by those who had abused his simplicity, the hopeless and venerable caliph expected the approach of death: the brother of Ayesha marched at the head of the assassins; and Othman, with the Koran in his lap, was pierced with a multitude of wounds. 1731 A tumultuous anarchy of five days was appeased by the inauguration of Ali: his refusal would have provoked a general massacre. In this painful situation he supported the becoming pride of the chief of the Hashemites; declared that he had rather serve than reign; rebuked the presumption of the strangers; and required the formal, if not the voluntary, assent of the chiefs of the nation. He has never been accused of prompting the assassin of Omar; though Persia indiscreetly celebrates the festival of that holy martyr. The quarrel between Othman and his subjects was assuaged by the early mediation of Ali; and Hassan, the eldest of his sons, was insulted and wounded in the defence of the caliph. Yet it is doubtful whether the father of Hassan was strenuous and sincere in his opposition to the rebels; and it is certain that he enjoyed the benefit of their crime. The temptation was indeed of such magnitude as might stagger and corrupt the most obdurate virtue. The ambitious candidate no longer aspired to the barren sceptre of Arabia; the Saracens had been victorious in the East and West; and the wealthy kingdoms of Persia, Syria, and Egypt were the patrimony of the commander of the faithful.
野心相争所酿成的祸患,通常只局限于争斗兴起的那个时代与那片土地。然而阿里的拥护者与仇敌之间的宗教纷争,却在希吉拉纪元的每一个世代里屡屡重演,至今仍在波斯人与土耳其人那不共戴天的仇恨中延续171。前者被烙上“什叶派”即分裂教派之名,他们为伊斯兰信条平添了一条新的信纲:若说穆罕默德是真主的使者,那么他的同伴阿里便是真主的代理人。无论私下交谈还是公开礼拜,他们都痛加咒骂那三个篡位者——正是这三人截断了阿里对伊玛目与哈里发之尊位那不可剥夺的权利;在他们口中,“欧麦尔”这个名字,简直就是邪恶与不敬臻于极致的化身172。而逊尼派——他们背后有全体穆斯林的公议与正统传承为凭——所持的看法则较为公允,至少较为体面。他们敬重阿布·伯克尔、欧麦尔、奥斯曼与阿里的英名,视这四人为先知圣洁而合法的继承者。不过他们把法蒂玛的丈夫排在末尾、最卑下的一位,深信这继承的次序本是神圣天意所定173。一位不为迷信所动、持平权衡这四位哈里发的史家,会冷静地断言:他们的品行同样纯正,堪为楷模;他们的热忱炽烈,且多半出于真诚;纵然身处财富与权势之中,他们的一生仍尽心履行道德与宗教的本分。然而唯有阿布·伯克尔与欧麦尔二人具备治国之德——前者持重审慎,后者严正刚毅——才使各自的治世保得太平与昌盛。奥斯曼性情软弱,又已老迈,根本担负不起征服与帝国的重担。他有所拣选,却看走了眼;他予人信任,却遭人背叛:信众中最有才德之人,于他的治理不是形同虚设便是心怀敌意;而他慷慨滥施的恩赏,换来的只有忘恩与不满。不和之气弥散于各行省:各地代表齐集麦地那;其中还夹杂着哈瓦利吉派——一群亡命的狂徒,既不肯服从上命,也不受理性约束——他们混迹在生而自由的阿拉伯人当中,而这些人前来是要讨还所受的冤屈、惩办压迫他们的官吏。他们从库法、从巴士拉、从埃及、从大漠中的各部族揭竿而起,在距麦地那约一里格处扎下营寨,向他们的君主递去一道傲慢的命令,逼他要么伸张正义,要么退位让贤。他的悔意本已渐渐化解了叛众的敌意、使之四散;不料仇敌施展手段,又把他们的怒火重新煽起;一名奸诈的书记更伪造了一封书信,蓄意败坏他的名声,加速他的垮台。这位哈里发已失去了先前几任赖以自保的唯一屏障——众穆斯林的敬重与信赖:在长达六周的围困中,他的水源与粮草都被截断,宫殿那几扇不堪一击的大门,全靠几个较为胆怯的叛党心存顾忌,才勉强得以保全。那些曾利用他忠厚的人纷纷弃他而去,走投无路而可敬的哈里发只得静候死亡逼近:阿伊莎的兄弟率领着行刺者冲在最前;奥斯曼膝上摊着《古兰经》,身中数创而死1731。一连五日群龙无首、乱作一团,直到阿里就任才告平息:他若推辞,势必激起一场大屠杀。身处这般难堪的境地,他依旧撑持着哈希姆族长应有的矜持:他声言自己宁可服事人、不愿君临人;斥责那些外来者的僭妄;并要求全族的首领即便不是心甘情愿,至少也须正式表示同意。从不曾有人指控他指使了刺杀欧麦尔的凶手,尽管波斯竟不知避忌,为那名被奉为“神圣殉道者”的凶手大办节庆。奥斯曼与臣民间的争端,早先曾因阿里出面调解而有所缓和;而阿里的长子哈桑,还曾为护卫这位哈里发而遭凌辱、负伤。然而哈桑之父究竟是否真心竭力反对那些叛党,实在可疑;可以确定的是,他从他们的罪行中坐收了好处。那份诱惑之大,确足以令最坚贞的德行也为之动摇、为之败坏。这位怀抱野心的人选,如今觊觎的已不再是阿拉伯那根贫瘠的权杖;萨拉森人已在东西两方屡战屡胜;波斯、叙利亚与埃及那些富庶的王国,如今都成了“信士统帅”的世袭家产。

Notes 注释

158
For the domestic life of Mahomet, consult Gagnier, and the corresponding chapters of Abulfeda; for his diet, (tom. iii. p. 285-288;) his children, (p. 189, 289;) his wives, (p. 290-303;) his marriage with Zeineb, (tom. ii. p. 152-160;) his amour with Mary, (p. 303-309;) the false accusation of Ayesha, (p. 186-199.) The most original evidence of the three last transactions is contained in the xxivth, xxxiiid, and lxvith chapters of the Koran, with Sale’s Commentary. Prideaux (Life of Mahomet, p. 80-90) and Maracci (Prodrom. Alcoran, part iv. p. 49-59) have maliciously exaggerated the frailties of Mahomet.
关于穆罕默德的居家生活,可参阅加尼耶,以及阿布尔费达书中相应的章节;论其饮食,见(第三卷,第285—288页);论其子女,见(第189、289页);论其妻子,见(第290—303页);论其与宰纳卜的婚事,见(第二卷,第152—160页);论其与马利亚的私情,见(第303—309页);论对阿伊莎的诬告,见(第186—199页)。上述末三桩事最原始的证据,载于《古兰经》第二十四章、第三十三章与第六十六章,并可参看塞尔的注疏。普里多(《穆罕默德传》,第80—90页)与马拉奇(《古兰经导论》,第四部,第49—59页)则不怀好意地夸大了穆罕默德的种种缺失。
159
Incredibile est quo ardore apud eos in Venerem uterque solvitur sexus, (Ammian. Marcellin. l. xiv. c. 4.)
Incredibile est quo ardore apud eos in Venerem uterque solvitur sexus,(Ammian. Marcellin. l. xiv. c. 4.)(拉丁语:难以置信,此地男女两性纵情欢爱之炽烈,竟至于斯。)
160
Sale (Preliminary Discourse, p. 133-137) has recapitulated the laws of marriage, divorce, &c.; and the curious reader of Selden’s Uror Hebraica will recognize many Jewish ordinances.
塞尔(《导论》,第133—137页)已把有关婚姻、离异等事的律法一一撮述;有心的读者若翻检塞尔登的《希伯来人之妻》(Uror Hebraica),当能从中辨认出许多犹太人的律例。
161
In a memorable case, the Caliph Omar decided that all presumptive evidence was of no avail; and that all the four witnesses must have actually seen stylum in pyxide, (Abulfedae Annales Moslemici, p. 71, vers. Reiske.)
在一桩著名的案子里,哈里发欧麦尔裁定:一切推定之证据概不足凭;那四名见证人必须确曾亲眼看见 stylum in pyxide(拉丁语:笔之入匣,隐指奸情坐实),(Abulfedae Annales Moslemici, p. 71, vers. Reiske.)
162
Sibi robur ad generationem, quantum triginta viri habent, inesse jacteret: ita ut unica hora posset undecim foeminis satisfacere, ut ex Arabum libris refert Stus. Petrus Paschasius, c. 2., (Maracci, Prodromus Alcoran, p. iv. p. 55. See likewise Observations de Belon, l. iii. c. 10, fol. 179, recto.) Al Jannabi (Gagnier, tom. iii. p. 287) records his own testimony, that he surpassed all men in conjugal vigor; and Abulfeda mentions the exclamation of Ali, who washed the body after his death, “O propheta, certe penis tuus coelum versus erectus est,” in Vit. Mohammed, p. 140.
Sibi robur ad generationem, quantum triginta viri habent, inesse jacteret: ita ut unica hora posset undecim foeminis satisfacere, ut ex Arabum libris refert Stus. Petrus Paschasius, c. 2.(拉丁语:据阿拉伯人的典籍,圣佩特鲁斯·帕斯卡修斯称,他自夸兼有三十个男子的生殖之力,一小时之内便能满足十一名女子。)(Maracci, Prodromus Alcoran, p. iv. p. 55. 另参 Observations de Belon, l. iii. c. 10, fol. 179, recto.)贾纳比(加尼耶,第三卷,第287页)录下他本人的证言,说他在房室之力上冠绝众人;阿布尔费达又提及阿里的一声惊呼——阿里于他身后为其净身,脱口而出“O propheta, certe penis tuus coelum versus erectus est”(拉丁语:噢先知,你的阳物竟朝天挺立!),见 in Vit. Mohammed, p. 140。
163
I borrow the style of a father of the church, (Greg. Nazianzen, Orat. iii. p. 108.)
此处我借用了一位教父的说法,(Greg. Nazianzen, Orat. iii. p. 108.)
164
The common and most glorious legend includes, in a single night the fifty victories of Hercules over the virgin daughters of Thestius, (Diodor. Sicul. tom. i. l. iv. p. 274. Pausanias, l. ix. p. 763. Statius Sylv. l. i. eleg. iii. v. 42.) But Athenaeus allows seven nights, (Deipnosophist, l. xiii. p. 556,) and Apollodorus fifty, for this arduous achievement of Hercules, who was then no more than eighteen years of age, (Bibliot. l. ii. c. 4, p. 111, cum notis Heyne, part i. p. 332.)
流传最广、也最为煊赫的传说是:赫拉克勒斯在一夜之间,接连征服了忒斯提乌斯的五十个处女之女(Diodor. Sicul. tom. i. l. iv. p. 274. Pausanias, l. ix. p. 763. Statius Sylv. l. i. eleg. iii. v. 42.)。不过阿特纳奥斯说这桩艰巨的伟业费了七夜(Deipnosophist, l. xiii. p. 556.),阿波罗多罗斯则说费了五十夜,而彼时赫拉克勒斯还不过十八岁(Bibliot. l. ii. c. 4, p. 111, cum notis Heyne, part i. p. 332.)。
165
Abulfeda in Vit. Moham. p. 12, 13, 16, 17, cum Notis Gagnier
见阿布尔费达《穆罕默德传》(in Vit. Moham.),第12、13、16、17页,并加尼耶所附注释。
166
This outline of the Arabian history is drawn from the Bibliotheque Orientale of D’Herbelot, (under the names of Aboubecre, Omar Othman, Ali, &c.;) from the Annals of Abulfeda, Abulpharagius, and Elmacin, (under the proper years of the Hegira,) and especially from Ockley’s History of the Saracens, (vol. i. p. 1-10, 115-122, 229, 249, 363-372, 378-391, and almost the whole of the second volume.) Yet we should weigh with caution the traditions of the hostile sects; a stream which becomes still more muddy as it flows farther from the source. Sir John Chardin has too faithfully copied the fables and errors of the modern Persians, (Voyages, tom. ii. p. 235-250, &c.)
这段阿拉伯历史的梗概,取材于埃尔布洛的《东方文库》(见“Aboubecre”“Omar”“Othman”“Ali”等条),取材于阿布尔费达、阿布·法拉杰与埃尔马金的编年史(各按其相应的希吉拉纪年查检),尤其取材于奥克利的《萨拉森人史》(第一卷第1—10、115—122、229、249、363—372、378—391页,以及几乎整个第二卷)。不过,对于那些彼此敌对的教派所传之说,我们仍须审慎权衡;这道水流离源头越远,便越发浑浊。约翰·夏尔丹爵士便把近世波斯人的种种荒诞与讹误照抄得未免太过忠实(Voyages, tom. ii. p. 235-250, &c.)。
167
Ockley (at the end of his second volume) has given an English version of 169 sentences, which he ascribes, with some hesitation, to Ali, the son of Abu Taleb. His preface is colored by the enthusiasm of a translator; yet these sentences delineate a characteristic, though dark, picture of human life.
奥克利(在其第二卷末尾)给出了169条格言的英译,并略带迟疑地把它们归于阿布·塔利卜之子阿里名下。他的序言染上了一位译者特有的热忱;不过这些格言确实勾勒出一幅虽则阴郁、却颇具特色的人生图景。
1671
Gibbon wrote chiefly from the Arabic or Sunnite account of these transactions, the only sources accessible at the time when he composed his History. Major Price, writing from Persian authorities, affords us the advantage of comparing throughout what may be fairly considered the Shiite Version. The glory of Ali is the constant burden of their strain. He was destined, and, according to some accounts, designated, for the caliphate by the prophet; but while the others were fiercely pushing their own interests, Ali was watching the remains of Mahomet with pious fidelity. His disinterested magnanimity, on each separate occasion, declined the sceptre, and gave the noble example of obedience to the appointed caliph. He is described, in retirement, on the throne, and in the field of battle, as transcendently pious, magnanimous, valiant, and humane. He lost his empire through his excess of virtue and love for the faithful his life through his confidence in God, and submission to the decrees of fate. Compare the curious account of this apathy in Price, chapter ii. It is to be regretted, I must add, that Major Price has contented himself with quoting the names of the Persian works which he follows, without any account of their character, age, and authority.—M.
吉本叙述这些事件,主要依据阿拉伯方面即逊尼派的说法,那也是他撰写《罗马帝国衰亡史》时所能取得的唯一史源。普赖斯少校则依据波斯方面的典籍,使我们得以处处对照那大体可视为什叶派的版本。阿里的荣光,是他们笔下反复吟咏的主题。据某些记载,他本已注定、甚至是由先知亲自指定继任哈里发;然而当旁人都在为一己私利激烈钻营时,阿里却怀着虔诚的忠贞守护着穆罕默德的遗体。每逢关头,他都以大公无私的胸襟辞让那权杖,为顺服既立的哈里发树立了高尚的榜样。无论退隐之时、在位之日,还是沙场之上,他都被描绘成虔敬、豁达、勇武而仁慈到无以复加。他因德行过甚、又太爱信众而失了帝国,因笃信真主、顺从天命而丢了性命。关于他这种恬淡无争的奇特记述,可比看普赖斯书中第二章。我还得补充一句可惜之处:普赖斯少校只满足于罗列他所依据的那些波斯著作之名,却对它们的性质、年代与权威性只字未提。—M
1672
Abubeker, the father of the virgin Ayesha. St. Martin, vol. XL, p. 88—M.
阿布·伯克尔,即处女阿伊莎之父。St. Martin, vol. XL, p. 88。—M
168
Ockley, (Hist. of the Saracens, vol. i. p. 5, 6,) from an Arabian Ms., represents Ayesha as adverse to the substitution of her father in the place of the apostle. This fact, so improbable in itself, is unnoticed by Abulfeda, Al Jannabi, and Al Bochari, the last of whom quotes the tradition of Ayesha herself, (Vit. Mohammed, p. 136 Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 236.)
奥克利(《萨拉森人史》第一卷第5、6页)依据一部阿拉伯文抄本,说阿伊莎其实反对由她父亲来接替使者之位。这说法本身极不近情理,阿布尔费达、贾纳比与布哈里都不曾提及;而布哈里所引的,恰恰是阿伊莎本人流传下来的说法(Vit. Mohammed, p. 136;Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 236.)。
169
Particularly by his friend and cousin Abdallah, the son of Abbas, who died A.D. 687, with the title of grand doctor of the Moslems. In Abulfeda he recapitulates the important occasions in which Ali had neglected his salutary advice, (p. 76, vers. Reiske;) and concludes, (p. 85,) O princeps fidelium, absque controversia tu quidem vere fortis es, at inops boni consilii, et rerum gerendarum parum callens.
责怪他的,尤以他的友人兼堂弟、阿拔斯之子阿卜杜拉为甚——此人卒于公元687年,享有“穆斯林大博士”的名号。在阿布尔费达书中,他历数阿里屡次忽视其有益忠告的种种关头(第76页,赖斯克拉丁译本),最后总结道(第85页):O princeps fidelium, absque controversia tu quidem vere fortis es, at inops boni consilii, et rerum gerendarum parum callens.(拉丁语:信士的君长啊,你固然勇毅无疑,却缺乏良谋,也不谙治事之道。)
170
I suspect that the two seniors (Abulpharagius, p. 115. Ockley, tom. i. p. 371,) may signify not two actual counsellors, but his two predecessors, Abubeker and Omar.
我猜想,所谓“两位前辈”(Abulpharagius, p. 115. Ockley, tom. i. p. 371.)指的或许并非两位实际的谋士,而是他的两位前任——阿布·伯克尔与欧麦尔。
171
The schism of the Persians is explained by all our travellers of the last century, especially in the iid and ivth volumes of their master, Chardin. Niebuhr, though of inferior merit, has the advantage of writing so late as the year 1764, (Voyages en Arabie, &c., tom. ii. p. 208-233,) since the ineffectual attempt of Nadir Shah to change the religion of the nation, (see his Persian History translated into French by Sir William Jones, tom. ii. p. 5, 6, 47, 48, 144-155.)
波斯人的这一教派分裂,上个世纪的诸位旅行家都有所阐述,尤以他们的宗师夏尔丹《游记》第二、第四卷为详。尼布尔的著述虽逊一筹,却胜在成书甚晚,迟至1764年方才写就(Voyages en Arabie, &c., tom. ii. p. 208-233),彼时纳迪尔沙意图改易举国信仰的尝试已告失败(其波斯史事经威廉·琼斯爵士译成法文,见第二卷第5、6、47、48、144—155页)。
172
Omar is the name of the devil; his murderer is a saint. When the Persians shoot with the bow, they frequently cry, “May this arrow go to the heart of Omar!” (Voyages de Chardin, tom. ii. p 239, 240, 259, &c.)
“欧麦尔”是魔鬼的名字,而刺杀他的凶手却是圣徒。波斯人开弓放箭时,常高呼:“愿此箭射穿欧麦尔的心窝!”(Voyages de Chardin, tom. ii. p. 239, 240, 259, &c.)
173
This gradation of merit is distinctly marked in a creed illustrated by Reland, (de Relig. Mohamm. l. i. p. 37;) and a Sonnite argument inserted by Ockley, (Hist. of the Saracens, tom. ii. p. 230.) The practice of cursing the memory of Ali was abolished, after forty years, by the Ommiades themselves, (D’Herbelot, p. 690;) and there are few among the Turks who presume to revile him as an infidel, (Voyages de Chardin, tom. iv. p. 46.)
这种功德高下的排序,在雷兰所阐释的一份信经中标记得清清楚楚(de Relig. Mohamm. l. i. p. 37),奥克利也收入了一段逊尼派的论说(《萨拉森人史》第二卷第230页)。诅咒阿里之名的做法,四十年后竟由倭马亚王朝自己废止(D’Herbelot, p. 690);土耳其人中也罕有敢斥他为异端者(Voyages de Chardin, tom. iv. p. 46.)。
1731
Compare Price, p. 180.—M.
可比看普赖斯书,第180页。—M