Chapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part VI. 第五十章 阿拉伯及其居民——第六节

The choice of Jerusalem for the first kebla of prayer discovers the early propensity of Mahomet in favor of the Jews; and happy would it have been for their temporal interest, had they recognized, in the Arabian prophet, the hope of Israel and the promised Messiah. Their obstinacy converted his friendship into implacable hatred, with which he pursued that unfortunate people to the last moment of his life; and in the double character of an apostle and a conqueror, his persecution was extended to both worlds. 135 The Kainoka dwelt at Medina under the protection of the city; he seized the occasion of an accidental tumult, and summoned them to embrace his religion, or contend with him in battle. “Alas!” replied the trembling Jews, “we are ignorant of the use of arms, but we persevere in the faith and worship of our fathers; why wilt thou reduce us to the necessity of a just defence?” The unequal conflict was terminated in fifteen days; and it was with extreme reluctance that Mahomet yielded to the importunity of his allies, and consented to spare the lives of the captives. But their riches were confiscated, their arms became more effectual in the hands of the Mussulmans; and a wretched colony of seven hundred exiles was driven, with their wives and children, to implore a refuge on the confines of Syria. The Nadhirites were more guilty, since they conspired, in a friendly interview, to assassinate the prophet. He besieged their castle, three miles from Medina; but their resolute defence obtained an honorable capitulation; and the garrison, sounding their trumpets and beating their drums, was permitted to depart with the honors of war. The Jews had excited and joined the war of the Koreish: no sooner had the nations retired from the ditch, than Mahomet, without laying aside his armor, marched on the same day to extirpate the hostile race of the children of Koraidha. After a resistance of twenty-five days, they surrendered at discretion. They trusted to the intercession of their old allies of Medina; they could not be ignorant that fanaticism obliterates the feelings of humanity. A venerable elder, to whose judgment they appealed, pronounced the sentence of their death; seven hundred Jews were dragged in chains to the market-place of the city; they descended alive into the grave prepared for their execution and burial; and the apostle beheld with an inflexible eye the slaughter of his helpless enemies. Their sheep and camels were inherited by the Mussulmans: three hundred cuirasses, five hundred pikes, a thousand lances, composed the most useful portion of the spoil. Six days’ journey to the north-east of Medina, the ancient and wealthy town of Chaibar was the seat of the Jewish power in Arabia: the territory, a fertile spot in the desert, was covered with plantations and cattle, and protected by eight castles, some of which were esteemed of impregnable strength. The forces of Mahomet consisted of two hundred horse and fourteen hundred foot: in the succession of eight regular and painful sieges they were exposed to danger, and fatigue, and hunger; and the most undaunted chiefs despaired of the event. The apostle revived their faith and courage by the example of Ali, on whom he bestowed the surname of the Lion of God: perhaps we may believe that a Hebrew champion of gigantic stature was cloven to the chest by his irresistible cimeter; but we cannot praise the modesty of romance, which represents him as tearing from its hinges the gate of a fortress and wielding the ponderous buckler in his left hand. 136 After the reduction of the castles, the town of Chaibar submitted to the yoke. The chief of the tribe was tortured, in the presence of Mahomet, to force a confession of his hidden treasure: the industry of the shepherds and husbandmen was rewarded with a precarious toleration: they were permitted, so long as it should please the conqueror, to improve their patrimony, in equal shares, for his emolument and their own. Under the reign of Omar, the Jews of Chaibar were transported to Syria; and the caliph alleged the injunction of his dying master; that one and the true religion should be professed in his native land of Arabia. 137
穆罕默德最初将礼拜的朝向定于耶路撒冷,可见他早年对犹太人本怀好感;倘若犹太人当初肯把这位阿拉伯先知认作以色列的指望、认作应许中的弥赛亚,他们在现世的处境本可安稳得多。犹太人执迷不悟,把他的善意化作了不共戴天的仇恨;此后他终其一生都在追讨这个不幸的民族,直到咽气的那一刻。他兼有使者与征服者的双重身分,其迫害遂及于今生与来世两界。135 盖努卡人寄居麦地那,受该城庇护。穆罕默德趁一场偶发骚乱之机,勒令他们要么归信他的宗教,要么与他兵戎相见。犹太人战栗着答道:“唉!我们不谙兵器之用,却始终守着祖先的信仰与礼拜;你何苦逼我们不得不起而自卫呢?”这场力量悬殊的争斗十五天便见了分晓。他的盟友再三恳求,穆罕默德才极不情愿地让步,答应饶俘虏一命。然而他们的财货尽遭没收,兵器到了穆斯林手中反倒更为得力;七百名放逐者携妻带子,凄凄惶惶地被赶往叙利亚边境,去乞求一处栖身之所。纳迪尔人的罪过更重,因为他们竟在一次友好会晤中密谋刺杀先知。他围攻他们那座离麦地那三英里的堡垒;守军顽强抵抗,终于换来一纸体面的降约,得以吹号擂鼓,带着军人的荣誉列队而去。犹太人曾煽动并参与了古莱什人挑起的那场战争。各族刚从壕沟前撤走,穆罕默德便甲胄未卸,当天就挥师去铲除与他为敌的古赖扎族。抵抗了二十五天之后,他们无条件投降。他们指望麦地那的旧盟友出面说情,却不该不知道:狂热一起,人性中的恻隐之心便荡然无存。他们请一位德高望重的长者来裁断,不料这长者却宣判他们死刑。七百名犹太人被锁着铁链拖到城中的市集;他们活生生地走下那为处决与埋葬预先掘好的墓穴;使者则以毫不动容的目光,看着这些束手无策的敌人惨遭屠戮。他们的羊群与骆驼尽归穆斯林所有;战利品中最为有用的,是三百副胸甲、五百柄长枪、一千支长矛。在麦地那东北六日路程之外,古老而富庶的海巴尔城,是阿拉伯犹太势力的中枢。那片地方是沙漠中的一块沃土,园林遍布,牛羊成群,有八座城堡拱卫,其中几座向来被视为坚不可摧。穆罕默德的兵力是二百骑兵、一千四百步兵。他们接连打了八场正规而艰苦的攻坚战,屡历险境、疲惫与饥饿,连最无畏的将领也对胜负不抱指望。使者以阿里为榜样,重新点燃了众人的信念与勇气,还赐他“真主之狮”的名号。或许我们可以相信,一名身材魁伟的希伯来勇士,被阿里那无可抵挡的弯刀劈开了胸膛;可是传奇竟说他把一座堡垒的城门连铰链一齐拽下,左手还挥舞着那面沉重的盾牌——如此夸张,我们实在无法称许其分寸。136 各城堡攻克之后,海巴尔城也俯首就轭。部族首领当着穆罕默德的面遭受酷刑,逼他招出藏匿的财宝。牧人与农夫勤于耕作,所得的回报却只是一份朝不保夕的宽容:只要征服者高兴,他们便获准继续经营自己的祖产,收成与征服者对半均分,供他与自己两得其利。到欧麦尔在位时,海巴尔的犹太人被迁往叙利亚;这位哈里发援引其临终主上的遗命为由,声称在他的故乡阿拉伯,只可信奉那唯一真正的宗教。137
Five times each day the eyes of Mahomet were turned towards Mecca, 138 and he was urged by the most sacred and powerful motives to revisit, as a conqueror, the city and the temple from whence he had been driven as an exile. The Caaba was present to his waking and sleeping fancy: an idle dream was translated into vision and prophecy; he unfurled the holy banner; and a rash promise of success too hastily dropped from the lips of the apostle. His march from Medina to Mecca displayed the peaceful and solemn pomp of a pilgrimage: seventy camels, chosen and bedecked for sacrifice, preceded the van; the sacred territory was respected; and the captives were dismissed without ransom to proclaim his clemency and devotion. But no sooner did Mahomet descend into the plain, within a day’s journey of the city, than he exclaimed, “They have clothed themselves with the skins of tigers:” the numbers and resolution of the Koreish opposed his progress; and the roving Arabs of the desert might desert or betray a leader whom they had followed for the hopes of spoil. The intrepid fanatic sunk into a cool and cautious politician: he waived in the treaty his title of apostle of God; concluded with the Koreish and their allies a truce of ten years; engaged to restore the fugitives of Mecca who should embrace his religion; and stipulated only, for the ensuing year, the humble privilege of entering the city as a friend, and of remaining three days to accomplish the rites of the pilgrimage. A cloud of shame and sorrow hung on the retreat of the Mussulmans, and their disappointment might justly accuse the failure of a prophet who had so often appealed to the evidence of success. The faith and hope of the pilgrims were rekindled by the prospect of Mecca: their swords were sheathed; 1381 seven times in the footsteps of the apostle they encompassed the Caaba: the Koreish had retired to the hills, and Mahomet, after the customary sacrifice, evacuated the city on the fourth day. The people was edified by his devotion; the hostile chiefs were awed, or divided, or seduced; and both Kaled and Amrou, the future conquerors of Syria and Egypt, most seasonably deserted the sinking cause of idolatry. The power of Mahomet was increased by the submission of the Arabian tribes; ten thousand soldiers were assembled for the conquest of Mecca; and the idolaters, the weaker party, were easily convicted of violating the truce. Enthusiasm and discipline impelled the march, and preserved the secret till the blaze of ten thousand fires proclaimed to the astonished Koreish the design, the approach, and the irresistible force of the enemy. The haughty Abu Sophian presented the keys of the city, admired the variety of arms and ensigns that passed before him in review; observed that the son of Abdallah had acquired a mighty kingdom, and confessed, under the cimeter of Omar, that he was the apostle of the true God. The return of Marius and Scylla was stained with the blood of the Romans: the revenge of Mahomet was stimulated by religious zeal, and his injured followers were eager to execute or to prevent the order of a massacre. Instead of indulging their passions and his own, 139 the victorious exile forgave the guilt, and united the factions, of Mecca. His troops, in three divisions, marched into the city: eight-and-twenty of the inhabitants were slain by the sword of Caled; eleven men and six women were proscribed by the sentence of Mahomet; but he blamed the cruelty of his lieutenant; and several of the most obnoxious victims were indebted for their lives to his clemency or contempt. The chiefs of the Koreish were prostrate at his feet. “What mercy can you expect from the man whom you have wronged?” “We confide in the generosity of our kinsman.” “And you shall not confide in vain: begone! you are safe, you are free” The people of Mecca deserved their pardon by the profession of Islam; and after an exile of seven years, the fugitive missionary was enthroned as the prince and prophet of his native country. 140 But the three hundred and sixty idols of the Caaba were ignominiously broken: the house of God was purified and adorned: as an example to future times, the apostle again fulfilled the duties of a pilgrim; and a perpetual law was enacted that no unbeliever should dare to set his foot on the territory of the holy city. 141
每天五次,穆罕默德的目光都转向麦加,138 而最神圣、最强烈的动机也在催促他:要以征服者的身分,重返这座曾把他当作放逐者赶走的城市与圣殿。克尔白无论他醒着还是睡着,都萦绕在他的遐想里;一场无谓的梦,被他说成是异象与预言;他展开圣旗,一句必胜的诺言也太过草率地从口中溜出。他从麦地那向麦加进发,一路摆出朝觐特有的那种既安详又庄严的排场:七十峰精选的骆驼披红挂彩,作为祭牲走在队伍最前面;圣地一概受到尊重;俘虏也不索赎金便一律释放,好让他们四处传扬他的仁慈与虔诚。可是穆罕默德刚下到平原,离城只有一日路程,就惊呼道:“他们披上虎皮了!”古莱什人一方人多势众、意志坚决,挡住了他的去路;而沙漠里那些漂泊不定的阿拉伯人,本是冲着劫掠的指望才追随他的,此刻随时可能弃他而去,甚至倒戈相向。这位无畏的狂热者,一变而为冷静谨慎的政客:他在条约中放弃了“真主使者”的头衔,与古莱什人及其盟友订下十年休战;答应遣返那些愿意归信他宗教的麦加逃亡者;而所争得的,仅仅是来年的一点卑微权利——以朋友的身分进城,逗留三日,完成朝觐的仪式。穆斯林黯然撤退,一路笼罩着羞惭与哀伤;他们大失所望,本也有理由责怪这位先知失了灵——他此前可是屡屡拿胜利当作自己受命于天的凭证。一望见麦加,朝觐者的信念与希望又重新燃起。他们收刀入鞘,1381 跟着使者的脚步绕行克尔白七周。古莱什人早已退往山中;穆罕默德依例献祭之后,第四天便撤出城去。他的虔诚感化了民众;与他为敌的首领们,或被震慑,或起内讧,或遭他笼络;日后征服叙利亚与埃及的哈立德与阿慕尔,也都恰逢其时地抛弃了那日渐沉没的偶像崇拜。阿拉伯各部族纷纷归顺,穆罕默德的势力日盛;他集结起一万大军,要去攻取麦加;而偶像崇拜者一方本就势弱,被指违反休战约定,也就轻而易举地坐实了罪名。宗教的狂热与森严的纪律催动着行军,也把行动守得密不透风,直到一万堆篝火熊熊燃起,才向惊愕的古莱什人昭告:大敌已然逼近,来意分明,兵力势不可挡。高傲的阿布·苏富扬献上了城门的钥匙,望着各色兵器与旗号列队从眼前经过,赞叹不已;他说阿卜杜拉之子如今已挣得一个泱泱大国,又在欧麦尔的弯刀之下,招认穆罕默德确是真神的使者。马略与苏拉当年班师回城,都以罗马人的鲜血染红了双手;穆罕默德的复仇则另有宗教热忱在推波助澜,他那些受过欺凌的信徒,个个迫不及待,只等一道屠杀令便去执行,甚至不待号令便欲抢先下手。然而这位凯旋的放逐者,既没有放纵他们的激愤,也没有放纵自己的,139 反倒既往不咎,把麦加各派系重新拧成一股。他的军队分三路开进城中:哈立德的刀下杀了二十八名居民;穆罕默德又亲自判处十一名男子、六名女子死刑;但他随即责备副将过于残忍,几名最招人痛恨的死囚,也因他一念之仁或不屑一顾而保住了性命。古莱什的首领们匍匐在他脚下。“你们曾这般欺负过的人,如今还能指望他有几分慈悲?”“我们信得过族人的宽宏。”“你们不会白白信错:去吧!你们平安了,你们自由了。”麦加人以皈依伊斯兰教换得了赦免;这位逃亡的传道者放逐七年之后,终于以君主兼先知的身分,登上了故乡的宝座。140 至于克尔白中那三百六十尊偶像,则被一一砸碎,蒙受羞辱;真主的殿宇经过净化,重加装饰。使者为垂范后世,又一次履行了朝觐者的本分;并颁下一条永世不易的法令:任何不信道者,都不得踏足这座圣城的地界。141
The conquest of Mecca determined the faith and obedience of the Arabian tribes; 142 who, according to the vicissitudes of fortune, had obeyed, or disregarded, the eloquence or the arms of the prophet. Indifference for rites and opinions still marks the character of the Bedoweens; and they might accept, as loosely as they hold, the doctrine of the Koran. Yet an obstinate remnant still adhered to the religion and liberty of their ancestors, and the war of Honain derived a proper appellation from the idols, whom Mahomet had vowed to destroy, and whom the confederates of Tayef had sworn to defend. 143 Four thousand Pagans advanced with secrecy and speed to surprise the conqueror: they pitied and despised the supine negligence of the Koreish, but they depended on the wishes, and perhaps the aid, of a people who had so lately renounced their gods, and bowed beneath the yoke of their enemy. The banners of Medina and Mecca were displayed by the prophet; a crowd of Bedoweens increased the strength or numbers of the army, and twelve thousand Mussulmans entertained a rash and sinful presumption of their invincible strength. They descended without precaution into the valley of Honain: the heights had been occupied by the archers and slingers of the confederates; their numbers were oppressed, their discipline was confounded, their courage was appalled, and the Koreish smiled at their impending destruction. The prophet, on his white mule, was encompassed by the enemies: he attempted to rush against their spears in search of a glorious death: ten of his faithful companions interposed their weapons and their breasts; three of these fell dead at his feet: “O my brethren,” he repeatedly cried, with sorrow and indignation, “I am the son of Abdallah, I am the apostle of truth! O man, stand fast in the faith! O God, send down thy succor!” His uncle Abbas, who, like the heroes of Homer, excelled in the loudness of his voice, made the valley resound with the recital of the gifts and promises of God: the flying Moslems returned from all sides to the holy standard; and Mahomet observed with pleasure that the furnace was again rekindled: his conduct and example restored the battle, and he animated his victorious troops to inflict a merciless revenge on the authors of their shame. From the field of Honain, he marched without delay to the siege of Tayef, sixty miles to the south-east of Mecca, a fortress of strength, whose fertile lands produce the fruits of Syria in the midst of the Arabian desert. A friendly tribe, instructed (I know not how) in the art of sieges, supplied him with a train of battering-rams and military engines, with a body of five hundred artificers. But it was in vain that he offered freedom to the slaves of Tayef; that he violated his own laws by the extirpation of the fruit-trees; that the ground was opened by the miners; that the breach was assaulted by the troops. After a siege of twenty-days, the prophet sounded a retreat; but he retreated with a song of devout triumph, and affected to pray for the repentance and safety of the unbelieving city. The spoils of this fortunate expedition amounted to six thousand captives, twenty-four thousand camels, forty thousand sheep, and four thousand ounces of silver: a tribe who had fought at Hoinan redeemed their prisoners by the sacrifice of their idols; but Mahomet compensated the loss, by resigning to the soldiers his fifth of the plunder, and wished, for their sake, that he possessed as many head of cattle as there were trees in the province of Tehama. Instead of chastising the disaffection of the Koreish, he endeavored to cut out their tongues, (his own expression,) and to secure their attachment by a superior measure of liberality: Abu Sophian alone was presented with three hundred camels and twenty ounces of silver; and Mecca was sincerely converted to the profitable religion of the Koran.
麦加一经攻下,阿拉伯各部族的归信与臣服便再无悬念。142 此前他们全看时运起伏行事,对先知的口才与刀兵,时而俯首听命,时而置若罔闻。对种种仪式与教义漠不关心,至今仍是贝都因人的秉性;他们接受《古兰经》的教义有多随便,守持起来也就有多松懈。然而仍有一批冥顽之众,死守着祖先的宗教与自由;侯奈因之战的名号,恰当地取自那些偶像——穆罕默德誓要将其捣毁,塔伊夫的联盟却誓死要将其护住。143 四千名异教徒悄然疾进,想要出其不意袭击这位征服者。他们既怜悯又鄙夷古莱什人那副懒散麻木的样子,却又指望着一群不久前才弃绝自家神明、俯首于仇敌枷锁之下的人,能与他们同心,或许还能助一臂之力。先知打出了麦地那与麦加的旗帜;一大群贝都因人加入进来,壮大了军队的实力,或至少增添了人数;一万二千名穆斯林,遂生出一种既轻率又不敬的自负,以为自己的兵力天下无敌。他们毫无戒备地开进侯奈因谷地;两侧高地早已被联盟的弓箭手与投石手占据。穆斯林兵力虽众,反遭压制,阵形大乱,勇气尽丧;古莱什人则冷眼看着他们行将覆灭,暗自窃喜。先知骑在白骡上,被敌人团团围住;他一度想冲向敌矛,去求一个壮烈的死。十名忠实的同伴以兵器和胸膛替他挡住去路,其中三人当场倒毙在他脚下。他悲愤交加,一遍遍高呼:“弟兄们哪!我是阿卜杜拉之子,我是真理的使者!世人哪,坚守信仰!真主啊,降下你的援助!”他的叔父阿拔斯嗓门洪亮,一如荷马笔下的英雄;他高声宣讲真主的恩赐与应许,声震整个山谷。四散奔逃的穆斯林从四面八方重新聚拢到圣旗之下;穆罕默德欣慰地看到,那炉战火又重新燃旺。他身先士卒、以身作则,扭转了战局,又激励得胜的将士,向那些令他们蒙羞的人施以毫不留情的报复。他从侯奈因战场毫不迟延地挥师去围攻塔伊夫。塔伊夫在麦加东南六十英里,是一座坚固的城堡,其周遭沃野竟能在阿拉伯沙漠腹地里,长出叙利亚才有的果实。一个与他交好的部族——不知从何处学得了攻城之术——给他送来一列攻城槌与各式军械,还配了五百名工匠。然而一切都是徒劳:他向塔伊夫的奴隶许以自由,违背自己定下的律法砍尽果树,命工兵掘地开道,驱兵猛攻缺口——却全无用处。围攻二十天后,先知下令鸣金收兵;不过他退兵时还唱着一支虔诚的凯歌,佯装为这座不信道的城市祈祷,愿其悔改、愿其平安。这场顺遂的远征,战利品有六千名俘虏、二万四千峰骆驼、四万只羊、四千盎司白银。一个在侯奈因交过战的部族,靠献出自己的偶像,赎回了被俘的族人;穆罕默德为弥补他们的损失,把本该归他的那五分之一战利品让给了将士,还替他们许愿:但愿自己拥有的牲畜,能同提哈麦一省的树木一样多。古莱什人素怀异心,他非但不加惩治,反倒设法“割掉他们的舌头”(这是他自己的说法),用格外的慷慨来拴住他们的心:单是阿布·苏富扬一人,就获赠三百峰骆驼、二十盎司白银。麦加于是真心归向了《古兰经》这一有利可图的宗教。
The fugitives and auxiliaries complained, that they who had borne the burden were neglected in the season of victory “Alas!” replied their artful leader, “suffer me to conciliate these recent enemies, these doubtful proselytes, by the gift of some perishable goods. To your guard I intrust my life and fortunes. You are the companions of my exile, of my kingdom, of my paradise.” He was followed by the deputies of Tayef, who dreaded the repetition of a siege. “Grant us, O apostle of God! a truce of three years, with the toleration of our ancient worship.” “Not a month, not an hour.” “Excuse us at least from the obligation of prayer.” “Without prayer religion is of no avail.” They submitted in silence: their temples were demolished, and the same sentence of destruction was executed on all the idols of Arabia. His lieutenants, on the shores of the Red Sea, the Ocean, and the Gulf of Persia, were saluted by the acclamations of a faithful people; and the ambassadors, who knelt before the throne of Medina, were as numerous (says the Arabian proverb) as the dates that fall from the maturity of a palm-tree. The nation submitted to the God and the sceptre of Mahomet: the opprobrious name of tribute was abolished: the spontaneous or reluctant oblations of arms and tithes were applied to the service of religion; and one hundred and fourteen thousand Moslems accompanied the last pilgrimage of the apostle. 144
那些逃亡者与辅助部众抱怨道:出力担重担的是他们,如今到了论功行赏的时候,他们反倒被冷落了。他们那位机变的首领答道:“唉!这些人不久前还是仇敌,如今归信也未见得可靠,且容我用些身外之物去笼络他们。我的性命与家业,都托付给你们守护。你们才是与我共患难、共江山、共乐园的同伴。”塔伊夫的代表随后赶来,生怕再遭一次围攻。“真主的使者啊,请赐我们三年休战,容我们保留祖辈的信仰。”“一个月也不行,一个时辰也不行。”“那至少免了我们礼拜的义务吧。”“不礼拜,宗教便毫无用处。”他们默然屈服。他们的神庙被夷平,阿拉伯全境的偶像也一概照此判处,尽遭捣毁。在红海、大洋与波斯湾之滨,他的部将都受到一片忠顺之民的欢呼致敬;跪拜在麦地那宝座前的使节,用阿拉伯谚语的说法,多得就像棕榈成熟时坠落的椰枣。整个民族都臣服于穆罕默德的真主与权杖之下;“贡赋”这个带侮辱意味的名目被取消;无论是自愿还是勉强献上的兵器与什一税,都拨归宗教之用;先知最后一次朝觐时,随行的穆斯林多达十一万四千人。144
When Heraclius returned in triumph from the Persian war, he entertained, at Emesa, one of the ambassadors of Mahomet, who invited the princes and nations of the earth to the profession of Islam. On this foundation the zeal of the Arabians has supposed the secret conversion of the Christian emperor: the vanity of the Greeks has feigned a personal visit of the prince of Medina, who accepted from the royal bounty a rich domain, and a secure retreat, in the province of Syria. 145 But the friendship of Heraclius and Mahomet was of short continuance: the new religion had inflamed rather than assuaged the rapacious spirit of the Saracens, and the murder of an envoy afforded a decent pretence for invading, with three thousand soldiers, the territory of Palestine, that extends to the eastward of the Jordan. The holy banner was intrusted to Zeid; and such was the discipline or enthusiasm of the rising sect, that the noblest chiefs served without reluctance under the slave of the prophet. On the event of his decease, Jaafar and Abdallah were successively substituted to the command; and if the three should perish in the war, the troops were authorized to elect their general. The three leaders were slain in the battle of Muta, 146 the first military action, which tried the valor of the Moslems against a foreign enemy. Zeid fell, like a soldier, in the foremost ranks: the death of Jaafar was heroic and memorable: he lost his right hand: he shifted the standard to his left: the left was severed from his body: he embraced the standard with his bleeding stumps, till he was transfixed to the ground with fifty honorable wounds. 1461 “Advance,” cried Abdallah, who stepped into the vacant place, “advance with confidence: either victory or paradise is our own.” The lance of a Roman decided the alternative; but the falling standard was rescued by Caled, the proselyte of Mecca: nine swords were broken in his hand; and his valor withstood and repulsed the superior numbers of the Christians. In the nocturnal council of the camp he was chosen to command: his skilful evolutions of the ensuing day secured either the victory or the retreat of the Saracens; and Caled is renowned among his brethren and his enemies by the glorious appellation of the Sword of God. In the pulpit, Mahomet described, with prophetic rapture, the crowns of the blessed martyrs; but in private he betrayed the feelings of human nature: he was surprised as he wept over the daughter of Zeid: “What do I see?” said the astonished votary. “You see,” replied the apostle, “a friend who is deploring the loss of his most faithful friend.” After the conquest of Mecca, the sovereign of Arabia affected to prevent the hostile preparations of Heraclius; and solemnly proclaimed war against the Romans, without attempting to disguise the hardships and dangers of the enterprise. 147 The Moslems were discouraged: they alleged the want of money, or horses, or provisions; the season of harvest, and the intolerable heat of the summer: “Hell is much hotter,” said the indignant prophet. He disdained to compel their service: but on his return he admonished the most guilty, by an excommunication of fifty days. Their desertion enhanced the merit of Abubeker, Othman, and the faithful companions who devoted their lives and fortunes; and Mahomet displayed his banner at the head of ten thousand horse and twenty thousand foot. Painful indeed was the distress of the march: lassitude and thirst were aggravated by the scorching and pestilential winds of the desert: ten men rode by turns on one camel; and they were reduced to the shameful necessity of drinking the water from the belly of that useful animal. In the mid-way, ten days’ journey from Medina and Damascus, they reposed near the grove and fountain of Tabuc. Beyond that place Mahomet declined the prosecution of the war: he declared himself satisfied with the peaceful intentions, he was more probably daunted by the martial array, of the emperor of the East. But the active and intrepid Caled spread around the terror of his name; and the prophet received the submission of the tribes and cities, from the Euphrates to Ailah, at the head of the Red Sea. To his Christian subjects, Mahomet readily granted the security of their persons, the freedom of their trade, the property of their goods, and the toleration of their worship. 148 The weakness of their Arabian brethren had restrained them from opposing his ambition; the disciples of Jesus were endeared to the enemy of the Jews; and it was the interest of a conqueror to propose a fair capitulation to the most powerful religion of the earth.
希拉克略打完波斯战争、凯旋而归时,在埃梅萨款待了穆罕默德的一位使节;这位使节正四处邀约天下的君王与万民,归信伊斯兰教。阿拉伯人凭着一腔热忱,便据此臆断这位基督徒皇帝已暗中皈依;希腊人出于虚荣,则编造说麦地那的这位君主曾亲自登门拜访,并从皇帝的恩赏中领受了叙利亚行省的一片富庶封地与一处安稳的退隐之所。145 然而希拉克略与穆罕默德的交情并未维持多久:这门新教非但没有平息萨拉森人的贪婪,反而火上浇油;一名使者遇害,恰好给了他们一个体面的借口,好发三千兵马,去进犯约旦河以东的巴勒斯坦地界。圣旗托付给了栽德。这个新兴教派纪律之严、热忱之盛,竟到了这般地步:最尊贵的首领在先知这名家奴的麾下效命,也毫无怨言。若他阵亡,便由贾法尔、阿卜杜拉依次接掌指挥;万一三人都死于战阵,军队便获准自行推举主帅。这三位主将都战死在穆塔一役,146 这是穆斯林第一次以武力对阵外敌、检验自身勇武的战斗。栽德像个真正的战士,倒在最前列。贾法尔之死则英勇而难忘:他失去右手,便把军旗换到左手;左手又被砍断,他就用两条血淋淋的断臂紧抱军旗,直到身中五十处光荣的创伤,被钉死在地。1461 阿卜杜拉挺身补上空缺的位置,高呼:“前进!只管放胆前进:胜利与乐园,总有一样属于我们。”一名罗马人的长矛,替他从两者中选定了后者;但坠落的军旗,被麦加的新信徒哈立德抢救了回来。他手中折断了九柄战刀,凭一身勇力,硬是顶住并击退了人数占优的基督徒。当夜营中议事,众人推举他为主帅;次日他调度有方、进退如意,为萨拉森人稳稳保住了胜局——或至少保住了安然退兵之路。哈立德也因此在教友与敌人中间,得了“真主之剑”这一光荣称号,名声大震。在讲坛上,穆罕默德以先知般的狂喜,描摹殉道者头顶那有福的冠冕;私底下,他却流露出凡人的性情:有人撞见他对着栽德的女儿落泪。“我这是看到了什么?”那位信徒诧异地问。使者答道:“你看到的,是一个正在痛悼失去了最忠实朋友的人。”攻取麦加之后,这位阿拉伯的君主佯称要先发制人,抢在希拉克略备战之前动手;他郑重宣布对罗马人开战,却毫不掩饰此役的艰难与凶险。147 穆斯林却士气低落:他们推说缺钱、缺马、缺粮,又正值收获时节、暑热难当。“地狱可比这热得多。”先知愤然说道。他不屑强征他们从军;但班师之后,他还是把那些最该受责的人逐出教门五十天,以示训诫。这些人的临阵退缩,反倒衬出了阿布·伯克尔、奥斯曼以及那些甘愿献出性命与家财的忠实同伴的功劳。穆罕默德终于打起旗号,率一万骑兵、两万步兵出征。行军之苦确实不堪:沙漠里灼热而致病的风,更添了疲乏与干渴;十个人轮着骑一峰骆驼;到后来,他们竟落到那般狼狈的地步——不得不从这有用牲口的胃里取水来喝。在半途,距麦地那与大马士革各约十日路程之处,他们在塔布克的丛林与泉水旁歇脚。再往前,穆罕默德便不肯把这场战争打下去了:他自称是满意于东方皇帝的和平意向;但更可能的是,他被那位皇帝森严的军容吓退了。不过,勇猛无畏、四处驰骋的哈立德,把他的威名散布得人人生畏;先知遂收得了从幼发拉底河一直到红海尽头艾拉的各部族与各城市的归顺。对治下的基督徒臣民,穆罕默德则爽快地予以保障:人身安全、贸易自由、财产不受侵犯,信仰亦得容忍。148 他们的阿拉伯同胞势力孱弱,已无从阻挡他的野心;这位犹太人的仇敌,倒对耶稣的门徒生出几分亲近;而向当世最强大的宗教开出一份公道的招降条件,本也符合一个征服者的利益。
Till the age of sixty-three years, the strength of Mahomet was equal to the temporal and spiritual fatigues of his mission. His epileptic fits, an absurd calumny of the Greeks, would be an object of pity rather than abhorrence; 149 but he seriously believed that he was poisoned at Chaibar by the revenge of a Jewish female. 150 During four years, the health of the prophet declined; his infirmities increased; but his mortal disease was a fever of fourteen days, which deprived him by intervals of the use of reason. As soon as he was conscious of his danger, he edified his brethren by the humility of his virtue or penitence. “If there be any man,” said the apostle from the pulpit, “whom I have unjustly scourged, I submit my own back to the lash of retaliation. Have I aspersed the reputation of a Mussulman? let him proclaim my thoughts in the face of the congregation. Has any one been despoiled of his goods? the little that I possess shall compensate the principal and the interest of the debt.” “Yes,” replied a voice from the crowd, “I am entitled to three drams of silver.” Mahomet heard the complaint, satisfied the demand, and thanked his creditor for accusing him in this world rather than at the day of judgment. He beheld with temperate firmness the approach of death; enfranchised his slaves (seventeen men, as they are named, and eleven women;) minutely directed the order of his funeral, and moderated the lamentations of his weeping friends, on whom he bestowed the benediction of peace. Till the third day before his death, he regularly performed the function of public prayer: the choice of Abubeker to supply his place, appeared to mark that ancient and faithful friend as his successor in the sacerdotal and regal office; but he prudently declined the risk and envy of a more explicit nomination. At a moment when his faculties were visibly impaired, he called for pen and ink to write, or, more properly, to dictate, a divine book, the sum and accomplishment of all his revelations: a dispute arose in the chamber, whether he should be allowed to supersede the authority of the Koran; and the prophet was forced to reprove the indecent vehemence of his disciples. If the slightest credit may be afforded to the traditions of his wives and companions, he maintained, in the bosom of his family, and to the last moments of his life, the dignity 1501 of an apostle, and the faith of an enthusiast; described the visits of Gabriel, who bade an everlasting farewell to the earth, and expressed his lively confidence, not only of the mercy, but of the favor, of the Supreme Being. In a familiar discourse he had mentioned his special prerogative, that the angel of death was not allowed to take his soul till he had respectfully asked the permission of the prophet. The request was granted; and Mahomet immediately fell into the agony of his dissolution: his head was reclined on the lap of Ayesha, the best beloved of all his wives; he fainted with the violence of pain; recovering his spirits, he raised his eyes towards the roof of the house, and, with a steady look, though a faltering voice, uttered the last broken, though articulate, words: “O God!..... pardon my sins....... Yes, ...... I come,...... among my fellow-citizens on high;” and thus peaceably expired on a carpet spread upon the floor. An expedition for the conquest of Syria was stopped by this mournful event; the army halted at the gates of Medina; the chiefs were assembled round their dying master. The city, more especially the house, of the prophet, was a scene of clamorous sorrow of silent despair: fanaticism alone could suggest a ray of hope and consolation. “How can he be dead, our witness, our intercessor, our mediator, with God? By God he is not dead: like Moses and Jesus, he is wrapped in a holy trance, and speedily will he return to his faithful people.” The evidence of sense was disregarded; and Omar, unsheathing his cimeter, threatened to strike off the heads of the infidels, who should dare to affirm that the prophet was no more. The tumult was appeased by the weight and moderation of Abubeker. “Is it Mahomet,” said he to Omar and the multitude, “or the God of Mahomet, whom you worship? The God of Mahomet liveth forever; but the apostle was a mortal like ourselves, and according to his own prediction, he has experienced the common fate of mortality.” He was piously interred by the hands of his nearest kinsman, on the same spot on which he expired: 151 Medina has been sanctified by the death and burial of Mahomet; and the innumerable pilgrims of Mecca often turn aside from the way, to bow, in voluntary devotion, 152 before the simple tomb of the prophet. 153
直到六十三岁,穆罕默德的精力都足以应付其使命在世俗与精神两方面的操劳。至于他犯癫痫一说,不过是希腊人荒谬的诽谤;即便属实,那也该令人怜悯,而非令人憎恶;149 倒是他自己深信,当年在海巴尔曾遭一名犹太女子挟怨下毒。150 先知的健康每况愈下,前后有四年之久,病痛日增;而夺去他性命的,是一场持续十四天的热病,时不时叫他神志不清。他一旦意识到自己命在旦夕,便以谦卑的德行(或曰忏悔)来感化众信徒。使者在讲坛上说道:“若有谁曾被我无端鞭打,我情愿把自己的背脊交出来,任他照样抽打,以为报复。我可曾玷污过哪位穆斯林的名声?就让他当着全会众的面,把我的心思揭出来。可有谁被我夺去过财物?我所剩无几,也要拿来连本带利地赔偿。”人群中果然有人应道:“是的,你欠我三钱银子。”穆罕默德听了这申诉,便如数偿还,还感谢这位债主肯在今世讨债,而不留到末日审判之时。他以平静而坚定的心情迎接死亡的临近:释放了自家的奴隶(据记载,是十七名男奴、十一名女奴);巨细无遗地交代了自己葬礼的一应仪节;又劝止痛哭的友人不要过度悲恸,并为他们祝祷平安。直到临终前第三天,他仍照常主持公众礼拜;他选定阿布·伯克尔代行其职,似乎已在暗示:这位相交多年的忠实老友,便是他在教权与王权上的继承人。然而他很谨慎,不愿冒风险、招嫉恨,终究没有更明确地指名。有一回,他的神志明显已经涣散,却索要纸笔,要亲手写下——更确切地说,是口授——一部天启之书,作为他一切启示的总汇与终篇。房中随即起了争执:该不该让他另立一书,凌驾于《古兰经》的权威之上?先知不得不出言申斥门徒们那有失体统的激动。倘若他妻子与同伴的传述还有一丝可信,那么直到生命的最后一刻,他在家人中间始终保持着一位使者的尊严1501与一个狂热信徒的信念:他描述加百列如何来访、又如何向尘世作永久的告别;他还满怀笃信地表示,自己所得的不仅是至高者的怜悯,更是他的恩宠。他曾在一次闲谈中提到自己独享的一项特权:死亡的天使必须先恭恭敬敬地征得先知的许可,才准取走他的灵魂。如今,先知给了准许;穆罕默德随即陷入弥留的痛楚。他的头枕在阿伊莎的膝上——她是他最钟爱的妻子;剧痛之下,他昏了过去;待缓过神来,他抬眼望向屋顶,目光沉定,声音却已发颤,吐出最后那几句断续而尚可辨的话:“真主啊……赦免我的罪过……是的……我来了……到天上的同胞中间去。”就这样,他安然咽气,身下不过是铺在地上的一领毯子。一支本要去征服叙利亚的远征军,因这噩耗而中止;大军停在麦地那城门外,众首领则围聚在垂死的主上身旁。整座城,尤其是先知的宅邸,或是号啕悲恸,或是默然绝望;唯有狂热,还能透出一线希望与慰藉。“他怎么会死呢?他是我们在真主面前的见证、我们的代祷者、我们的中保啊!凭真主起誓,他没有死:他不过像摩西和耶稣一样,正裹在神圣的昏睡之中,不久便会回到他忠实的子民身边。”众人对感官所见的明证置之不顾;欧麦尔更拔出弯刀,扬言谁敢断言先知已经不在人世,就砍下谁这不信道者的脑袋。阿布·伯克尔以其威望与稳重,平息了这场骚动。他对欧麦尔和众人说:“你们所崇拜的,究竟是穆罕默德,还是穆罕默德的真主?穆罕默德的真主永生不灭;至于使者,他和我们一样也是血肉之躯,正如他自己所预言的,如今也尝到了凡人共同的命运。”最亲近的族人虔诚地将他安葬,就葬在他咽气的那块地方;151 麦地那也因穆罕默德的辞世与下葬而成了圣地;数不清的麦加朝觐者往往特意绕道前来,自发地俯身叩拜,152 在先知那座朴素的坟墓前顶礼。153
At the conclusion of the life of Mahomet, it may perhaps be expected, that I should balance his faults and virtues, that I should decide whether the title of enthusiast or impostor more properly belongs to that extraordinary man. Had I been intimately conversant with the son of Abdallah, the task would still be difficult, and the success uncertain: at the distance of twelve centuries, I darkly contemplate his shade through a cloud of religious incense; and could I truly delineate the portrait of an hour, the fleeting resemblance would not equally apply to the solitary of Mount Hera, to the preacher of Mecca, and to the conqueror of Arabia. The author of a mighty revolution appears to have been endowed with a pious and contemplative disposition: so soon as marriage had raised him above the pressure of want, he avoided the paths of ambition and avarice; and till the age of forty he lived with innocence, and would have died without a name. The unity of God is an idea most congenial to nature and reason; and a slight conversation with the Jews and Christians would teach him to despise and detest the idolatry of Mecca. It was the duty of a man and a citizen to impart the doctrine of salvation, to rescue his country from the dominion of sin and error. The energy of a mind incessantly bent on the same object, would convert a general obligation into a particular call; the warm suggestions of the understanding or the fancy would be felt as the inspirations of Heaven; the labor of thought would expire in rapture and vision; and the inward sensation, the invisible monitor, would be described with the form and attributes of an angel of God. 154 From enthusiasm to imposture, the step is perilous and slippery: the daemon of Socrates 155 affords a memorable instance, how a wise man may deceive himself, how a good man may deceive others, how the conscience may slumber in a mixed and middle state between self-illusion and voluntary fraud. Charity may believe that the original motives of Mahomet were those of pure and genuine benevolence; but a human missionary is incapable of cherishing the obstinate unbelievers who reject his claims despise his arguments, and persecute his life; he might forgive his personal adversaries, he may lawfully hate the enemies of God; the stern passions of pride and revenge were kindled in the bosom of Mahomet, and he sighed, like the prophet of Nineveh, for the destruction of the rebels whom he had condemned. The injustice of Mecca and the choice of Medina, transformed the citizen into a prince, the humble preacher into the leader of armies; but his sword was consecrated by the example of the saints; and the same God who afflicts a sinful world with pestilence and earthquakes, might inspire for their conversion or chastisement the valor of his servants. In the exercise of political government, he was compelled to abate of the stern rigor of fanaticism, to comply in some measure with the prejudices and passions of his followers, and to employ even the vices of mankind as the instruments of their salvation. The use of fraud and perfidy, of cruelty and injustice, were often subservient to the propagation of the faith; and Mahomet commanded or approved the assassination of the Jews and idolaters who had escaped from the field of battle. By the repetition of such acts, the character of Mahomet must have been gradually stained; and the influence of such pernicious habits would be poorly compensated by the practice of the personal and social virtues which are necessary to maintain the reputation of a prophet among his sectaries and friends. Of his last years, ambition was the ruling passion; and a politician will suspect, that he secretly smiled (the victorious impostor!) at the enthusiasm of his youth, and the credulity of his proselytes. 156 A philosopher will observe, that their credulity and his success would tend more strongly to fortify the assurance of his divine mission, that his interest and religion were inseparably connected, and that his conscience would be soothed by the persuasion, that he alone was absolved by the Deity from the obligation of positive and moral laws. If he retained any vestige of his native innocence, the sins of Mahomet may be allowed as an evidence of his sincerity. In the support of truth, the arts of fraud and fiction may be deemed less criminal; and he would have started at the foulness of the means, had he not been satisfied of the importance and justice of the end. Even in a conqueror or a priest, I can surprise a word or action of unaffected humanity; and the decree of Mahomet, that, in the sale of captives, the mothers should never be separated from their children, may suspend, or moderate, the censure of the historian. 157
写到穆罕默德一生的终局,读者或许会期待我把他的过失与美德掂量一番,判定“狂热信徒”与“招摇撞骗者”这两个名号,究竟哪一个更配得上这位非凡的人物。即便我曾与这位阿卜杜拉之子亲密相识,这仍是件难事,也未必做得成:相隔十二个世纪,我只能透过一团宗教香火的烟雾,朦朦胧胧地端详他的身影;纵然我能如实画下他某一刻的肖像,那转瞬即逝的模样,也未必同样适用于希拉山上的隐修者、麦加的传道者与阿拉伯的征服者。这场惊天变革的发动者,似乎生来就秉性虔敬、好沉思冥想:婚姻一旦使他摆脱了衣食之忧,他便不再走那追名逐利的路;直到四十岁,他都活得清白无瑕,若就此死去,原本会寂寂无名。“真主独一”这个观念最合乎自然,也最合乎理性;只消与犹太人、基督徒稍加交谈,他就学会了鄙视并痛恨麦加的偶像崇拜。把这救赎的道理传扬出去,把自己的祖国从罪恶与谬误的统治下拯救出来——这本是一个人、一个公民应尽的本分。一颗心念念不忘、始终执着于同一目标,其迸发出的力量,足以把一份人人有责的义务,变成专降于他一身的召唤:头脑或想象中那些炽热的念头,被他当成上天的启示;苦思冥想到最后,化作了狂喜与异象;而内心那份感应、那个看不见的告诫者,便被他描述成一位天使,具有真主天使的形貌与属性。154 从狂热到行骗,这一步既凶险又容易失足:苏格拉底的那个“精灵”155便是一个令人难忘的例证,可见智者如何自欺,善人如何欺人,而良知又如何能在自我幻觉与蓄意欺诈之间那种混沌的中间状态里,昏昏沉睡。出于恕道,人们或可相信穆罕默德最初的动机乃是纯粹而真诚的仁爱;然而一个凡人传道者,断难对那些冥顽的不信者怀有善意——他们否认他的宣称,蔑视他的论理,还危害他的性命。私人的仇敌,他或许能宽宥;但与真主为敌的人,他尽可名正言顺地憎恨。骄傲与复仇这两股酷烈的激情,在穆罕默德胸中熊熊燃起;他也像尼尼微那位先知一样,恨不得他所诅咒的叛逆者统统覆灭。麦加待他不公,麦地那又拥立了他,这一来便把一个平民变成了君主,把一个卑微的传道者变成了统军的主帅;而他手中的刀,又有历代圣徒的先例为之祝圣:那位以瘟疫和地震来惩罚罪恶世界的真主,未尝不会激发仆人的勇武,去感化或惩戒世人。在治理国政时,他不得不收敛狂热那份严酷的刚硬,多少迁就一下信徒的偏见与情欲,甚至借人性的种种恶德,充当拯救众人的工具。欺诈与背信、残忍与不义,往往都成了传播信仰的帮手;那些从战场上逃脱的犹太人和偶像崇拜者,穆罕默德或下令、或默许,将他们暗杀了事。这类勾当做得多了,穆罕默德的品性想必也就渐渐蒙上污点;而这些恶习所带来的影响,纵有一些个人与社交上的美德去弥补,也远不足以抵偿——尽管正是那些美德,才使他得以在信徒与友人中间维持住一位先知的声望。他晚年,支配一切的激情已是野心;一个政客大约会怀疑:他(这位得胜的骗子!)对自己年轻时的那股狂热、对信徒的轻信,心底怕是暗自窃笑的。156 而一个哲人则会看到:信徒的轻信与他自身的成功,反而会更有力地坚定他对自己负有神圣使命的确信;他的利害与他的宗教已经密不可分地纠缠在一起;他的良心也会因这样一个信念而得到抚慰——唯有他一人蒙真主豁免,无须再受成文律法与道德律令的约束。倘若他天性中还残存着一星半点的纯真,那么穆罕默德的这些罪过,或许倒可以算作他确属真诚的一个证据。为了维护真理,弄虚作假的伎俩,罪愆或可看轻几分;他若不是确信目的之重大与正当,想必也会对手段之卑劣心生惊悚、望而却步。哪怕是在一个征服者或一个祭司身上,我也能偶然捕捉到一言一行,流露出毫不做作的人道;穆罕默德曾颁下一道法令:买卖俘虏时,决不可使母亲与子女骨肉分离——单凭这一点,史家的谴责或许也就该暂且搁下,或至少放宽几分。157

Notes 注释

135
The wars of Mahomet against the Jewish tribes of Kainoka, the Nadhirites, Koraidha, and Chaibar, are related by Abulfeda (p. 61, 71, 77, 87, &c.) and Gagnier, (tom. ii. p. 61-65, 107-112, 139-148, 268-294.)
穆罕默德对盖努卡、纳迪尔、古赖扎、海巴尔等犹太部族的历次战争,见于阿布尔费达(p. 61, 71, 77, 87, &c.)与加尼耶(tom. ii. p. 61-65, 107-112, 139-148, 268-294.)的记载。
136
Abu Rafe, the servant of Mahomet, is said to affirm that he himself, and seven other men, afterwards tried, without success, to move the same gate from the ground, (Abulfeda, p. 90.) Abu Rafe was an eye-witness, but who will be witness for Abu Rafe?
据说,穆罕默德的仆人阿布·拉斐曾断言:他本人连同另外七个人,后来试着去挪动那同一扇城门,却怎么也挪不动(阿布尔费达,p. 90.)。阿布·拉斐固然是亲眼所见,可谁又来为阿布·拉斐作证呢?
137
The banishment of the Jews is attested by Elmacin (Hist. Saracen, p. 9) and the great Al Zabari, (Gagnier, tom. ii. p. 285.) Yet Niebuhr (Description de l’Arabie, p. 324) believes that the Jewish religion, and Karaite sect, are still professed by the tribe of Chaibar; and that, in the plunder of the caravans, the disciples of Moses are the confederates of those of Mahomet.
犹太人遭放逐一事,有埃尔马金(Hist. Saracen, p. 9)与大学者扎巴里(加尼耶,tom. ii. p. 285.)为证。不过尼布尔(Description de l'Arabie, p. 324)认为,海巴尔部族至今仍信奉犹太教及其卡拉派;而在劫掠商队时,摩西的门徒与穆罕默德的门徒还是同伙。
138
The successive steps of the reduction of Mecca are related by Abulfeda (p. 84-87, 97-100, 102-111) and Gagnier, (tom. ii. p. 202-245, 309-322, tom. iii. p. 1-58,) Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen. p. 8, 9, 10,) Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 103.)
麦加逐步被征服的经过,见阿布尔费达(p. 84-87, 97-100, 102-111)与加尼耶(tom. ii. p. 202-245, 309-322, tom. iii. p. 1-58,)、埃尔马金(Hist. Saracen. p. 8, 9, 10,)、阿布·法拉杰(Dynast. p. 103.)的记述。
1381
This peaceful entrance into Mecca took place, according to the treaty the following year. Weil, p. 202—M. 1845.
按照条约,这次和平进入麦加是在次年才发生的。韦尔,p. 202。—M. 1845.
139
After the conquest of Mecca, the Mahomet of Voltaire imagines and perpetuates the most horrid crimes. The poet confesses, that he is not supported by the truth of history, and can only allege, que celui qui fait la guerre a sa patrie au nom de Dieu, est capable de tout, (Oeuvres de Voltaire, tom. xv. p. 282.) The maxim is neither charitable nor philosophic; and some reverence is surely due to the fame of heroes and the religion of nations. I am informed that a Turkish ambassador at Paris was much scandalized at the representation of this tragedy.
在伏尔泰笔下,麦加陷落之后,那个穆罕默德凭空捏造并一犯再犯种种骇人听闻的罪行。这位诗人自己也承认,史实并不支持他这么写,他所能拿出的理由,不过是:que celui qui fait la guerre a sa patrie au nom de Dieu, est capable de tout(凡打着上帝旗号向自己祖国开战的人,什么事都干得出来),(Oeuvres de Voltaire, tom. xv. p. 282.)。这条格言既不宽厚,也不合乎哲理;对于英雄的声名与各民族的宗教,人总该存一分敬意。我听说,巴黎有位土耳其大使看了这出悲剧的演出,大为反感。
140
The Mahometan doctors still dispute, whether Mecca was reduced by force or consent, (Abulfeda, p. 107, et Gagnier ad locum;) and this verbal controversy is of as much moment as our own about William the Conqueror.
穆斯林的学者们至今仍在争论:麦加究竟是被武力攻取,还是自愿归顺,(阿布尔费达,p. 107, et Gagnier ad locum;)——这场咬文嚼字的争议,其分量与我们自己关于“征服者威廉”的那场争论也差不太多。
141
In excluding the Christians from the peninsula of Arabia, the province of Hejaz, or the navigation of the Red Sea, Chardin (Voyages en Perse, tom. iv. p. 166) and Reland (Dissertat. Miscell. tom. iii. p. 61) are more rigid than the Mussulmans themselves. The Christians are received without scruple into the ports of Mocha, and even of Gedda; and it is only the city and precincts of Mecca that are inaccessible to the profane, (Niebuhr, Description de l’Arabie, p. 308, 309, Voyage en Arabie, tom. i. p. 205, 248, &c.)
夏尔丹(Voyages en Perse, tom. iv. p. 166)与雷兰(Dissertat. Miscell. tom. iii. p. 61)在把基督徒逐出阿拉伯半岛、希贾兹省或红海航道这件事上,比穆斯林本身还要严苛。其实基督徒进摩卡港、甚至吉达港,都畅通无阻;唯有麦加城及其周边地带,才是外教之人不得涉足的,(尼布尔,Description de l'Arabie, p. 308, 309, Voyage en Arabie, tom. i. p. 205, 248, &c.)。
142
Abulfeda, p. 112-115. Gagnier, tom. iii. p. 67-88. D’Herbelot, Mohammed.
阿布尔费达,p. 112-115。加尼耶,tom. iii. p. 67-88。埃尔布洛,Mohammed。
143
The siege of Tayef, division of the spoil, &c., are related by Abulfeda (p. 117-123) and Gagnier, (tom. iii. p. 88-111.) It is Al Jannabi who mentions the engines and engineers of the tribe of Daws. The fertile spot of Tayef was supposed to be a piece of the land of Syria detached and dropped in the general deluge
围攻塔伊夫、瓜分战利品等事,见阿布尔费达(p. 117-123)与加尼耶(tom. iii. p. 88-111.)的记载。提到道斯部族那些攻城器械与工匠的,是贾纳比。据说塔伊夫那片沃土,原是一块叙利亚的土地,在那场大洪水中裂离故土,飘落到了此处。
144
The last conquests and pilgrimage of Mahomet are contained in Abulfeda, (p. 121, 133,) Gagnier, (tom. iii. p. 119-219,) Elmacin, (p. 10, 11,) Abulpharagius, (p. 103.) The ixth of the Hegira was styled the Year of Embassies, (Gagnier, Not. ad Abulfed. p. 121.)
穆罕默德最后的几次征服与朝觐,载于阿布尔费达(p. 121, 133,)、加尼耶(tom. iii. p. 119-219,)、埃尔马金(p. 10, 11,)、阿布·法拉杰(p. 103.)。希吉拉九年被称为“使节之年”,(加尼耶,Not. ad Abulfed. p. 121.)。
145
Compare the bigoted Al Jannabi (apud Gagnier, tom. ii. p. 232-255) with the no less bigoted Greeks, Theophanes, (p. 276-227,) Zonaras (tom. ii. l. xiv. p. 86,) and Cedrenus, (p. 421.)
不妨把偏执的贾纳比(apud Gagnier, tom. ii. p. 232-255)与同样偏执的希腊史家——塞奥法尼斯(p. 276-227,)、佐纳拉斯(tom. ii. l. xiv. p. 86,)、塞德雷努斯(p. 421.)——对照着看。
146
For the battle of Muta, and its consequences, see Abulfeda (p 100-102) and Gagnier, (tom. ii. p. 327-343.).
关于穆塔之战及其后果,参看阿布尔费达(p 100-102)与加尼耶(tom. ii. p. 327-343.)。
1461
To console the afflicted relatives of his kinsman Jauffer, he (Mahomet) represented that, in Paradise, in exchange for the arms which he had lost, he had been furnished with a pair of wings, resplendent with the blushing glories of the ruby, and with which he was become the inseparable companion of the archangal Gabriel, in his volitations through the regions of eternal bliss. Hence, in the catalogue of the martyrs, he has been denominated Jauffer teyaur, the winged Jauffer. Price, Chronological Retrospect of Mohammedan History, vol. i. p. 5.-M.
为宽慰痛失亲人的贾法尔的家属,他(穆罕默德)声称:贾法尔在乐园里,已得到一对翅膀,用来补偿他失去的那双手臂;那对翅膀闪耀着红宝石般绯红的光华,凭着它,贾法尔成了天使长加百列形影不离的伴侣,一同翱翔于永福之境。因此,在殉道者的名录里,他被称作“Jauffer teyaur”,即“生翼的贾法尔”。普赖斯,Chronological Retrospect of Mohammedan History, vol. i. p. 5.—M.
147
The expedition of Tabuc is recorded by our ordinary historians Abulfeda (Vit. Moham. p. 123-127) and Gagnier, (Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 147-163: ) but we have the advantage of appealing to the original evidence of the Koran, (c. 9, p. 154, 165,) with Sale’s learned and rational notes.
塔布克远征一事,我们平常所据的史家阿布尔费达(Vit. Moham. p. 123-127)与加尼耶(Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 147-163: )都有记载;不过我们还占了个便宜,可以径直诉诸《古兰经》的原始证据(c. 9, p. 154, 165,),并参照塞尔那些博学而通达的注释。
148
The Diploma securitatis Ailensibus is attested by Ahmed Ben Joseph, and the author Libri Splendorum, (Gagnier, Not. ad Abulfe dam, p. 125;) but Abulfeda himself, as well as Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen. p. 11,) though he owns Mahomet’s regard for the Christians, (p 13,) only mentions peace and tribute. In the year 1630, Sionita published at Paris the text and version of Mahomet’s patent in favor of the Christians; which was admitted and reprobated by the opposite taste of Salmasius and Grotius, (Bayle, Mahomet, Rem. Aa.) Hottinger doubts of its authenticity, (Hist. Orient. p. 237;) Renaudot urges the consent of the Mohametans, (Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 169;) but Mosheim (Hist. Eccles. p. 244) shows the futility of their opinion and inclines to believe it spurious. Yet Abulpharagius quotes the impostor’s treaty with the Nestorian patriarch, (Asseman. Bibliot. Orient. tom. ii. p. 418;) but Abulpharagius was primate of the Jacobites.
那份“Diploma securitatis Ailensibus”(给艾拉人的安全特许状),有艾哈迈德·本·优素福以及《Libri Splendorum》一书的作者为证(加尼耶,Not. ad Abulfedam, p. 125;);然而阿布尔费达本人和埃尔马金(Hist. Saracen. p. 11,),虽承认穆罕默德对基督徒颇为照顾(p 13,),却都只提到和平与纳贡。1630年,西奥尼塔在巴黎刊布了穆罕默德那份优待基督徒的敕书的原文与译文;对此,萨尔马修斯与格劳秀斯各执一端,一个认可,一个驳斥(培尔,Mahomet, Rem. Aa.)。霍廷格怀疑其真伪(Hist. Orient. p. 237;);勒诺多则搬出穆斯林的一致公认为据(Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 169;);但莫斯海姆(Hist. Eccles. p. 244)指出他们这套看法站不住脚,倾向于认定它是伪造的。不过,阿布·法拉杰倒引述过这位骗子与聂斯脱利派牧首缔结的条约(Asseman. Bibliot. Orient. tom. ii. p. 418;);只是阿布·法拉杰乃是雅各派的首座主教。
149
The epilepsy, or falling-sickness, of Mahomet is asserted by Theophanes, Zonaras, and the rest of the Greeks; and is greedily swallowed by the gross bigotry of Hottinger, (Hist. Orient. p. 10, 11,) Prideaux, (Life of Mahomet, p. 12,) and Maracci, (tom. ii. Alcoran, p. 762, 763.) The titles (the wrapped-up, the covered) of two chapters of the Koran, (73, 74) can hardly be strained to such an interpretation: the silence, the ignorance of the Mahometan commentators, is more conclusive than the most peremptory denial; and the charitable side is espoused by Ockley, (Hist. of the Saracens, tom. i. p. 301,) Gagnier, (ad Abulfedam, p. 9. Vie de Mahomet, tom. i. p. 118,) and Sale, (Koran, p. 469-474.) * Note: Dr Weil believes in the epilepsy, and adduces strong evidence for it; and surely it may be believed, in perfect charity; and that the prophet’s visions were connected, as they appear to have been, with these fits. I have little doubt that he saw and believed these visions, and visions they were. Weil, p. 43.—M. 1845.
穆罕默德患有癫痫(即羊角风)一说,由塞奥法尼斯、佐纳拉斯以及其余希腊人所主张;霍廷格(Hist. Orient. p. 10, 11,)、普里多(Life of Mahomet, p. 12,)与马拉奇(tom. ii. Alcoran, p. 762, 763.)这些人,更凭着一味粗鄙的偏执,对此囫囵吞下、深信不疑。《古兰经》有两章的标题(“裹身者”“盖被者”,第73、74章),无论如何也牵强不到那层意思上去;穆斯林注释家们在这一点上或缄口不言、或懵然无知,反倒比任何斩钉截铁的否认都更有说服力。持恕道一方的,有奥克利(Hist. of the Saracens, tom. i. p. 301,)、加尼耶(ad Abulfedam, p. 9. Vie de Mahomet, tom. i. p. 118,)与塞尔(Koran, p. 469-474.)。* 按:韦尔博士相信癫痫之说,并举出了有力的证据;平心而论,这原也不妨信其为真;而先知的那些异象,看来也确与这些发作有关。我几乎毫不怀疑,他确实见到过这些异象,它们本就是异象。韦尔,p. 43.—M. 1845.
150
This poison (more ignominious since it was offered as a test of his prophetic knowledge) is frankly confessed by his zealous votaries, Abulfeda (p. 92) and Al Jannabi, (apud Gagnier, tom. ii. p. 286-288.)
这次下毒(更为可耻的是,此举本是拿来试探他先知之知的),连他那些热忱的信徒——阿布尔费达(p. 92)与贾纳比(apud Gagnier, tom. ii. p. 286-288.)——也都坦然承认。
1501
Major Price, who writes with the authority of one widely conversant with the original sources of Eastern knowledge, and in a very candid tone, takes a very different view of the prophet’s death. “In tracing the circumstances of Mahommed’s illness, we look in vain for any proofs of that meek and heroic firmness which might be expected to dignify and embellish the last moments of the apostle of God. On some occasions he betrayed such want of fortitude, such marks of childish impatience, as are in general to be found in men only of the most ordinary stamp; and such as extorted from his wife Ayesha, in particular, the sarcastic remark, that in herself, or any of her family, a similar demeanor would long since have incurred his severe displeasure. * * * He said that the acuteness and violence of his sufferings were necessarily in the proportion of those honors with which it had ever pleased the hand of Omnipotence to distinguish its peculiar favorites.” Price, vol. i. p. 13.—M
普赖斯少校对东方典籍的原始史料广有涉猎,笔调又极为坦诚,他对先知之死的看法便大不相同。“细察穆罕默德患病的种种情形,我们遍寻不见那种温良而英勇的坚毅——本以为真主的使者临终之际,总该有这份气度为之增色生辉。他有几次竟流露出那样的怯懦,那样孩子气的焦躁,一般说来这只在最寻常之辈身上才见得到;也正因如此,他的妻子阿伊莎才讥讽道:换作是她自己,或她家中任何人,这般举止,早就惹得他大发雷霆了。* * * 他说,他所受痛苦之剧烈,恰与全能之手历来赏赐给它那些特选宠儿的荣耀成正比。”普赖斯,vol. i. p. 13.—M
151
The Greeks and Latins have invented and propagated the vulgar and ridiculous story, that Mahomet’s iron tomb is suspended in the air at Mecca, (Laonicus Chalcondyles, de Rebus Turcicis, l. iii. p. 66,) by the action of equal and potent loadstones, (Dictionnaire de Bayle, Mahomet, Rem. Ee. Ff.) Without any philosophical inquiries, it may suffice, that, 1. The prophet was not buried at Mecca; and, 2. That his tomb at Medina, which has been visited by millions, is placed on the ground, (Reland, de Relig. Moham. l. ii. c. 19, p. 209-211. Gagnier, Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 263-268.) * Note: According to the testimony of all the Eastern authors, Mahomet died on Monday the 12th Reby 1st, in the year 11 of the Hegira, which answers in reality to the 8th June, 632, of J. C. We find in Ockley (Hist. of Saracens) that it was on Monday the 6th June, 632. This is a mistake; for the 6th June of that year was a Saturday, not a Monday; the 8th June, therefore, was a Monday. It is easy to discover that the lunar year, in this calculation has been confounded with the solar. St. Martin vol. xi. p. 186.—M.
希腊人和拉丁人臆造并散布过一个既粗俗又荒唐的传说:说穆罕默德的铁棺,靠两块势均力敌、磁力强劲的磁石相吸,悬浮在麦加的半空之中(拉奥尼库斯·哈尔科孔迪利斯,de Rebus Turcicis, l. iii. p. 66,),(Dictionnaire de Bayle, Mahomet, Rem. Ee. Ff.)。这里无须作什么高深的考究,只需指出两点也就够了:第一,先知并未葬在麦加;第二,他在麦地那那座已有千百万人瞻仰过的坟墓,是安放在地面上的(雷兰,de Relig. Moham. l. ii. c. 19, p. 209-211. 加尼耶,Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 263-268.)。* 按:据所有东方作者的记载,穆罕默德死于希吉拉十一年赖比尔·敖外鲁月十二日星期一,实际相当于公元632年6月8日。我们在奥克利(Hist. of Saracens)书中见到的说法是632年6月6日星期一。这是个错误;因为那一年的6月6日是星期六,而非星期一;故6月8日才是星期一。不难看出,这一推算把太阴年与太阳年混为一谈了。圣马丁,vol. xi. p. 186.—M.
152
Al Jannabi enumerates (Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 372-391) the multifarious duties of a pilgrim who visits the tombs of the prophet and his companions; and the learned casuist decides, that this act of devotion is nearest in obligation and merit to a divine precept. The doctors are divided which, of Mecca or Medina, be the most excellent, (p. 391-394.)
贾纳比一一列举了(Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 372-391)朝觐者瞻拜先知及其同伴陵墓时所应尽的种种繁复义务;这位博学的决疑家断言:此等虔诚之举,论其义务与功德,已最接近于一条神圣的诫命。至于麦加与麦地那孰为最尊,学者们则各持一说,(p. 391-394.)。
153
The last sickness, death, and burial of Mahomet, are described by Abulfeda and Gagnier, (Vit. Moham. p. 133-142. —Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 220-271.) The most private and interesting circumstances were originally received from Ayesha, Ali, the sons of Abbas, &c.; and as they dwelt at Medina, and survived the prophet many years, they might repeat the pious tale to a second or third generation of pilgrims.
穆罕默德最后的病、死与安葬,阿布尔费达与加尼耶均有描述,(Vit. Moham. p. 133-142. —Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 220-271.)。那些最私密、最耐人寻味的细节,最初都得自阿伊莎、阿里、阿拔斯诸子等人之口;由于他们都住在麦地那,又比先知多活了许多年,便有可能把这段虔诚的传说,一再讲给第二代乃至第三代的朝觐者听。
154
The Christians, rashly enough, have assigned to Mahomet a tame pigeon, that seemed to descend from heaven and whisper in his ear. As this pretended miracle is urged by Grotius, (de Veritate Religionis Christianae,) his Arabic translator, the learned Pocock, inquired of him the names of his authors; and Grotius confessed, that it is unknown to the Mahometans themselves. Lest it should provoke their indignation and laughter, the pious lie is suppressed in the Arabic version; but it has maintained an edifying place in the numerous editions of the Latin text, (Pocock, Specimen, Hist. Arabum, p. 186, 187. Reland, de Religion. Moham. l. ii. c. 39, p. 259-262.)
基督徒未免太过轻率,竟给穆罕默德安上一只驯养的鸽子,说它仿佛自天而降,在他耳边低语。格劳秀斯(de Veritate Religionis Christianae)便拿这桩所谓的神迹来立论;他那位阿拉伯文译者、博学的波科克,向他打听这说法出自哪些作者,格劳秀斯却坦承,连穆斯林自己都不知道有这回事。为免招致他们的愤慨与讪笑,这个虔诚的谎言在阿拉伯文译本中被略去了;然而在拉丁文本的众多版本里,它却始终占着一个“劝善”的位置,(波科克,Specimen, Hist. Arabum, p. 186, 187. 雷兰,de Religion. Moham. l. ii. c. 39, p. 259-262.)。
155
(Plato, in Apolog. Socrat. c. 19, p. 121, 122, edit. Fischer.) The familiar examples, which Socrates urges in his Dialogue with Theages, (Platon. Opera, tom. i. p. 128, 129, edit. Hen. Stephan.) are beyond the reach of human foresight; and the divine inspiration of the philosopher is clearly taught in the Memorabilia of Xenophon. The ideas of the most rational Platonists are expressed by Cicero, (de Divinat. i. 54,) and in the xivth and xvth Dissertations of Maximus of Tyre, (p. 153-172, edit. Davis.)
(柏拉图,Apolog. Socrat. c. 19, p. 121, 122, edit. Fischer.)苏格拉底在与泰阿格斯的对话中所举的那些常见事例(Platon. Opera, tom. i. p. 128, 129, edit. Hen. Stephan.),都超乎人的预见之外;这位哲人所受的神明启示,在色诺芬的《回忆苏格拉底》中讲得清清楚楚。最讲理性的柏拉图派学者的看法,西塞罗(de Divinat. i. 54,)以及提尔的马克西穆斯第十四、十五篇论说(p. 153-172, edit. Davis.)中都有表述。
156
In some passage of his voluminous writings, Voltaire compares the prophet, in his old age, to a fakir, “qui detache la chaine de son cou pour en donner sur les oreilles a ses confreres.”
伏尔泰在他浩繁著述的某一处,把年迈的先知比作一个苦行僧,“qui detache la chaine de son cou pour en donner sur les oreilles a ses confreres”(把脖子上的锁链解下来,抡起去抽打同门的耳光)。
157
Gagnier relates, with the same impartial pen, this humane law of the prophet, and the murders of Caab, and Sophian, which he prompted and approved, (Vie de Mahomet, tom. ii. p. 69, 97, 208.)
加尼耶以同样不偏不倚的笔触,既叙述了先知这条仁厚的法令,也叙述了他一手怂恿并首肯的对卡阿卜与苏富扬的暗杀,(Vie de Mahomet, tom. ii. p. 69, 97, 208.)。