Chapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part V. 第五十章 阿拉伯及其居民——第五节

The people of Mecca were hardened in their unbelief by superstition and envy. The elders of the city, the uncles of the prophet, affected to despise the presumption of an orphan, the reformer of his country: the pious orations of Mahomet in the Caaba were answered by the clamors of Abu Taleb. “Citizens and pilgrims, listen not to the tempter, hearken not to his impious novelties. Stand fast in the worship of Al Lata and Al Uzzah.” Yet the son of Abdallah was ever dear to the aged chief: and he protected the fame and person of his nephew against the assaults of the Koreishites, who had long been jealous of the preeminence of the family of Hashem. Their malice was colored with the pretence of religion: in the age of Job, the crime of impiety was punished by the Arabian magistrate; 116 and Mahomet was guilty of deserting and denying the national deities. But so loose was the policy of Mecca, that the leaders of the Koreish, instead of accusing a criminal, were compelled to employ the measures of persuasion or violence. They repeatedly addressed Abu Taleb in the style of reproach and menace. “Thy nephew reviles our religion; he accuses our wise forefathers of ignorance and folly; silence him quickly, lest he kindle tumult and discord in the city. If he persevere, we shall draw our swords against him and his adherents, and thou wilt be responsible for the blood of thy fellow-citizens.” The weight and moderation of Abu Taleb eluded the violence of religious faction; the most helpless or timid of the disciples retired to Aethiopia, and the prophet withdrew himself to various places of strength in the town and country. As he was still supported by his family, the rest of the tribe of Koreish engaged themselves to renounce all intercourse with the children of Hashem, neither to buy nor sell, neither to marry not to give in marriage, but to pursue them with implacable enmity, till they should deliver the person of Mahomet to the justice of the gods. The decree was suspended in the Caaba before the eyes of the nation; the messengers of the Koreish pursued the Mussulman exiles in the heart of Africa: they besieged the prophet and his most faithful followers, intercepted their water, and inflamed their mutual animosity by the retaliation of injuries and insults. A doubtful truce restored the appearances of concord till the death of Abu Taleb abandoned Mahomet to the power of his enemies, at the moment when he was deprived of his domestic comforts by the loss of his faithful and generous Cadijah. Abu Sophian, the chief of the branch of Ommiyah, succeeded to the principality of the republic of Mecca. A zealous votary of the idols, a mortal foe of the line of Hashem, he convened an assembly of the Koreishites and their allies, to decide the fate of the apostle. His imprisonment might provoke the despair of his enthusiasm; and the exile of an eloquent and popular fanatic would diffuse the mischief through the provinces of Arabia. His death was resolved; and they agreed that a sword from each tribe should be buried in his heart, to divide the guilt of his blood, and baffle the vengeance of the Hashemites. An angel or a spy revealed their conspiracy; and flight was the only resource of Mahomet. 117 At the dead of night, accompanied by his friend Abubeker, he silently escaped from his house: the assassins watched at the door; but they were deceived by the figure of Ali, who reposed on the bed, and was covered with the green vestment of the apostle. The Koreish respected the piety of the heroic youth; but some verses of Ali, which are still extant, exhibit an interesting picture of his anxiety, his tenderness, and his religious confidence. Three days Mahomet and his companion were concealed in the cave of Thor, at the distance of a league from Mecca; and in the close of each evening, they received from the son and daughter of Abubeker a secret supply of intelligence and food. The diligence of the Koreish explored every haunt in the neighborhood of the city: they arrived at the entrance of the cavern; but the providential deceit of a spider’s web and a pigeon’s nest is supposed to convince them that the place was solitary and inviolate. “We are only two,” said the trembling Abubeker. “There is a third,” replied the prophet; “it is God himself.” No sooner was the pursuit abated than the two fugitives issued from the rock, and mounted their camels: on the road to Medina, they were overtaken by the emissaries of the Koreish; they redeemed themselves with prayers and promises from their hands. In this eventful moment, the lance of an Arab might have changed the history of the world. The flight of the prophet from Mecca to Medina has fixed the memorable aera of the Hegira, 118 which, at the end of twelve centuries, still discriminates the lunar years of the Mahometan nations. 119
麦加人本就不信教,迷信与嫉妒更使他们冥顽不化。城中的长老,也就是先知的几位叔父,故意摆出鄙夷的姿态,讥笑这个孤儿竟敢僭妄自大,要来革新自己的祖国;穆罕默德在克尔白虔诚布道,回应他的却是阿布·塔利卜的一阵鼓噪:“公民们,朝圣者们,不要听信这个诱惑者,不要理会他那些渎神的新花样。坚守对拉特和乌扎的崇拜吧。”然而在这位年迈的族长心中,阿卜杜拉之子始终难以割舍:古莱什人早就嫉恨哈希姆家族的显赫地位,屡屡向他发难,而他始终维护侄儿的声名,保全其人身安全。他们的恶意还要披上宗教的外衣。早在约伯的时代,阿拉伯的官长便对渎神之罪施以惩处;116 而穆罕默德背弃并否认本族的神明,正是犯了此罪。只是麦加的政令过于松弛,古莱什的首领们无法以罪名对他提起控告,只得诉诸劝诱或强力。他们一再找上阿布·塔利卜,语带责难与威胁:“你的侄儿辱骂我们的宗教,说我们睿智的祖先愚昧无知。快叫他闭口,免得他在城中挑起骚乱与纷争。他若执迷不悟,我们就要拔剑对付他和他的党徒,而同胞的血将由你来承担。”阿布·塔利卜德高望重,处事又稳健,总算避开了教派间的暴力冲突;门徒中最无依无靠、最为怯懦的一批避往埃塞俄比亚,先知本人则辗转藏身于城中与乡间的各处险要之地。由于家族仍在支持他,古莱什部落其余各支便相约与哈希姆家族断绝一切往来:不与他们买卖,不与他们通婚嫁娶,反要以不共戴天之仇穷追不舍,直到他们把穆罕默德交出来,交由诸神发落。这道盟约当众悬挂在克尔白,昭示全族;古莱什的使者一路追踪流亡的穆斯林,直入非洲腹地;他们围困先知与他最忠实的追随者,断绝他们的水源,又以伤害和侮辱相报复,使双方的仇恨愈演愈烈。一纸貌合神离的休战,勉强维持着表面的和睦;及至阿布·塔利卜去世,穆罕默德便落入敌人的股掌——恰在此时,他忠贞而慷慨的赫蒂彻也撒手人寰,使他失去了家中的慰藉。倭马亚支族的首领阿布·苏富扬,继而执掌了麦加这个共和城邦的大权。他狂热崇拜偶像,与哈希姆一系势不两立,遂召集古莱什人及其盟友聚议,来决定这位使者的命运。若将他囚禁,恐怕会把他那股狂热逼到孤注一掷的地步;若将这个能言善辩、深得人心的狂徒放逐,祸端又会散布到阿拉伯各地。于是众人议定处死他,并商定由每个部落各出一把剑,一齐刺入他的心脏,好把杀他的罪责分摊到各部,令哈希姆人无从复仇。也不知是天使还是密探泄露了他们的阴谋;穆罕默德唯有出逃一途。117 夜深人静之际,他在挚友阿布·伯克尔的陪同下悄然逃出家门。刺客们守在门口,却被榻上的阿里瞒过——阿里躺在床上,身上盖着使者那件绿袍。古莱什人敬重这位英勇少年的虔诚,未加害于他;阿里留下的几行诗句至今尚存,生动地描摹出他当时的忐忑、他的柔情,以及他对信仰的笃定。穆罕默德与同伴在托尔山洞里藏了三天,此处离麦加约一里格之遥;每到夜幕降临,阿布·伯克尔的一双儿女便悄悄给他们送来消息和食物。古莱什人搜寻不遗余力,把城郊每一处可能的藏身之所都翻查了一遍;他们一直找到了洞口,据说却是一张蛛网和一个鸽巢冥冥中骗过了他们,叫他们相信这里荒僻无人、从未有人进出。“我们只有两个人。”阿布·伯克尔战战兢兢地说。“还有第三位,”先知答道,“那便是真主本身。”追捕稍一松懈,两名逃亡者便钻出山岩,骑上骆驼;前往麦地那的途中,古莱什的密使追上了他们,他们凭着祈求和许诺,才从对方手里脱身。在这命运攸关的一刻,一个阿拉伯人的长矛,本足以改写整个世界的历史。先知自麦加逃往麦地那,就此确立了值得纪念的希吉拉纪元;118 十二个世纪过去,信奉伊斯兰教的各族至今仍以它来纪算太阴年。119
The religion of the Koran might have perished in its cradle, had not Medina embraced with faith and reverence the holy outcasts of Mecca. Medina, or the city, known under the name of Yathreb, before it was sanctified by the throne of the prophet, was divided between the tribes of the Charegites and the Awsites, whose hereditary feud was rekindled by the slightest provocations: two colonies of Jews, who boasted a sacerdotal race, were their humble allies, and without converting the Arabs, they introduced the taste of science and religion, which distinguished Medina as the city of the Book. Some of her noblest citizens, in a pilgrimage to the Canaba, were converted by the preaching of Mahomet; on their return, they diffused the belief of God and his prophet, and the new alliance was ratified by their deputies in two secret and nocturnal interviews on a hill in the suburbs of Mecca. In the first, ten Charegites and two Awsites united in faith and love, protested, in the name of their wives, their children, and their absent brethren, that they would forever profess the creed, and observe the precepts, of the Koran. The second was a political association, the first vital spark of the empire of the Saracens. 120 Seventy-three men and two women of Medina held a solemn conference with Mahomet, his kinsman, and his disciples; and pledged themselves to each other by a mutual oath of fidelity. They promised, in the name of the city, that if he should be banished, they would receive him as a confederate, obey him as a leader, and defend him to the last extremity, like their wives and children. “But if you are recalled by your country,” they asked with a flattering anxiety, “will you not abandon your new allies?” “All things,” replied Mahomet with a smile, “are now common between us; your blood is as my blood, your ruin as my ruin. We are bound to each other by the ties of honor and interest. I am your friend, and the enemy of your foes.” “But if we are killed in your service, what,” exclaimed the deputies of Medina, “will be our reward?” “Paradise,” replied the prophet. “Stretch forth thy hand.” He stretched it forth, and they reiterated the oath of allegiance and fidelity. Their treaty was ratified by the people, who unanimously embraced the profession of Islam; they rejoiced in the exile of the apostle, but they trembled for his safety, and impatiently expected his arrival. After a perilous and rapid journey along the sea-coast, he halted at Koba, two miles from the city, and made his public entry into Medina, sixteen days after his flight from Mecca. Five hundred of the citizens advanced to meet him; he was hailed with acclamations of loyalty and devotion; Mahomet was mounted on a she-camel, an umbrella shaded his head, and a turban was unfurled before him to supply the deficiency of a standard. His bravest disciples, who had been scattered by the storm, assembled round his person; and the equal, though various, merit of the Moslems was distinguished by the names of Mohagerians and Ansars, the fugitives of Mecca, and the auxiliaries of Medina. To eradicate the seeds of jealousy, Mahomet judiciously coupled his principal followers with the rights and obligations of brethren; and when Ali found himself without a peer, the prophet tenderly declared, that he would be the companion and brother of the noble youth. The expedient was crowned with success; the holy fraternity was respected in peace and war, and the two parties vied with each other in a generous emulation of courage and fidelity. Once only the concord was slightly ruffled by an accidental quarrel: a patriot of Medina arraigned the insolence of the strangers, but the hint of their expulsion was heard with abhorrence; and his own son most eagerly offered to lay at the apostle’s feet the head of his father.
若不是麦地那以虔信与崇敬接纳了这些从麦加被逐出的圣者,《古兰经》的宗教或许早已夭折于摇篮之中。麦地那意即“城市”,在先知的王座使它成为圣地之前,本名叶斯里卜,由哈兹拉吉与奥斯两个部落分踞;两族世代结怨,稍有触犯便重燃战火。两支犹太移民自诩出身祭司世家,甘居其下与他们结盟;这些犹太人虽未能使阿拉伯人改宗,却带来了对学问与宗教的兴味,使麦地那卓然成为“经书之城”。麦地那一些最尊贵的市民,在前往克尔白朝觐时,因听了穆罕默德的宣讲而皈依;归乡之后,他们四处传扬对真主及其先知的信仰。随后他们又派出代表,在麦加近郊一座山冈上两度秘密夜会,缔结了这一新的盟约。头一回会晤,十名哈兹拉吉人与两名奥斯人以信仰和情谊结为一体,并代表各自的妻子、儿女和不在场的兄弟郑重立誓:世世代代信奉《古兰经》的教义,恪守其中的诫命。第二回会晤则是一次政治结盟,萨拉森帝国最初的星火便由此迸发。120 麦地那有七十三名男子和两名妇女,与穆罕默德及其亲属、门徒庄严会谈,彼此立下忠贞的盟誓。他们以全城的名义许诺:他若遭放逐,便接他前来,奉他为盟友,尊他为首领,像护卫自己的妻儿一样誓死保卫他。“可要是你的故乡召你回去,”他们带着讨好般的关切问道,“你会不会抛下新结的盟友?”“从今往后,”穆罕默德含笑答道,“你我之间万事共有;你们的血就是我的血,你们的覆灭就是我的覆灭。荣辱利害,早已把我们绑在一处。我是你们的朋友,也是你们仇敌的仇敌。”“可我们若为你效命而死,”麦地那的代表们高声问,“又能得到什么回报?”“乐园。”先知答道,“伸出你的手来。”他把手伸了出来,众人便再次立下效忠与忠贞的誓言。这一盟约得到了民众的认可,他们一致皈依了伊斯兰教。使者的流亡令他们欢欣,可他们又为他的安危提心吊胆,急切地盼着他到来。他沿海岸疾行,一路险象环生,在离城两英里的库巴稍作停留,随后正式进入麦地那——这时距他逃离麦加已是第十六天。五百名市民上前迎接,忠诚与虔敬的欢呼声四起;穆罕默德骑在一头母驼上,一柄伞盖为他遮阳,身前展开一条头巾,权且充作缺失的旗帜。他麾下最勇猛的门徒,先前被迫害的风暴冲散,如今又重新聚拢到他身边;穆斯林们功勋相当却来路不同,遂有“穆哈吉伦”与“安萨尔”之别——前者是从麦加出走者,后者是麦地那的相助者。为了根除猜忌的隐患,穆罕默德煞费苦心地把主要追随者两两结为义兄弟,使他们互享兄弟之权、互尽兄弟之责;待到阿里落单、无人与他结对时,先知便深情地宣布:他本人愿做这位高贵少年的同伴与兄弟。此计大获成功;这神圣的兄弟情谊无论平时战时都为人所重,两派更在勇气与忠诚上你追我赶、争相效力。唯有一次,一场偶发的争吵微微搅乱了这份和睦:麦地那一位乡土之士指斥外来者傲慢无礼,可一提到要把他们逐走,众人无不深恶痛绝;那人自己的儿子甚至迫不及待地表示,愿把父亲的头颅献到使者脚下。
From his establishment at Medina, Mahomet assumed the exercise of the regal and sacerdotal office; and it was impious to appeal from a judge whose decrees were inspired by the divine wisdom. A small portion of ground, the patrimony of two orphans, was acquired by gift or purchase; 121 on that chosen spot he built a house and a mosch, more venerable in their rude simplicity than the palaces and temples of the Assyrian caliphs. His seal of gold, or silver, was inscribed with the apostolic title; when he prayed and preached in the weekly assembly, he leaned against the trunk of a palm-tree; and it was long before he indulged himself in the use of a chair or pulpit of rough timber. 122 After a reign of six years, fifteen hundred Moslems, in arms and in the field, renewed their oath of allegiance; and their chief repeated the assurance of protection till the death of the last member, or the final dissolution of the party. It was in the same camp that the deputy of Mecca was astonished by the attention of the faithful to the words and looks of the prophet, by the eagerness with which they collected his spittle, a hair that dropped on the ground, the refuse water of his lustrations, as if they participated in some degree of the prophetic virtue. “I have seen,” said he, “the Chosroes of Persia and the Caesar of Rome, but never did I behold a king among his subjects like Mahomet among his companions.” The devout fervor of enthusiasm acts with more energy and truth than the cold and formal servility of courts.
自在麦地那立足之日起,穆罕默德便集王权与教权于一身;他的裁断既由神圣的智慧所启示,若有谁不服而想上诉,那便是渎神。有一小块地皮,本是两个孤儿的祖产,他或受赠、或买下,收归己有;121 就在这块选定的地上,他盖起一座住宅和一座清真寺;二者虽粗陋简朴,却比亚述历代哈里发的宫殿庙宇更令人肃然起敬。他那枚金质或银质的印章,镌刻着使者的名号;每周聚会祈祷、讲道之时,他便倚着一棵棕榈树的树干;过了很久,他才肯给自己添置一把粗木椅子、一座粗木讲坛。122 他掌权六年之后,有一千五百名穆斯林全副武装、列阵于野,重申了效忠的誓言;他们的首领也再度承诺庇护他们,直到最后一人死去、这一团体彻底瓦解为止。也正是在这座营地,麦加派来的使者惊讶地看到:信徒们对先知的一言一动何等在意,又何等急切地去搜集他的唾沫、掉在地上的一根头发、他净礼后弃置的水——仿佛这样便能分得几分先知的灵德。“我见过波斯的库思老,也见过罗马的恺撒,”他说道,“却从未见过哪位君王在臣民之间,能像穆罕默德在同伴之间这般。”那种发自虔诚的狂热,比起宫廷里冷冰冰、装模作样的奴颜婢膝,其力量更充沛,也更真切。
In the state of nature, every man has a right to defend, by force of arms, his person and his possessions; to repel, or even to prevent, the violence of his enemies, and to extend his hostilities to a reasonable measure of satisfaction and retaliation. In the free society of the Arabs, the duties of subject and citizen imposed a feeble restraint; and Mahomet, in the exercise of a peaceful and benevolent mission, had been despoiled and banished by the injustice of his countrymen. The choice of an independent people had exalted the fugitive of Mecca to the rank of a sovereign; and he was invested with the just prerogative of forming alliances, and of waging offensive or defensive war. The imperfection of human rights was supplied and armed by the plenitude of divine power: the prophet of Medina assumed, in his new revelations, a fiercer and more sanguinary tone, which proves that his former moderation was the effect of weakness: 123 the means of persuasion had been tried, the season of forbearance was elapsed, and he was now commanded to propagate his religion by the sword, to destroy the monuments of idolatry, and, without regarding the sanctity of days or months, to pursue the unbelieving nations of the earth. The same bloody precepts, so repeatedly inculcated in the Koran, are ascribed by the author to the Pentateuch and the Gospel. But the mild tenor of the evangelic style may explain an ambiguous text, that Jesus did not bring peace on the earth, but a sword: his patient and humble virtues should not be confounded with the intolerant zeal of princes and bishops, who have disgraced the name of his disciples. In the prosecution of religious war, Mahomet might appeal with more propriety to the example of Moses, of the Judges, and the kings of Israel. The military laws of the Hebrews are still more rigid than those of the Arabian legislator. 124 The Lord of hosts marched in person before the Jews: if a city resisted their summons, the males, without distinction, were put to the sword: the seven nations of Canaan were devoted to destruction; and neither repentance nor conversion, could shield them from the inevitable doom, that no creature within their precincts should be left alive. 1241 The fair option of friendship, or submission, or battle, was proposed to the enemies of Mahomet. If they professed the creed of Islam, they were admitted to all the temporal and spiritual benefits of his primitive disciples, and marched under the same banner to extend the religion which they had embraced. The clemency of the prophet was decided by his interest: yet he seldom trampled on a prostrate enemy; and he seems to promise, that on the payment of a tribute, the least guilty of his unbelieving subjects might be indulged in their worship, or at least in their imperfect faith. In the first months of his reign he practised the lessons of holy warfare, and displayed his white banner before the gates of Medina: the martial apostle fought in person at nine battles or sieges; 125 and fifty enterprises of war were achieved in ten years by himself or his lieutenants. The Arab continued to unite the professions of a merchant and a robber; and his petty excursions for the defence or the attack of a caravan insensibly prepared his troops for the conquest of Arabia. The distribution of the spoil was regulated by a divine law: 126 the whole was faithfully collected in one common mass: a fifth of the gold and silver, the prisoners and cattle, the movables and immovables, was reserved by the prophet for pious and charitable uses; the remainder was shared in adequate portions by the soldiers who had obtained the victory or guarded the camp: the rewards of the slain devolved to their widows and orphans; and the increase of cavalry was encouraged by the allotment of a double share to the horse and to the man. From all sides the roving Arabs were allured to the standard of religion and plunder: the apostle sanctified the license of embracing the female captives as their wives or concubines, and the enjoyment of wealth and beauty was a feeble type of the joys of paradise prepared for the valiant martyrs of the faith. “The sword,” says Mahomet, “is the key of heaven and of hell; a drop of blood shed in the cause of God, a night spent in arms, is of more avail than two months of fasting or prayer: whosoever falls in battle, his sins are forgiven: at the day of judgment his wounds shall be resplendent as vermilion, and odoriferous as musk; and the loss of his limbs shall be supplied by the wings of angels and cherubim.” The intrepid souls of the Arabs were fired with enthusiasm: the picture of the invisible world was strongly painted on their imagination; and the death which they had always despised became an object of hope and desire. The Koran inculcates, in the most absolute sense, the tenets of fate and predestination, which would extinguish both industry and virtue, if the actions of man were governed by his speculative belief. Yet their influence in every age has exalted the courage of the Saracens and Turks. The first companions of Mahomet advanced to battle with a fearless confidence: there is no danger where there is no chance: they were ordained to perish in their beds; or they were safe and invulnerable amidst the darts of the enemy. 127
在自然状态之下,人人都有权以武力保卫自身与财产,都有权抵御乃至先发制人地防范仇敌的暴行,并把敌对行动扩展到合理的限度,以求得满足与报复。在阿拉伯人自由散漫的社会里,臣民与公民的种种义务,对人的约束原本就微乎其微;而穆罕默德本是在履行一桩和平仁慈的使命,却遭同胞不义地劫掠、放逐。一个独立民族的推举,把这个逃出麦加的流亡者抬上了君主之位;缔结盟约、发动攻守之战的正当权柄,也就此归于他手。人间的权利尚有欠缺,圆满无缺的神权便来填补、来助威:麦地那的这位先知,在新的启示里换上了更凶悍、更嗜血的口吻——足见他早先的温和,不过是势弱使然。123 劝说的手段已经试过,隐忍的时节业已过去;如今他奉命要以刀剑传布自己的宗教,捣毁一切偶像崇拜的遗迹,并且不必顾及什么圣日圣月,去讨伐天下不信教的各族。这些血腥的诫命,《古兰经》里再三申说,而经文的作者则把它们追溯到《摩西五经》与福音书。不过福音书通篇语调温和,正可用来解释那句含义暧昧的经文——耶稣来到世上,带来的不是和平,而是刀剑;他隐忍谦卑的德性,绝不可与那些君王和主教偏狭的狂热混为一谈——正是这些人,玷污了“基督门徒”的名声。若要为宗教战争辩护,穆罕默德倒不如援引摩西、士师以及以色列列王的先例,那还更名正言顺些。希伯来人的战争律法,比这位阿拉伯立法者所定的还要严酷。124 万军之主曾亲自走在犹太人前头行军;一座城邦若不肯应召归降,城中男子便无分老幼,尽遭刀剑屠戮;迦南七族命中注定要遭灭绝,无论悔改还是改宗,都救不了他们逃脱那不可避免的厄运——境内一切生灵,无一得以存活。1241 穆罕默德给敌人开出的选择还算公道:或结友好,或降服,或交战。他们若信奉伊斯兰教义,便可与他最早的门徒一样,尽享今世与来世的一切福分,并在同一面旗帜下从军出征,去扩张他们所皈依的宗教。先知宽仁与否,全看是否合乎自身利益;不过对已然俯首的敌人,他倒少有践踏;他似乎还许下诺言:只要缴纳贡赋,那些罪过最轻的不信教子民,便可获准保留自己的崇拜,至少可保留他们那不完备的信仰。掌权之初的头几个月里,他就演习起圣战的种种法门,在麦地那城门前打出了自己的白色战旗;这位尚武的使者亲自参加过九场会战或围城,125 十年之间,由他本人或麾下将领发动的军事行动,多达五十次。阿拉伯人一如既往地兼着商人与强盗两种营生;他们为护卫或劫掠商队而进行的一次次小规模出击,不知不觉间已为日后征服阿拉伯练就了兵马。战利品如何分配,自有一条神圣的律法来规定:126 所得一概如实汇拢,集为公共的一份;其中金银、俘虏、牲畜以及一应动产不动产,先知留取五分之一,充作虔敬与慈善之用;余下的部分,则按适当份额分给夺取胜利或看守营地的将士;阵亡者那一份归其遗孀和孤儿所有;为鼓励扩充骑兵,凡连人带马者一律可领双份。四面八方浪迹的阿拉伯人,都被这面兼许宗教与劫掠的旗帜所吸引,纷纷来投;使者还赐予他们一项特许,让他们可名正言顺地纳女俘为妻妾,而享用财富与美色,比起为信仰英勇殉难者所备的乐园之乐,不过是淡淡的预演罢了。穆罕默德说:“刀剑乃是天堂与地狱的钥匙;为真主的事业洒下一滴血,披甲熬过一夜,胜过两个月的斋戒与祈祷;凡战死沙场者,其罪尽赦;到末日审判之时,他的伤口将如朱砂般鲜艳夺目,如麝香般芬芳扑鼻;他残缺的肢体,也将由天使与基路伯的翅膀来补全。”阿拉伯人本就无所畏惧,此刻更被狂热点燃了心魂;那不可见的来世图景,在他们的想象中被描绘得栩栩如生;死亡,这素来为他们所轻蔑之物,如今反倒成了他们企盼与渴求的目标。《古兰经》以最决绝的口吻反复灌输宿命与前定的教义;倘若人的行为当真受其玄思信念支配,那么勤勉与德行都将因此泯灭。然而历朝历代,这套教义反倒助长了萨拉森人与土耳其人的勇气。穆罕默德最早的那批伙伴,个个怀着无所畏惧的笃定奔赴战场:既然一切早有定数,也就无所谓凶险;命中注定要死在床上的,自会死在床上;否则,纵然身处敌人的箭矢丛中,也安然无恙、刀枪不入。127
Perhaps the Koreish would have been content with the dight of Mahomet, had they not been provoked and alarmed by the vengeance of an enemy, who could intercept their Syrian trade as it passed and repassed through the territory of Medina. Abu Sophian himself, with only thirty or forty followers, conducted a wealthy caravan of a thousand camels; the fortune or dexterity of his march escaped the vigilance of Mahomet; but the chief of the Koreish was informed that the holy robbers were placed in ambush to await his return. He despatched a messenger to his brethren of Mecca, and they were roused, by the fear of losing their merchandise and their provisions, unless they hastened to his relief with the military force of the city. The sacred band of Mahomet was formed of three hundred and thirteen Moslems, of whom seventy-seven were fugitives, and the rest auxiliaries; they mounted by turns a train of seventy camels, (the camels of Yathreb were formidable in war;) but such was the poverty of his first disciples, that only two could appear on horseback in the field. 128 In the fertile and famous vale of Beder, 129 three stations from Medina, he was informed by his scouts of the caravan that approached on one side; of the Koreish, one hundred horse, eight hundred and fifty foot, who advanced on the other. After a short debate, he sacrificed the prospect of wealth to the pursuit of glory and revenge, and a slight intrenchment was formed, to cover his troops, and a stream of fresh water, that glided through the valley. “O God,” he exclaimed, as the numbers of the Koreish descended from the hills, “O God, if these are destroyed, by whom wilt thou be worshipped on the earth?—Courage, my children; close your ranks; discharge your arrows, and the day is your own.” At these words he placed himself, with Abubeker, on a throne or pulpit, 130 and instantly demanded the succor of Gabriel and three thousand angels. His eye was fixed on the field of battle: the Mussulmans fainted and were pressed: in that decisive moment the prophet started from his throne, mounted his horse, and cast a handful of sand into the air: “Let their faces be covered with confusion.” Both armies heard the thunder of his voice: their fancy beheld the angelic warriors: 131 the Koreish trembled and fled: seventy of the bravest were slain; and seventy captives adorned the first victory of the faithful. The dead bodies of the Koreish were despoiled and insulted: two of the most obnoxious prisoners were punished with death; and the ransom of the others, four thousand drams of silver, compensated in some degree the escape of the caravan. But it was in vain that the camels of Abu Sophian explored a new road through the desert and along the Euphrates: they were overtaken by the diligence of the Mussulmans; and wealthy must have been the prize, if twenty thousand drams could be set apart for the fifth of the apostle. The resentment of the public and private loss stimulated Abu Sophian to collect a body of three thousand men, seven hundred of whom were armed with cuirasses, and two hundred were mounted on horseback; three thousand camels attended his march; and his wife Henda, with fifteen matrons of Mecca, incessantly sounded their timbrels to animate the troops, and to magnify the greatness of Hobal, the most popular deity of the Caaba. The standard of God and Mahomet was upheld by nine hundred and fifty believers: the disproportion of numbers was not more alarming than in the field of Beder; and their presumption of victory prevailed against the divine and human sense of the apostle. The second battle was fought on Mount Ohud, six miles to the north of Medina; 132 the Koreish advanced in the form of a crescent; and the right wing of cavalry was led by Caled, the fiercest and most successful of the Arabian warriors. The troops of Mahomet were skilfully posted on the declivity of the hill; and their rear was guarded by a detachment of fifty archers. The weight of their charge impelled and broke the centre of the idolaters: but in the pursuit they lost the advantage of their ground: the archers deserted their station: the Mussulmans were tempted by the spoil, disobeyed their general, and disordered their ranks. The intrepid Caled, wheeling his cavalry on their flank and rear, exclaimed, with a loud voice, that Mahomet was slain. He was indeed wounded in the face with a javelin: two of his teeth were shattered with a stone; yet, in the midst of tumult and dismay, he reproached the infidels with the murder of a prophet; and blessed the friendly hand that stanched his blood, and conveyed him to a place of safety. Seventy martyrs died for the sins of the people; they fell, said the apostle, in pairs, each brother embracing his lifeless companion; 133 their bodies were mangled by the inhuman females of Mecca; and the wife of Abu Sophian tasted the entrails of Hamza, the uncle of Mahomet. They might applaud their superstition, and satiate their fury; but the Mussulmans soon rallied in the field, and the Koreish wanted strength or courage to undertake the siege of Medina. It was attacked the ensuing year by an army of ten thousand enemies; and this third expedition is variously named from the nations, which marched under the banner of Abu Sophian, from the ditch which was drawn before the city, and a camp of three thousand Mussulmans. The prudence of Mahomet declined a general engagement: the valor of Ali was signalized in single combat; and the war was protracted twenty days, till the final separation of the confederates. A tempest of wind, rain, and hail, overturned their tents: their private quarrels were fomented by an insidious adversary; and the Koreish, deserted by their allies, no longer hoped to subvert the throne, or to check the conquests, of their invincible exile. 134
古莱什人本或许会满足于把穆罕默德逼走了事;无奈这个仇敌屡屡报复,能在商队往返途经麦地那境内时截断他们的叙利亚商路,这才把他们激怒、惊动。阿布·苏富扬亲自押送一支满载财货、多达一千峰骆驼的商队,随行的却只有三四十人;他一路或凭运气、或凭机敏,躲过了穆罕默德的耳目,但这位古莱什首领已得到消息:那伙神圣的强盗正埋伏着,专等他归来。他派使者赶回麦加告急;同族人一想到若不火速调集全城兵力驰援,货物与给养便将尽失,无不惊动起来。穆罕默德那支神圣的队伍由三百一十三名穆斯林组成,其中七十七人是出走者,其余是相助者;他们轮流骑着一列七十峰的骆驼(叶斯里卜的骆驼在战阵上极为骁勇),但他最早那批门徒竟穷困到这般地步——上得战场的马匹仅有两匹而已。128 在白德尔那片肥沃而著名的谷地——离麦地那有三程之遥——129 他的探子来报:一边是那支正在逼近的商队;另一边,古莱什的兵马正迎面开来,计骑兵一百、步兵八百五十。略经商议,他便舍弃了到手的财富,转而追求荣耀与复仇;随即筑起一道浅浅的壕垒,护住自己的队伍,也护住那道流经谷中的清泉。眼看古莱什大队人马自山间涌下,他高呼道:“真主啊,这些人若尽遭剿灭,世上还有谁来敬拜你?——勇敢些,我的孩子们;靠拢队列,放出你们的箭,今日的胜利便归你们所有。”说罢,他便与阿布·伯克尔一同登上一座御座(或曰讲坛),130 当即祈求加百列率三千天使前来相助。他两眼紧盯着战场:穆斯林渐渐力竭,节节败退;就在这决定性的一刻,先知从座上一跃而起,翻身上马,抓起一把沙子扬向空中:“叫他们满面惊惶失措。”两军都听见了他那雷鸣般的声音,恍惚间,众人仿佛望见了天使组成的天兵。131 古莱什人吓得浑身发抖,掉头逃窜;七十名最勇猛的战士被杀,另有七十名俘虏,为信徒们的首捷增光添彩。古莱什人的尸首被剥去衣甲,横遭凌辱;俘虏中最惹人痛恨的两名被处死,其余俘虏则缴出四千枚银币赎身,多少弥补了商队逃脱所带来的损失。阿布·苏富扬的骆驼队另辟新路,穿越沙漠、沿幼发拉底河而行,却也是枉然:穆斯林穷追不舍,终究把他们截住;这笔缴获必定极为丰厚——单是留给使者的那五分之一,就足有两万枚银币之多。无论是公众之损还是一己之恨,都激得阿布·苏富扬纠集起一支三千人的队伍,其中七百人身披胸甲,两百人骑马;另有三千峰骆驼随军而行;他的妻子欣德还带着麦加的十五名贵妇,手鼓敲个不停,为士卒鼓舞士气,并颂扬克尔白中最受崇奉的神祇胡巴尔的伟大。高擎真主与穆罕默德旗帜的,是九百五十名信徒;双方兵力之悬殊,倒也不比白德尔战场上更令人心惊,可众人笃信必胜,这份自负竟压倒了使者身上那神性与人性兼具的审慎判断。第二场战役在吴侯德山打响,此山位于麦地那以北六英里处;132 古莱什人排成新月阵形推进,右翼骑兵由哈立德统率——他是阿拉伯武士中最凶悍、最常打胜仗的一个。穆罕默德把部队巧妙地部署在山坡上,后方由一支五十人的弓箭手分队守护。他们奋力冲锋,来势沉重,一举冲垮了偶像崇拜者的中军;可一追击,便丢了地利:弓箭手擅离了岗位,穆斯林们又经不住战利品的诱惑,违抗主帅号令,自乱了阵脚。无所畏惧的哈立德挥师回旋,绕向他们的侧翼与背后,同时高声大喊:穆罕默德已经被杀。先知的脸确实被一支标枪刺伤,两颗牙齿也被石块击碎;然而在一片混乱惊惶之中,他仍痛斥异教徒竟敢杀害先知,并为那只友善之手祝福——正是它替他止血,将他护送到安全之地。七十名殉道者为世人的罪孽而死;使者说,他们是成双成对倒下的,每个兄弟都紧抱着已断气的同伴;133 他们的尸身被麦加那些惨无人道的妇人肆意残害,阿布·苏富扬的妻子甚至尝了穆罕默德的叔父哈姆扎的内脏。这些妇人尽可为自己的迷信喝彩,尽可发泄一腔狂怒;但穆斯林很快便在战场上重整旗鼓,而古莱什人无论气力还是勇气,都不足以围攻麦地那。次年,一支一万人的敌军来犯此城;这第三次远征有好几个名号:或取自追随阿布·苏富扬旗下的各族,或取自城前所掘的那道壕沟,又或取自那座驻有三千穆斯林的营寨。穆罕默德持重谨慎,不愿打一场全面会战;阿里则在单打独斗中大显英勇;战事拖延了二十天,直到联军最终分崩离析。一场狂风暴雨夹着冰雹,掀翻了他们的营帐;他们内部的私怨,又被一个阴险的对手暗中挑拨;于是古莱什人为盟友所弃,再也无望推翻那位不可战胜的流亡者的王座,或是遏止他的连番征服了。134

Notes 注释

116
In the time of Job, the crime of impiety was punished by the Arabian magistrate, (c. 21, v. 26, 27, 28.) I blush for a respectable prelate (de Poesi Hebraeorum, p. 650, 651, edit. Michaelis; and letter of a late professor in the university of Oxford, p. 15-53,) who justifies and applauds this patriarchal inquisition.
在约伯的时代,渎神之罪由阿拉伯的官长加以惩处(见《约伯记》第21章第26、27、28节)。我为一位可敬的高级教士感到脸红(见 de Poesi Hebraeorum, p. 650, 651, edit. Michaelis;又见牛津大学一位已故教授的书信,p. 15-53)——此人竟为这种族长制的宗教裁判辩护,还大加赞赏。
117
D’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p. 445. He quotes a particular history of the flight of Mahomet.
埃尔布洛,Bibliot. Orient. p. 445。他引用了一部专门记述穆罕默德出走始末的史书。
118
The Hegira was instituted by Omar, the second caliph, in imitation of the aera of the martyrs of the Christians, (D’Herbelot, p. 444;) and properly commenced sixty-eight days before the flight of Mahomet, with the first of Moharren, or first day of that Arabian year which coincides with Friday, July 16th, A.D. 622, (Abulfeda, Vit Moham, c. 22, 23, p. 45-50; and Greaves’s edition of Ullug Beg’s Epochae Arabum, &c., c. 1, p. 8, 10, &c.) * Note: Chronologists dispute between the 15th and 16th of July. St. Martin inclines to the 8th, ch. xi. p. 70.—M.
希吉拉纪元是由第二任哈里发欧麦尔仿照基督徒的“殉道者纪元”而创设的(埃尔布洛,第444页);它的正式起点,在穆罕默德出走之前六十八天,即穆哈兰姆月的头一天,也就是那个阿拉伯年份的首日,恰当公元622年7月16日星期五(阿布尔费达,Vit. Moham. c. 22, 23, p. 45-50;又见格里夫斯校订的兀鲁伯 Epochae Arabum 等,c. 1, p. 8, 10, &c.)。* 编者按:历表学家在7月15日与16日之间尚有争议。圣马丁则倾向于8日,见 ch. xi. p. 70。—M
119
Mahomet’s life, from his mission to the Hegira, may be found in Abulfeda (p. 14-45) and Gagnier, (tom. i. p. 134-251, 342-383.) The legend from p. 187-234 is vouched by Al Jannabi, and disdained by Abulfeda.
穆罕默德自受命到希吉拉这段生平,可见于阿布尔费达(p. 14-45)与加尼耶(tom. i. p. 134-251, 342-383)。其中 p. 187-234 的那段传说,为贾纳比所力证,却为阿布尔费达所不屑。
120
The triple inauguration of Mahomet is described by Abulfeda (p. 30, 33, 40, 86) and Gagnier, (tom. i. p. 342, &c., 349, &c., tom. ii. p. 223 &c.)
穆罕默德三度受立之事,阿布尔费达(p. 30, 33, 40, 86)与加尼耶(tom. i. p. 342, &c., 349, &c., tom. ii. p. 223 &c.)均有记述。
121
Prideaux (Life of Mahomet, p. 44) reviles the wickedness of the impostor, who despoiled two poor orphans, the sons of a carpenter; a reproach which he drew from the Disputatio contra Saracenos, composed in Arabic before the year 1130; but the honest Gagnier (ad Abulfed. p. 53) has shown that they were deceived by the word Al Nagjar, which signifies, in this place, not an obscure trade, but a noble tribe of Arabs. The desolate state of the ground is described by Abulfeda; and his worthy interpreter has proved, from Al Bochari, the offer of a price; from Al Jannabi, the fair purchase; and from Ahmeq Ben Joseph, the payment of the money by the generous Abubeker On these grounds the prophet must be honorably acquitted.
普里多(Life of Mahomet, p. 44)痛斥这个骗子的恶行,说他劫夺了两个可怜的孤儿——某木匠的儿子;此说他取自《驳萨拉森人》(Disputatio contra Saracenos),该书成于1130年之前,以阿拉伯文写就。但诚实的加尼耶(ad Abulfed. p. 53)已经指明,他们全被 Al Nagjar 一词误导了——这个词在此处并非指某种卑微的行当,而是指阿拉伯人的一个高贵部落。那块地皮的荒芜之状,阿布尔费达有过描述;他那位可敬的注家更是逐一举证:据布哈里所载,确曾开价;据贾纳比所载,成交公道;据艾哈迈格·本·优素福所载,那笔钱是由慷慨的阿布·伯克尔付清的。凭这几点,先知理应被体面地宣告无罪。
122
Al Jannabi (apud Gagnier, tom. ii. p. 246, 324) describes the seal and pulpit, as two venerable relics of the apostle of God; and the portrait of his court is taken from Abulfeda, (c. 44, p. 85.)
贾纳比(apud Gagnier, tom. ii. p. 246, 324)把那枚印章和那座讲坛,描述为真主使者留下的两件可敬的遗物;而对其宫廷的刻画,则取自阿布尔费达(c. 44, p. 85)。
123
The viiith and ixth chapters of the Koran are the loudest and most vehement; and Maracci (Prodromus, part iv. p. 59-64) has inveighed with more justice than discretion against the double dealing of the impostor.
《古兰经》第八章与第九章的调子最为高亢、最为激烈;马拉奇(Prodromus, part iv. p. 59-64)曾抨击这个骗子的两面手法,其言在理,却失之鲁莽。
124
The xth and xxth chapters of Deuteronomy, with the practical comments of Joshua, David, &c., are read with more awe than satisfaction by the pious Christians of the present age. But the bishops, as well as the rabbis of former times, have beat the drum-ecclesiastic with pleasure and success. (Sale’s Preliminary Discourse, p. 142, 143.)
《申命记》第十章与第二十章,连同约书亚、大卫等人以行动所作的注解,当今虔诚的基督徒读来,敬畏多于欣慰。然而昔日的主教乃至拉比们,却都乐此不疲地擂响那面教会战鼓,且屡屡奏效。(塞尔《绪论》[Preliminary Discourse], p. 142, 143。)
1241
The editor’s opinions on this subject may be read in the History of the Jews vol. i. p. 137.—M
编者对此题的见解,可参看《犹太史》(History of the Jews)第一卷第137页。—M
125
Abulfeda, in Vit. Moham. p. 156. The private arsenal of the apostle consisted of nine swords, three lances, seven pikes or half-pikes, a quiver and three bows, seven cuirasses, three shields, and two helmets, (Gagnier, tom. iii. p. 328-334,) with a large white standard, a black banner, (p. 335,) twenty horses, (p. 322, &c.) Two of his martial sayings are recorded by tradition, (Gagnier, tom. ii. p. 88, 334.)
阿布尔费达,Vit. Moham. p. 156。这位使者的私人军械库中,藏有剑九柄、长枪三支、长矛或半长矛七杆、箭袋一只、弓三张、胸甲七副、盾三面、头盔两顶(加尼耶,tom. iii. p. 328-334),另有大白旗一面、黑旗一面(p. 335),战马二十匹(p. 322, &c.)。他还有两句尚武的名言,为传说所记载(加尼耶,tom. ii. p. 88, 334)。
126
The whole subject de jure belli Mohammedanorum is exhausted in a separate dissertation by the learned Reland, (Dissertationes Miscellaneae, tom. iii. Dissertat. x. p. 3-53.)
关于“穆斯林战争法”(de jure belli Mohammedanorum)这一整个论题,博学的雷兰在一篇专论中已论述殆尽(Dissertationes Miscellaneae, tom. iii. Dissertat. x. p. 3-53)。
127
The doctrine of absolute predestination, on which few religions can reproach each other, is sternly exposed in the Koran, (c. 3, p. 52, 53, c. 4, p. 70, &c., with the notes of Sale, and c. 17, p. 413, with those of Maracci.) Reland (de Relig. Moham. p. 61-64) and Sale (Prelim. Discourse, p. 103) represent the opinions of the doctors, and our modern travellers the confidence, the fading confidence, of the Turks
绝对前定的教义——在这一点上,各宗教之间几乎谁也没资格指责谁——《古兰经》里有严厉的阐发(c. 3, p. 52, 53,c. 4, p. 70, &c.,附塞尔的注解;又 c. 17, p. 413,附马拉奇的注解)。雷兰(de Relig. Moham. p. 61-64)与塞尔(Prelim. Discourse, p. 103)转述了教法学者们的观点,而我们那些近世旅人,则记下了土耳其人那份笃信——那份正在消退的笃信。
128
Al Jannabi (apud Gagnier, tom. ii. p. 9) allows him seventy or eighty horse; and on two other occasions, prior to the battle of Ohud, he enlists a body of thirty (p. 10) and of 500 (p. 66) troopers. Yet the Mussulmans, in the field of Ohud, had no more than two horses, according to the better sense of Abulfeda, (in Vit. Moham. c. xxxi. p. 65.) In the Stony province, the camels were numerous; but the horse appears to have been less numerous than in the Happy or the Desert Arabia.
贾纳比(apud Gagnier, tom. ii. p. 9)说他有七八十匹马;另外两处——都在吴侯德之战以前——则记他征集了三十名(p. 10)和五百名(p. 66)骑兵。然而据阿布尔费达较为合理的说法(in Vit. Moham. c. xxxi. p. 65),在吴侯德战场上,穆斯林的马匹不过两匹而已。在石质阿拉伯,骆驼虽多,马却似乎比阿拉伯福地或沙漠阿拉伯要少。
129
Bedder Houneene, twenty miles from Medina, and forty from Mecca, is on the high road of the caravan of Egypt; and the pilgrims annually commemorate the prophet’s victory by illuminations, rockets, &c. Shaw’s Travels, p. 477.
白德尔·胡奈因,距麦地那二十英里、距麦加四十英里,正当埃及商队往来的大道上;每年朝圣者都以张灯、放烟火等方式纪念先知的这场胜利。见肖《游记》(Travels),p. 477。
130
The place to which Mahomet retired during the action is styled by Gagnier (in Abulfeda, c. 27, p. 58. Vie de Mahomet, tom. ii. p. 30, 33) Umbraculum, une loge de bois avec une porte. The same Arabic word is rendered by Reiske (Annales Moslemici Abulfedae, p. 23) by Solium, Suggestus editior; and the difference is of the utmost moment for the honor both of the interpreter and of the hero. I am sorry to observe the pride and acrimony with which Reiske chastises his fellow-laborer. Saepi sic vertit, ut integrae paginae nequeant nisi una litura corrigi Arabice non satis callebat, et carebat judicio critico. J. J. Reiske, Prodidagmata ad Hagji Chalisae Tabulas, p. 228, ad calcero Abulfedae Syriae Tabulae; Lipsiae, 1766, in 4to.
战斗进行时穆罕默德所退避的那处地方,加尼耶(见阿布尔费达,c. 27, p. 58;Vie de Mahomet, tom. ii. p. 30, 33)称之为 Umbraculum,即 une loge de bois avec une porte(一间带门的木棚)。同一个阿拉伯词,赖斯克(Annales Moslemici Abulfedae, p. 23)却译作 Solium、Suggestus editior(御座、高台);这一分歧,对注家与主人公二者的体面都关系极大。我很遗憾地注意到,赖斯克在斥责同行时那副傲慢与刻薄。Saepe sic vertit, ut integrae paginae nequeant nisi una litura corrigi ... Arabice non satis callebat, et carebat judicio critico.(他往往译得整页都非涂改一道不能纠正……他阿拉伯文功底不够,又缺乏考据的判断力。)见 J. J. Reiske, Prodidagmata ad Hagji Chalisae Tabulas, p. 228, ad calcem Abulfedae Syriae Tabulae; Lipsiae, 1766, in 4to.
131
The loose expressions of the Koran (c. 3, p. 124, 125, c. 8, p. 9) allow the commentators to fluctuate between the numbers of 1000, 3000, or 9000 angels; and the smallest of these might suffice for the slaughter of seventy of the Koreish, (Maracci, Alcoran, tom. ii. p. 131.) Yet the same scholiasts confess that this angelic band was not visible to any mortal eye, (Maracci, p. 297.) They refine on the words (c. 8, 16) “not thou, but God,” &c. (D’Herbelot. Bibliot. Orientale p. 600, 601.)
《古兰经》的措辞含混(c. 3, p. 124, 125,c. 8, p. 9),使注释家们在1000、3000还是9000天使之间摇摆不定;而即便取其中最少的数目,也足以屠尽七十名古莱什人了(马拉奇,Alcoran, tom. ii. p. 131)。然而这些注疏者又承认,这支天使之师是任何肉眼都看不见的(马拉奇,p. 297)。他们还在“不是你,而是真主”(c. 8, 16)这句话上做起了文章(埃尔布洛,Bibliot. Orientale, p. 600, 601)。
132
Geograph. Nubiensis, p. 47.
Geograph. Nubiensis, p. 47。
133
In the iiid chapter of the Koran, (p. 50-53) with Sale’s notes, the prophet alleges some poor excuses for the defeat of Ohud. * Note: Dr. Weil has added some curious circumstances, which he gives as on good traditional authority, on the rescue of Mahomet. The prophet was attacked by Ubeijj Ibn Challaf, whom he struck on the neck with a mortal wound. This was the only time, it is added, that Mahomet personally engaged in battle. (p. 128.)—M. 1845.
《古兰经》第三章(p. 50-53)连同塞尔的注解,先知为吴侯德之败提出了几条蹩脚的托词。* 编者按:韦尔博士补充了几处离奇的情节,据说都有可靠的传述为凭,讲的是穆罕默德如何脱险。先知遭乌拜伊·伊本·哈拉夫袭击,他一击刺中对方的脖颈,令其毙命。据补充说,这是穆罕默德唯一一次亲身投入战斗(p. 128)。—M. 1845
134
For the detail of the three Koreish wars, of Beder, of Ohud, and of the ditch, peruse Abulfeda, (p. 56-61, 64-69, 73-77,) Gagnier (tom. i. p. 23-45, 70-96, 120-139,) with the proper articles of D’Herbelot, and the abridgments of Elmacin (Hist. Saracen. p. 6, 7) and Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 102.)
关于古莱什人三场战争——白德尔之战、吴侯德之战与壕沟之战——的详情,可细读阿布尔费达(p. 56-61, 64-69, 73-77)、加尼耶(tom. i. p. 23-45, 70-96, 120-139),并参看埃尔布洛相应的条目,以及埃尔马金(Hist. Saracen. p. 6, 7)与阿布·法拉杰(Dynast. p. 102)的节略本。