Chapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part IV. 第五十章 阿拉伯及其居民——第四节

The communication of ideas requires a similitude of thought and language: the discourse of a philosopher would vibrate without effect on the ear of a peasant; yet how minute is the distance of their understandings, if it be compared with the contact of an infinite and a finite mind, with the word of God expressed by the tongue or the pen of a mortal! The inspiration of the Hebrew prophets, of the apostles and evangelists of Christ, might not be incompatible with the exercise of their reason and memory; and the diversity of their genius is strongly marked in the style and composition of the books of the Old and New Testament. But Mahomet was content with a character, more humble, yet more sublime, of a simple editor; the substance of the Koran, 91 according to himself or his disciples, is uncreated and eternal; subsisting in the essence of the Deity, and inscribed with a pen of light on the table of his everlasting decrees. A paper copy, in a volume of silk and gems, was brought down to the lowest heaven by the angel Gabriel, who, under the Jewish economy, had indeed been despatched on the most important errands; and this trusty messenger successively revealed the chapters and verses to the Arabian prophet. Instead of a perpetual and perfect measure of the divine will, the fragments of the Koran were produced at the discretion of Mahomet; each revelation is suited to the emergencies of his policy or passion; and all contradiction is removed by the saving maxim, that any text of Scripture is abrogated or modified by any subsequent passage. The word of God, and of the apostle, was diligently recorded by his disciples on palm-leaves and the shoulder-bones of mutton; and the pages, without order or connection, were cast into a domestic chest, in the custody of one of his wives. Two years after the death of Mahomet, the sacred volume was collected and published by his friend and successor Abubeker: the work was revised by the caliph Othman, in the thirtieth year of the Hegira; and the various editions of the Koran assert the same miraculous privilege of a uniform and incorruptible text. In the spirit of enthusiasm or vanity, the prophet rests the truth of his mission on the merit of his book; audaciously challenges both men and angels to imitate the beauties of a single page; and presumes to assert that God alone could dictate this incomparable performance. 92 This argument is most powerfully addressed to a devout Arabian, whose mind is attuned to faith and rapture; whose ear is delighted by the music of sounds; and whose ignorance is incapable of comparing the productions of human genius. 93 The harmony and copiousness of style will not reach, in a version, the European infidel: he will peruse with impatience the endless incoherent rhapsody of fable, and precept, and declamation, which seldom excites a sentiment or an idea, which sometimes crawls in the dust, and is sometimes lost in the clouds. The divine attributes exalt the fancy of the Arabian missionary; but his loftiest strains must yield to the sublime simplicity of the book of Job, composed in a remote age, in the same country, and in the same language. 94 If the composition of the Koran exceed the faculties of a man to what superior intelligence should we ascribe the Iliad of Homer, or the Philippics of Demosthenes? In all religions, the life of the founder supplies the silence of his written revelation: the sayings of Mahomet were so many lessons of truth; his actions so many examples of virtue; and the public and private memorials were preserved by his wives and companions. At the end of two hundred years, the Sonna, or oral law, was fixed and consecrated by the labors of Al Bochari, who discriminated seven thousand two hundred and seventy-five genuine traditions, from a mass of three hundred thousand reports, of a more doubtful or spurious character. Each day the pious author prayed in the temple of Mecca, and performed his ablutions with the water of Zemzem: the pages were successively deposited on the pulpit and the sepulchre of the apostle; and the work has been approved by the four orthodox sects of the Sonnites. 95
思想的传达,须以思路与言语的相通为前提:哲人的高论,在农夫耳中激不起半点回响;然而,哲人与农夫,其见识的高下相去不过咫尺——倘若拿它去比无限之心与有限之心的相接,去比那借凡人口舌笔墨而出的上帝之言,这点差距又何足道哉!希伯来众先知,以及基督的众使徒与福音书作者,其所受的默示,或许并不妨碍他们各自运用理智与记忆;《旧约》《新约》诸书,文笔各异,结撰不同,正鲜明地印下了他们才性的参差。穆罕默德却甘居一个更卑微、却也更崇高的名分:一名单纯的编录者。据他本人或其门徒所言,《古兰经》91的本体乃是非受造而永恒的,寓于真主的本质之中,以光之笔镌刻在他那永恒天命的宝版之上。天使加百列把一部纸本抄卷携至最低一重天,那卷子以丝绸为帙、宝石为饰;这位加百列,在犹太人的时代原就奉派办过最要紧的差使;如今这位忠实的信使,又把一章一节陆续启示给这位阿拉伯先知。《古兰经》非但不是一部恒久完备、足以据以衡量真主意旨的定典,反倒是些零篇断简,全凭穆罕默德的心意零星问世;每一段启示,都恰好应付着他谋略上或情欲上的燃眉之急;而一切前后抵牾之处,只消一条方便的定则便可抹平:经中任何一节,皆可为后出的经文所废止或更改。真主与使者的言语,由门徒们勤谨地记在棕榈叶与羊胛骨上;这些散页既无次序,也不相连属,一股脑儿丢进他一位妻子看管的家用箱箧里。穆罕默德死后两年,这部圣典由他的挚友兼继承者阿布·伯克尔搜集刊布;到希吉拉三十年,又经哈里发奥斯曼校订;而《古兰经》的各种版本,都一致声称享有同一桩奇迹般的殊荣:其文本划一无二,绝无讹误。这位先知,或出于狂热,或出于虚荣,竟把自己使命的真确,全押在这部书的文采上;他大胆地向世人与天使一并挑战,看谁能仿出其中任何一页的绝妙;更自负地断言:唯有真主,才口授得出这样一部举世无双的杰作。92这一番论证,对一个虔诚的阿拉伯人最是有力:他的心早已调到了信仰与迷狂的弦上,他的耳朵沉醉于声韵之乐,而他的孤陋又使他无从拿人间天才的种种作品来比较高下。93至于那文体的谐婉与丰赡,一经转译,便再也传不到欧洲的异教徒耳中:他读着那没完没了、杂乱无章的东西——一会儿是寓言,一会儿是训诫,一会儿又是慷慨陈词——只觉不耐;这些文字难得撩起一点情思或一星念头,时而匍匐于尘土,时而又消失在云端。真主的种种属性,固然把这位阿拉伯传道者的想象抬得极高;然而他最激昂的篇章,终究要输给《约伯记》那朴素而崇高的气象——而《约伯记》成书于远古,出自同一片土地,用的也是同一种语言。94倘若《古兰经》的撰作已非凡人之力所能及,那么荷马的《伊利亚特》、德摩斯梯尼的《斥腓力篇》,我们又该归之于哪一种更高明的睿智呢?在一切宗教里,凡教主的成文启示有所不言处,教主的生平便来补足:穆罕默德的一言一语,都成了真理的教训;他的一举一动,都成了德行的典范;而他的种种言行,无论公私,都由他的妻子与门徒记诵保存下来。又过了两百年,那部名为“逊奈”的口传律法,才经布哈里辛勤厘定、奉为神圣:他从三十万条真伪可疑的传述之中,甄别出七千二百七十五条确凿可信的圣训。这位虔敬的作者,每日在麦加圣殿中礼拜,以渗渗泉之水行净礼;每写成一页,便依次供在使者的讲坛与陵墓之上;此书遂为逊尼派四大正统教派所公认。95
The mission of the ancient prophets, of Moses and of Jesus had been confirmed by many splendid prodigies; and Mahomet was repeatedly urged, by the inhabitants of Mecca and Medina, to produce a similar evidence of his divine legation; to call down from heaven the angel or the volume of his revelation, to create a garden in the desert, or to kindle a conflagration in the unbelieving city. As often as he is pressed by the demands of the Koreish, he involves himself in the obscure boast of vision and prophecy, appeals to the internal proofs of his doctrine, and shields himself behind the providence of God, who refuses those signs and wonders that would depreciate the merit of faith, and aggravate the guilt of infidelity But the modest or angry tone of his apologies betrays his weakness and vexation; and these passages of scandal established, beyond suspicion, the integrity of the Koran. 96 The votaries of Mahomet are more assured than himself of his miraculous gifts; and their confidence and credulity increase as they are farther removed from the time and place of his spiritual exploits. They believe or affirm that trees went forth to meet him; that he was saluted by stones; that water gushed from his fingers; that he fed the hungry, cured the sick, and raised the dead; that a beam groaned to him; that a camel complained to him; that a shoulder of mutton informed him of its being poisoned; and that both animate and inanimate nature were equally subject to the apostle of God. 97 His dream of a nocturnal journey is seriously described as a real and corporeal transaction. A mysterious animal, the Borak, conveyed him from the temple of Mecca to that of Jerusalem: with his companion Gabriel he successively ascended the seven heavens, and received and repaid the salutations of the patriarchs, the prophets, and the angels, in their respective mansions. Beyond the seventh heaven, Mahomet alone was permitted to proceed; he passed the veil of unity, approached within two bow-shots of the throne, and felt a cold that pierced him to the heart, when his shoulder was touched by the hand of God. After this familiar, though important conversation, he again descended to Jerusalem, remounted the Borak, returned to Mecca, and performed in the tenth part of a night the journey of many thousand years. 98 According to another legend, the apostle confounded in a national assembly the malicious challenge of the Koreish. His resistless word split asunder the orb of the moon: the obedient planet stooped from her station in the sky, accomplished the seven revolutions round the Caaba, saluted Mahomet in the Arabian tongue, and, suddenly contracting her dimensions, entered at the collar, and issued forth through the sleeve, of his shirt. 99 The vulgar are amused with these marvellous tales; but the gravest of the Mussulman doctors imitate the modesty of their master, and indulge a latitude of faith or interpretation. 100 They might speciously allege, that in preaching the religion it was needless to violate the harmony of nature; that a creed unclouded with mystery may be excused from miracles; and that the sword of Mahomet was not less potent than the rod of Moses.
古时的众先知——摩西也好,耶稣也好——其使命都曾有种种辉煌的奇迹为之印证;因此麦加与麦地那的居民,便一再催逼穆罕默德,要他也拿出同样的凭据,来证实他那受命于天的身分:或从天上把天使、把那卷启示唤下来,或在沙漠里变出一座花园,或在这不信的城里燃起一场大火。每当古莱什人这样逼问,他总是躲进异象与预言那类含混的大话里,援引其教义本身的内证,又拿真主的意旨作挡箭牌:真主之所以不肯显这些神迹奇事,正因神迹一显,信仰的功德便要贬值,不信的罪愆也要加重。然而他这些辩解,语气时而谦卑,时而恼怒,恰恰泄露了他的理屈与烦躁;而正是这几段有失体面的文字,反倒不容置疑地证明了《古兰经》的真实无伪。96穆罕默德门下的信徒,对他行奇迹的本领比他本人还要笃信不疑;而且离他显灵的时间地点越远,他们的信心与轻信便越发膨胀。他们或深信、或断言:树木曾迎上前去见他;石头曾向他致敬;泉水曾从他指间涌出;他喂饱过饥者,治愈过病人,叫死者复活;一根梁木曾向他呻吟;一头骆驼曾向他诉苦;一块羊肩肉曾告诉他自己已被下毒;总之,无论有生命的还是无生命的万物,都一样听命于这位真主的使者。97他梦见自己夜行的那桩事,竟被人一本正经地说成是确凿而肉身亲历的实事。一头神秘的坐骑,名唤布拉克,载着他从麦加圣殿一直驮到耶路撒冷圣殿;他偕同伴加百列,依次登上七重天,在列祖、先知与天使各自的居所里,一一还礼致意。七重天之外,便只准穆罕默德一人独往了:他越过独一之幕,行至距宝座两箭之遥,忽觉真主的手抚上他的肩头,一股寒意直透心底。这场谈话虽亲昵随和,却干系重大;谈罢,他重又下到耶路撒冷,再跨上布拉克,返回麦加——这一段数千年的路程,他只用一夜的十分之一便走完了。98另有一则传说:这位使者在一次全族的集会上,挫败了古莱什人不怀好意的刁难。他一句不可抗拒的话,便把月轮劈成两半:这颗驯顺的星辰从天上的座位俯身而下,绕克尔白转了七圈,用阿拉伯话向穆罕默德致意,随即骤然缩小身形,从他衣领钻进去,又从他衣袖里钻出来。99俗众听了这些神乎其神的故事,自是津津有味;但穆斯林中最持重的学者,却效法其师的谦抑,在信与解之间留出了一点回旋的余地。100他们尽可振振有词地辩称:传扬这宗教,本无须去破坏自然的和谐;一套不为神秘所笼罩的信条,也大可不必仰仗奇迹;何况穆罕默德的刀,其威力并不逊于摩西的杖。
The polytheist is oppressed and distracted by the variety of superstition: a thousand rites of Egyptian origin were interwoven with the essence of the Mosaic law; and the spirit of the gospel had evaporated in the pageantry of the church. The prophet of Mecca was tempted by prejudice, or policy, or patriotism, to sanctify the rites of the Arabians, and the custom of visiting the holy stone of the Caaba. But the precepts of Mahomet himself inculcates a more simple and rational piety: prayer, fasting, and alms, are the religious duties of a Mussulman; and he is encouraged to hope, that prayer will carry him half way to God, fasting will bring him to the door of his palace, and alms will gain him admittance. 101 I. According to the tradition of the nocturnal journey, the apostle, in his personal conference with the Deity, was commanded to impose on his disciples the daily obligation of fifty prayers. By the advice of Moses, he applied for an alleviation of this intolerable burden; the number was gradually reduced to five; without any dispensation of business or pleasure, or time or place: the devotion of the faithful is repeated at daybreak, at noon, in the afternoon, in the evening, and at the first watch of the night; and in the present decay of religious fervor, our travellers are edified by the profound humility and attention of the Turks and Persians. Cleanliness is the key of prayer: the frequent lustration of the hands, the face, and the body, which was practised of old by the Arabs, is solemnly enjoined by the Koran; and a permission is formally granted to supply with sand the scarcity of water. The words and attitudes of supplication, as it is performed either sitting, or standing, or prostrate on the ground, are prescribed by custom or authority; but the prayer is poured forth in short and fervent ejaculations; the measure of zeal is not exhausted by a tedious liturgy; and each Mussulman for his own person is invested with the character of a priest. Among the theists, who reject the use of images, it has been found necessary to restrain the wanderings of the fancy, by directing the eye and the thought towards a kebla, or visible point of the horizon. The prophet was at first inclined to gratify the Jews by the choice of Jerusalem; but he soon returned to a more natural partiality; and five times every day the eyes of the nations at Astracan, at Fez, at Delhi, are devoutly turned to the holy temple of Mecca. Yet every spot for the service of God is equally pure: the Mahometans indifferently pray in their chamber or in the street. As a distinction from the Jews and Christians, the Friday in each week is set apart for the useful institution of public worship: the people is assembled in the mosch; and the imam, some respectable elder, ascends the pulpit, to begin the prayer and pronounce the sermon. But the Mahometan religion is destitute of priesthood or sacrifice; and the independent spirit of fanaticism looks down with contempt on the ministers and the slaves of superstition. 1011
拜多神的人,被五花八门的迷信压得喘不过气、弄得心神纷乱:千百种源出埃及的仪节,纠缠进摩西律法的肌理之中;而福音的精神,也早在教会那一套铺张的排场里蒸发殆尽了。这位麦加的先知,或出于成见,或出于权谋,或出于乡土之情,终于把阿拉伯人的种种仪节、把巡礼克尔白圣石的习俗,一并封为神圣。不过,穆罕默德本人的训诫,所教导的却是一种更朴素、更合乎情理的虔诚:礼拜、斋戒、施舍,乃是穆斯林的三项宗教义务;而且经上还鼓励他这样指望——礼拜能把他送到通往真主的半途,斋戒能把他领到真主宫殿的门前,施舍则能为他叩开那扇门。101一、据夜行那则传说,使者在与真主亲身会谈之际,曾奉命要门徒每日尽五十番礼拜之责。多亏摩西出主意,他才去请求减轻这难以承受的负担;番数于是渐减为五;无论有事无事、行乐与否,无论何时何地,一概不得通融:信徒的这份功课,须在拂晓、正午、午后、傍晚以及入夜头更时各作一遍;即便在今日宗教热忱普遍衰退之世,我们那些游历者,仍为土耳其人与波斯人礼拜时那种深沉的谦卑与专注所感动、所教化。洁净乃礼拜之钥:古时阿拉伯人便有勤洗手、洗脸、洗身之俗,《古兰经》更郑重其事地定为戒命;遇水源匮乏时,经上还正式许人以沙代水。祈祷时的言辞与姿态——或坐、或立、或俯伏于地——皆由习俗或经典所规定;然而所祷者不过是简短而热切的几句呼求;一片虔诚,并不消磨在冗长的仪文里;每个穆斯林,就其自身而言,都兼具了祭司的身分。这些独尊一神、摒弃偶像的信士,既不用图像,便觉得有必要替漫游的心思立个约束,叫眼睛与念头都朝定一处“克卜拉”,即地平线上一个看得见的方位。起初,这位先知有意选定耶路撒冷,以博犹太人的欢心;但不久他便复归于一种更出于天性的偏爱;于是每日五次,从阿斯特拉罕到非斯、到德里,各族的目光都虔诚地转向麦加的圣殿。不过,凡供奉真主之处,无一不同样洁净:穆斯林在自家屋里祷告也好,在大街上祷告也好,全无分别。为与犹太人、基督徒有所区别,每周的星期五便特意划出,用于公共礼拜这一有益的制度:众人聚集于清真寺内,由伊玛目——某位德高望重的长者——登上讲坛,领众礼拜,并宣讲教义。然而穆斯林的宗教里,既无祭司阶层,也无献祭之礼;那股独往独来的狂热精神,正睥睨着一切迷信的神职人员与奴仆,视之如草芥。1011
II. The voluntary 102 penance of the ascetics, the torment and glory of their lives, was odious to a prophet who censured in his companions a rash vow of abstaining from flesh, and women, and sleep; and firmly declared, that he would suffer no monks in his religion. 103 Yet he instituted, in each year, a fast of thirty days; and strenuously recommended the observance as a discipline which purifies the soul and subdues the body, as a salutary exercise of obedience to the will of God and his apostle. During the month of Ramadan, from the rising to the setting of the sun, the Mussulman abstains from eating, and drinking, and women, and baths, and perfumes; from all nourishment that can restore his strength, from all pleasure that can gratify his senses. In the revolution of the lunar year, the Ramadan coincides, by turns, with the winter cold and the summer heat; and the patient martyr, without assuaging his thirst with a drop of water, must expect the close of a tedious and sultry day. The interdiction of wine, peculiar to some orders of priests or hermits, is converted by Mahomet alone into a positive and general law; 104 and a considerable portion of the globe has abjured, at his command, the use of that salutary, though dangerous, liquor. These painful restraints are, doubtless, infringed by the libertine, and eluded by the hypocrite; but the legislator, by whom they are enacted, cannot surely be accused of alluring his proselytes by the indulgence of their sensual appetites. III. The charity of the Mahometans descends to the animal creation; and the Koran repeatedly inculcates, not as a merit, but as a strict and indispensable duty, the relief of the indigent and unfortunate. Mahomet, perhaps, is the only lawgiver who has defined the precise measure of charity: the standard may vary with the degree and nature of property, as it consists either in money, in corn or cattle, in fruits or merchandise; but the Mussulman does not accomplish the law, unless he bestows a tenth of his revenue; and if his conscience accuses him of fraud or extortion, the tenth, under the idea of restitution, is enlarged to a fifth. 105 Benevolence is the foundation of justice, since we are forbid to injure those whom we are bound to assist. A prophet may reveal the secrets of heaven and of futurity; but in his moral precepts he can only repeat the lessons of our own hearts.
二、苦行者那种自讨的102苦修,既是他们此生的折磨,也是他们此生的荣耀;然而这位先知却厌恶它——他曾责备门徒轻率立誓,戒绝肉食、女色与睡眠,并斩钉截铁地宣布:他的宗教里绝不容许有僧侣。103然而他又规定每年斋戒三十日,并极力劝人遵守,说这是一种既能涤净灵魂、又能制伏肉体的操练,是一场有益的功课,藉以顺服真主及其使者的意旨。在赖买丹月(即斋月)里,从日出到日落,穆斯林须戒饮食、戒女色、戒沐浴、戒熏香——凡能恢复其气力的滋养,凡能取悦其感官的享乐,一概戒绝。由于用的是阴历,年岁轮转之下,赖买丹月时而落在严冬,时而落在酷暑;那位能忍的殉道者,连一滴水也不许润喉,只得眼巴巴地熬到又闷又长的一天终了。禁酒之戒,原本只行于某些教团的祭司或隐修者之间,唯独穆罕默德把它变成了一条明文的、通行于众的律法;104于是奉他之命,全球相当大的一片地方,都从此戒绝了这种有益却也危险的饮料。这些苦人的清规,浪荡子固然照犯不误,伪君子也自有规避之法;但订立这些戒律的立法者,无论如何总不能说是靠着纵容信众的声色之欲,去招徕人心的。三、穆斯林的仁爱,下及于禽兽万物;《古兰经》一再教导人,救济贫苦不幸之人,并非什么额外的功德,而是一桩严格而不可推卸的本分。在一切立法者中,把施舍的分量规定得如此精确的,恐怕唯有穆罕默德一人:这标准可随财产的多寡与种类而异——财产或为钱币,或为谷物牲畜,或为果实货物;然而穆斯林若不捐出其收益的十分之一,便算没有尽到律法;倘若良心责备他曾有欺诈勒索之行,那十分之一便本着补偿之意,加倍而为五分之一。105仁爱乃公义之本,因为对那些我们本有义务去帮助的人,我们便断不可加害。先知或能揭示天国与未来的种种奥秘;但一落到道德训诫上,他所能说的,也无非是把我们良心本有的教训,再重复一遍罢了。
The two articles of belief, and the four practical duties, of Islam, are guarded by rewards and punishments; and the faith of the Mussulman is devoutly fixed on the event of the judgment and the last day. The prophet has not presumed to determine the moment of that awful catastrophe, though he darkly announces the signs, both in heaven and earth, which will precede the universal dissolution, when life shall be destroyed, and the order of creation shall be confounded in the primitive chaos. At the blast of the trumpet, new worlds will start into being: angels, genii, and men will arise from the dead, and the human soul will again be united to the body. The doctrine of the resurrection was first entertained by the Egyptians; 106 and their mummies were embalmed, their pyramids were constructed, to preserve the ancient mansion of the soul, during a period of three thousand years. But the attempt is partial and unavailing; and it is with a more philosophic spirit that Mahomet relies on the omnipotence of the Creator, whose word can reanimate the breathless clay, and collect the innumerable atoms, that no longer retain their form or substance. 107 The intermediate state of the soul it is hard to decide; and those who most firmly believe her immaterial nature, are at a loss to understand how she can think or act without the agency of the organs of sense.
伊斯兰的两项信条与四项实践义务,都由赏罚为之守护;穆斯林的信仰,虔诚地系在末日审判那件大事之上。这位先知不曾冒昧去断定那可怖大劫降临的确切时刻,却隐隐约约地预告了天上地下的种种先兆,说它们将出现在万物瓦解之前——那时众生尽灭,造化的秩序也将重归太初的混沌。号角一响,新的世界便骤然涌现:天使、精灵与世人,都将从死里复活,人的灵魂也将重新与肉身合一。复活之说,最早乃是埃及人所抱持的;106他们把尸身制成木乃伊,建起座座金字塔,为的正是在三千年间保住灵魂那古老的居所。然而这般努力,既不周全,也是徒劳;相形之下,穆罕默德的做法倒更有几分哲人的气度:他一心倚仗造物主的全能,深信真主一句话,便能叫那不再喘息的泥土重获生机,把那早已不复其形、不复其质的无数微尘重新收拢起来。107灵魂在这中间阶段究竟处于何种状态,实在难以断定;就连那些最坚信灵魂本属非物质的人,也说不清它一旦离了感官的作用,究竟如何还能思想、如何还能行事。
The reunion of the soul and body will be followed by the final judgment of mankind; and in his copy of the Magian picture, the prophet has too faithfully represented the forms of proceeding, and even the slow and successive operations, of an earthly tribunal. By his intolerant adversaries he is upbraided for extending, even to themselves, the hope of salvation, for asserting the blackest heresy, that every man who believes in God, and accomplishes good works, may expect in the last day a favorable sentence. Such rational indifference is ill adapted to the character of a fanatic; nor is it probable that a messenger from heaven should depreciate the value and necessity of his own revelation. In the idiom of the Koran, 108 the belief of God is inseparable from that of Mahomet: the good works are those which he has enjoined, and the two qualifications imply the profession of Islam, to which all nations and all sects are equally invited.
灵魂与肉身重聚之后,接踵而来的便是对全人类的末日审判;这位先知临摹麻葛教那幅图景时,未免摹得太过逼真,连人间法庭的种种程式、乃至那迟缓而一道道进行的手续,都一并照搬了过来。他那些不能容人的对手,反倒责骂他把得救的指望竟也施及他们身上,说他鼓吹了一条最不堪的异端邪说:凡信真主、行善功的人,末日都可望得一个宽宥的判决。这样一种通达而不偏执的态度,同一个狂热者的性情本不相称;再说,一个奉天差遣的使者,也断不至于去贬低他自己那套启示的价值与必要。按《古兰经》的用语,108信真主与信穆罕默德本是不可分割的一回事:所谓善功,也就是他所吩咐的那些事;而这两项条件,归根到底都意味着须皈依伊斯兰——对这皈依,天下万族、万派,一概在受邀之列。
Their spiritual blindness, though excused by ignorance and crowned with virtue, will be scourged with everlasting torments; and the tears which Mahomet shed over the tomb of his mother for whom he was forbidden to pray, display a striking contrast of humanity and enthusiasm. 109 The doom of the infidels is common: the measure of their guilt and punishment is determined by the degree of evidence which they have rejected, by the magnitude of the errors which they have entertained: the eternal mansions of the Christians, the Jews, the Sabians, the Magians, and idolaters, are sunk below each other in the abyss; and the lowest hell is reserved for the faithless hypocrites who have assumed the mask of religion. After the greater part of mankind has been condemned for their opinions, the true believers only will be judged by their actions. The good and evil of each Mussulman will be accurately weighed in a real or allegorical balance; and a singular mode of compensation will be allowed for the payment of injuries: the aggressor will refund an equivalent of his own good actions, for the benefit of the person whom he has wronged; and if he should be destitute of any moral property, the weight of his sins will be loaded with an adequate share of the demerits of the sufferer. According as the shares of guilt or virtue shall preponderate, the sentence will be pronounced, and all, without distinction, will pass over the sharp and perilous bridge of the abyss; but the innocent, treading in the footsteps of Mahomet, will gloriously enter the gates of paradise, while the guilty will fall into the first and mildest of the seven hells. The term of expiation will vary from nine hundred to seven thousand years; but the prophet has judiciously promised, that all his disciples, whatever may be their sins, shall be saved, by their own faith and his intercession from eternal damnation. It is not surprising that superstition should act most powerfully on the fears of her votaries, since the human fancy can paint with more energy the misery than the bliss of a future life. With the two simple elements of darkness and fire, we create a sensation of pain, which may be aggravated to an infinite degree by the idea of endless duration. But the same idea operates with an opposite effect on the continuity of pleasure; and too much of our present enjoyments is obtained from the relief, or the comparison, of evil. It is natural enough that an Arabian prophet should dwell with rapture on the groves, the fountains, and the rivers of paradise; but instead of inspiring the blessed inhabitants with a liberal taste for harmony and science, conversation and friendship, he idly celebrates the pearls and diamonds, the robes of silk, palaces of marble, dishes of gold, rich wines, artificial dainties, numerous attendants, and the whole train of sensual and costly luxury, which becomes insipid to the owner, even in the short period of this mortal life. Seventy-two Houris, or black-eyed girls, of resplendent beauty, blooming youth, virgin purity, and exquisite sensibility, will be created for the use of the meanest believer; a moment of pleasure will be prolonged to a thousand years; and his faculties will be increased a hundred fold, to render him worthy of his felicity. Notwithstanding a vulgar prejudice, the gates of heaven will be open to both sexes; but Mahomet has not specified the male companions of the female elect, lest he should either alarm the jealousy of their former husbands, or disturb their felicity, by the suspicion of an everlasting marriage. This image of a carnal paradise has provoked the indignation, perhaps the envy, of the monks: they declaim against the impure religion of Mahomet; and his modest apologists are driven to the poor excuse of figures and allegories. But the sounder and more consistent party adhere without shame, to the literal interpretation of the Koran: useless would be the resurrection of the body, unless it were restored to the possession and exercise of its worthiest faculties; and the union of sensual and intellectual enjoyment is requisite to complete the happiness of the double animal, the perfect man. Yet the joys of the Mahometan paradise will not be confined to the indulgence of luxury and appetite; and the prophet has expressly declared that all meaner happiness will be forgotten and despised by the saints and martyrs, who shall be admitted to the beatitude of the divine vision. 110
那些人心灵上的盲昧,纵可用无知来开脱、纵有德行为之增光,终究要遭永罚的鞭笞;穆罕默德在生母墓前落下的那几行泪——他竟被禁止为她祈祷——恰把人之常情与宗教狂热的对照,映衬得触目惊心。109不信者的结局大抵相同:其罪愆与刑罚的轻重,全看他们所摒弃的明证有多确凿、所抱持的谬误有多深重:基督徒、犹太人、萨比教徒、麻葛教徒以及拜偶像者,其永居之所在深渊之中一层低似一层;而最底的一层地狱,则专为那些戴着宗教假面、心中却毫无信仰的伪君子留着。待到世人的大半都因其见解而被定了罪,剩下唯有真信者,才凭其行为受审。每个穆斯林的善恶,都将在一架或真实、或象征的天平上,一丝不差地称量;而对于所犯的亏害,还许以一种奇特的抵偿之法:加害者须拿出自己相当分量的善行,退还给他所亏负的人;倘若他一无德行可拿,便要把受害者应得的一份恶报,如数加到他自己的罪孽之上。罪与德两下里孰轻孰重,判决便照此宣下;随后众人不分彼此,都要走过那横跨深渊、又利又险的桥;唯有清白无辜者,踏着穆罕默德的足迹,光荣地跨进乐园之门,有罪者则坠入七层地狱中最上、也最轻的一层。赎罪的期限,短则九百年,长则七千年,各不相同;不过这位先知很有分寸地许下诺言:他门下的信徒,无论罪孽如何深重,都将凭着各人的信仰与他从中的说情,得免于永劫的沉沦。迷信最能拨动信众心里的恐惧,这原不足为奇,因为对于来生,人的想象总是把苦难描画得比福乐更有声色。只消黑暗与烈火这两样最简单的材料,我们便能造出一种痛苦的感受;一旦再缀上永无穷期的念头,这痛苦更可加剧到无限之境。然而同一个念头,用在快乐的绵延上,效果却适得其反;何况我们眼下所享的种种快乐,有太多是从祸患的缓解、或与祸患的对照中得来的。一个阿拉伯先知,津津有味地大谈乐园里的林木、泉源与河流,这原是极自然的事;只是他非但没有替乐园中那些蒙福的居民,激发出一点对和谐与学问、对交谈与友谊的高雅趣味,反倒无谓地铺陈起珍珠钻石、丝绸的袍服、大理石的宫殿、黄金的盘碟、醇厚的美酒、精制的珍馐、成群的侍从——总之那一整套声色犬马、穷奢极侈之物,而这些东西,即便在今生这短短一世里,也早已叫享用它们的人腻烦透了。七十二名胡里,即黑眸的少女,个个艳丽照人、青春正盛、贞洁如处、又极善解风情,都将为哪怕最低微的一个信徒专门造出,以供其享用;片刻的欢愉将延展成千年之久;而他的种种官能也将增至百倍,好让他配得上这份福分。尽管俗见每每不以为然,天国之门其实对男女两性一概敞开;只是穆罕默德不曾指明那些蒙拣选的女子将有何等男伴相陪,唯恐一来惹动她们前夫的醋意,二来又叫她们疑心这是一场天长地久、永无了局的婚姻,反倒搅了她们的福乐。这样一幅声色乐园的图景,惹得那班僧侣义愤填膺——说不定还夹着几分艳羡:他们大声痛斥穆罕默德那不洁的宗教;而替他辩护的那些人,语气畏缩,只能退守到一个可怜的托词上:说这一切不过是比喻与寓言罢了。但另有一派,见解较为稳健、也较能前后一贯,便毫不脸红地固守《古兰经》的字面解释:他们说,肉身的复活,若不连同其最可贵的种种官能一并复原、一并施用,那复活便毫无意义;而唯有感官之乐与心智之乐兼而有之,才能玉成那身兼灵肉的双重生灵、即所谓完人的圆满幸福。不过,穆斯林乐园中的欢乐,也并不尽限于奢华与口腹之欲的放纵;这位先知曾明白宣告:那些得蒙恩准、亲睹真主圣容之至福的圣徒与殉道者,届时必将一切较为卑下的快乐尽行忘却、视同粪土。110
The first and most arduous conquests of Mahomet 111 were those of his wife, his servant, his pupil, and his friend; 112 since he presented himself as a prophet to those who were most conversant with his infirmities as a man. Yet Cadijah believed the words, and cherished the glory, of her husband; the obsequious and affectionate Zeid was tempted by the prospect of freedom; the illustrious Ali, the son of Abu Taleb, embraced the sentiments of his cousin with the spirit of a youthful hero; and the wealth, the moderation, the veracity of Abubeker confirmed the religion of the prophet whom he was destined to succeed. By his persuasion, ten of the most respectable citizens of Mecca were introduced to the private lessons of Islam; they yielded to the voice of reason and enthusiasm; they repeated the fundamental creed, “There is but one God, and Mahomet is the apostle of God;” and their faith, even in this life, was rewarded with riches and honors, with the command of armies and the government of kingdoms. Three years were silently employed in the conversion of fourteen proselytes, the first-fruits of his mission; but in the fourth year he assumed the prophetic office, and resolving to impart to his family the light of divine truth, he prepared a banquet, a lamb, as it is said, and a bowl of milk, for the entertainment of forty guests of the race of Hashem. “Friends and kinsmen,” said Mahomet to the assembly, “I offer you, and I alone can offer, the most precious of gifts, the treasures of this world and of the world to come. God has commanded me to call you to his service. Who among you will support my burden? Who among you will be my companion and my vizier?” 113 No answer was returned, till the silence of astonishment, and doubt, and contempt, was at length broken by the impatient courage of Ali, a youth in the fourteenth year of his age. “O prophet, I am the man: whosoever rises against thee, I will dash out his teeth, tear out his eyes, break his legs, rip up his belly. O prophet, I will be thy vizier over them.” Mahomet accepted his offer with transport, and Abu Taled was ironically exhorted to respect the superior dignity of his son. In a more serious tone, the father of Ali advised his nephew to relinquish his impracticable design.
穆罕默德最初、也最艰难的几番“征服”,111其对象乃是他的妻子、他的仆人、他的门徒和他的朋友;112因为他是以先知的身分,出现在那几个人面前——他们对他身为凡人的种种弱点最是了如指掌。然而赫蒂彻却信了丈夫的话,并以他的荣耀为荣;那恭顺而深情的栽德,为获自由的指望所动;声名显赫的阿里——阿布·塔利卜之子——以少年英雄的气概,接受了这位堂兄的主张;而阿布·伯克尔的殷富、稳健与诚信,更为这位先知的宗教添了几分分量——他日后注定要继承先知的衣钵。经他劝说,麦加十位最受敬重的市民得以入门,私下领受伊斯兰的教诲;他们既折服于理智之声,也折服于热忱之声;于是齐声诵念那句根本的信条:“除真主外,别无神灵;穆罕默德是真主的使者。”他们的信仰,即便在今生,也得了厚报——财富、荣名,统率大军之权,治理列国之柄。头三年悄无声息,只换来十四名皈依者,算是他传道的头一批果实;到第四年,他才正式担起先知的名分,决意把神圣真理之光传给自家族人,遂备下一席酒筵——据说是一只羔羊和一钵乳汁——来款待哈希姆族的四十位宾客。穆罕默德向众人说道:“诸位朋友,诸位亲族,我要献给你们——也唯有我才献得出——最珍贵的礼物,即今世与后世的种种宝藏。真主命我召你们来归奉于他。你们中间,谁愿分担我的重任?谁愿做我的伙伴、我的维齐尔?”113众人默然不应,那是掺杂着惊愕、疑惑与轻蔑的沉默;末了,还是年方十四的少年阿里,以按捺不住的勇气打破了这片死寂。“先知啊,我便是那个人:谁敢起来与你为敌,我就打落他的牙齿,剜出他的眼睛,打断他的腿,剖开他的肚子。先知啊,我愿做你的维齐尔,去统辖他们。”穆罕默德欣喜若狂地接受了他的效忠,并以揶揄的口吻,劝阿布·塔利卜往后要敬重他儿子那高出一头的尊位。阿里的父亲则收起戏谑,正色规劝这位侄儿,叫他趁早撂开这行不通的痴想。
“Spare your remonstrances,” replied the intrepid fanatic to his uncle and benefactor; “if they should place the sun on my right hand, and the moon on my left, they should not divert me from my course.” He persevered ten years in the exercise of his mission; and the religion which has overspread the East and the West advanced with a slow and painful progress within the walls of Mecca. Yet Mahomet enjoyed the satisfaction of beholding the increase of his infant congregation of Unitarians, who revered him as a prophet, and to whom he seasonably dispensed the spiritual nourishment of the Koran. The number of proselytes may be esteemed by the absence of eighty-three men and eighteen women, who retired to Aethiopia in the seventh year of his mission; and his party was fortified by the timely conversion of his uncle Hamza, and of the fierce and inflexible Omar, who signalized in the cause of Islam the same zeal, which he had exerted for its destruction. Nor was the charity of Mahomet confined to the tribe of Koreish, or the precincts of Mecca: on solemn festivals, in the days of pilgrimage, he frequented the Caaba, accosted the strangers of every tribe, and urged, both in private converse and public discourse, the belief and worship of a sole Deity. Conscious of his reason and of his weakness, he asserted the liberty of conscience, and disclaimed the use of religious violence: 114 but he called the Arabs to repentance, and conjured them to remember the ancient idolaters of Ad and Thamud, whom the divine justice had swept away from the face of the earth. 115
“不必再劝了,”这位无所畏惧的狂热者答复他的叔父兼恩人道,“纵使他们把太阳放在我右手、把月亮放在我左手,也休想叫我改辙易途。”他就这样苦苦履行使命,历时十年;而这门日后席卷东西方的宗教,当年在麦加城墙之内,却推进得既缓慢又艰辛。不过,穆罕默德总还有一桩快慰:眼看着他那初生的一位论派会众日渐增多——这些人奉他为先知,而他也适时地把《古兰经》这份精神食粮分发给他们。皈依者的数目,或可从这一批出走者约略估量:他传道的第七年,有八十三名男子、十八名女子避走埃塞俄比亚;而他这一派的声势,又因他的叔父哈姆扎、以及那凶悍而执拗的欧麦尔适时归信而大为壮大——欧麦尔当初怎样卖力地要毁掉伊斯兰,如今便怎样卖力地为伊斯兰效命。穆罕默德的这份仁心,也并不限于古莱什一族,或麦加一隅:每逢隆重的节庆、朝觐的日子,他便常去克尔白,主动招呼各部落来的外乡人,无论私下交谈还是公开讲论,都力劝众人信奉、崇拜独一的真主。他既自知理据何在,也自知力量单薄,便主张信仰自由,声明不诉诸宗教暴力;114但他仍呼唤阿拉伯人悔改,苦苦叮嘱他们记取阿德人与塔穆德人的下场——那些远古的拜偶像者,早已被真主的公义从地面上一扫而尽。115

Notes 注释

91
For the Koran, see D’Herbelot, p. 85-88. Maracci, tom. i. in Vit. Mohammed. p. 32-45. Sale, Preliminary Discourse, p. 58-70.
关于《古兰经》,参见埃尔布洛,p. 85-88;马拉奇,tom. i. in Vit. Mohammed. p. 32-45;塞尔,Preliminary Discourse, p. 58-70。
92
Koran, c. 17, v. 89. In Sale, p. 235, 236. In Maracci, p. 410. * Note: Compare Von Hammer Geschichte der Assassinen p. 11.-M.
《古兰经》第17章第89节;见塞尔,p. 235, 236;马拉奇,p. 410。*编者按:可比较冯·哈默,Geschichte der Assassinen, p. 11。—M
93
Yet a sect of Arabians was persuaded, that it might be equalled or surpassed by a human pen, (Pocock, Specimen, p. 221, &c.;) and Maracci (the polemic is too hard for the translator) derides the rhyming affectation of the most applauded passage, (tom. i. part ii. p. 69-75.)
然而有一派阿拉伯人却深信,《古兰经》的文采是人的笔墨所能企及、甚至超越的(波科克,Specimen, p. 221 等);而马拉奇(论战起来,那位译者可招架不住他)则讥讽其中最受称道的一段,不过是徒逞押韵之能事(tom. i. part ii. p. 69-75)。
94
Colloquia (whether real or fabulous) in media Arabia atque ab Arabibus habita, (Lowth, de Poesi Hebraeorum. Praelect. xxxii. xxxiii. xxxiv, with his German editor, Michaelis, Epimetron iv.) Yet Michaelis (p. 671-673) has detected many Egyptian images, the elephantiasis, papyrus, Nile, crocodile, &c. The language is ambiguously styled Arabico-Hebraea. The resemblance of the sister dialects was much more visible in their childhood, than in their mature age, (Michaelis, p. 682. Schultens, in Praefat. Job.) * Note: The age of the book of Job is still and probably will still be disputed. Rosenmuller thus states his own opinion: “Certe serioribus reipublicae temporibus assignandum esse librum, suadere videtur ad Chaldaismum vergens sermo.” Yet the observations of Kosegarten, which Rosenmuller has given in a note, and common reason, suggest that this Chaldaism may be the native form of a much earlier dialect; or the Chaldaic may have adopted the poetical archaisms of a dialect, differing from, but not less ancient than, the Hebrew. See Rosenmuller, Proleg. on Job, p. 41. The poetry appears to me to belong to a much earlier period.—M.
Colloquia (whether real or fabulous) in media Arabia atque ab Arabibus habita(拉丁语:诸般对话——无论真实还是虚构——皆发生于阿拉伯腹地、且出自阿拉伯人之口;Lowth, de Poesi Hebraeorum. Praelect. xxxii. xxxiii. xxxiv,并见其德国编者米夏埃利斯的 Epimetron iv)。然而米夏埃利斯(p. 671-673)却从中辨认出许多埃及的意象:象皮病、纸草、尼罗河、鳄鱼等等。这种语言被含混地称作 Arabico-Hebraea(阿拉伯—希伯来语)。这两种姊妹方言之间的相似,在其幼年时期远比成熟之后来得显著(米夏埃利斯,p. 682;舒尔滕斯,in Praefat. Job)。*编者按:《约伯记》成书的年代至今仍有争议,将来大概也仍会争论不休。罗森米勒这样陈述他自己的见解:“Certe serioribus reipublicae temporibus assignandum esse librum, suadere videtur ad Chaldaismum vergens sermo.”(拉丁语:书中那趋近迦勒底语的用词,似乎足以令人相信,此书当归于犹太国较晚的时期。)然而科泽加滕的一些观察——罗森米勒已录于注中——加之常理,都提示:这种迦勒底语色彩,或许正是一种远为古老的方言的本来面貌;又或许是迦勒底语吸收了另一种方言中富于诗意的古语,而那方言虽与希伯来语有别,其古老却不遑多让。见 Rosenmuller, Proleg. on Job, p. 41。依我看,这些诗篇当属远为古早的年代。—M
95
Ali Bochari died A. H. 224. See D’Herbelot, p. 208, 416, 827. Gagnier, Not. ad Abulfed. c. 19, p. 33.
布哈里卒于希吉拉历224年。见埃尔布洛,p. 208, 416, 827;加尼耶,Not. ad Abulfed. c. 19, p. 33。
96
See, more remarkably, Koran, c. 2, 6, 12, 13, 17. Prideaux (Life of Mahomet, p. 18, 19) has confounded the impostor. Maracci, with a more learned apparatus, has shown that the passages which deny his miracles are clear and positive, (Alcoran, tom. i. part ii. p. 7-12,) and those which seem to assert them are ambiguous and insufficient, (p. 12-22.)
尤可注意者,见《古兰经》第2、6、12、13、17章。普里多(Life of Mahomet, p. 18, 19)曾把这冒充者驳得张口结舌。马拉奇则以更为渊博的考据表明:那些否认他行奇迹的经文,措辞明确而肯定(Alcoran, tom. i. part ii. p. 7-12),而那些看似在肯定其奇迹的经文,则含糊而不足为据(p. 12-22)。
97
See the Specimen Hist. Arabum, the text of Abulpharagius, p. 17, the notes of Pocock, p. 187-190. D’Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 76, 77. Voyages de Chardin, tom. iv. p. 200-203. Maracci (Alcoran, tom. i. p. 22-64) has most laboriously collected and confuted the miracles and prophecies of Mahomet, which, according to some writers, amount to three thousand.
见 Specimen Hist. Arabum,即阿布·法拉杰的正文,p. 17,及波科克的注释,p. 187-190;埃尔布洛,Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 76, 77;夏尔丹 Voyages, tom. iv. p. 200-203。马拉奇(Alcoran, tom. i. p. 22-64)极其辛劳地搜罗并驳斥了穆罕默德的种种奇迹与预言——据某些作者说,这些奇迹与预言多达三千桩。
98
The nocturnal journey is circumstantially related by Abulfeda (in Vit. Mohammed, c. 19, p. 33,) who wishes to think it a vision; by Prideaux, (p. 31-40,) who aggravates the absurdities; and by Gagnier (tom. i. p. 252-343,) who declares, from the zealous Al Jannabi, that to deny this journey, is to disbelieve the Koran. Yet the Koran without naming either heaven, or Jerusalem, or Mecca, has only dropped a mysterious hint: Laus illi qui transtulit servum suum ab oratorio Haram ad oratorium remotissimum, (Koran, c. 17, v. 1; in Maracci, tom. ii. p. 407; for Sale’s version is more licentious.) A slender basis for the aerial structure of tradition.
关于这次夜行,阿布尔费达有详尽的记述(in Vit. Mohammed, c. 19, p. 33),他情愿把它当作一场异象;普里多也有记述(p. 31-40),却把其中的荒谬处越描越重;加尼耶亦有记述(tom. i. p. 252-343),他援引热忱的贾纳比之言,宣称谁若否认这次夜行,便是不信《古兰经》。然而《古兰经》里既没提天堂,也没提耶路撒冷或麦加,只含含糊糊地透了一句:Laus illi qui transtulit servum suum ab oratorio Haram ad oratorium remotissimum(拉丁语:赞美那位将其仆人从禁寺的礼拜所迁往至远之礼拜所者;《古兰经》c. 17, v. 1;见马拉奇,tom. ii. p. 407——因塞尔的译文较为放纵失实)。传统那座凌空的楼阁,所凭依的地基竟如此单薄。
99
In the prophetic style, which uses the present or past for the future, Mahomet had said, Appropinquavit hora, et scissa est luna, (Koran, c. 54, v. 1; in Maracci, tom. ii. p. 688.) This figure of rhetoric has been converted into a fact, which is said to be attested by the most respectable eye-witnesses, (Maracci, tom. ii. p. 690.) The festival is still celebrated by the Persians, (Chardin, tom. iv. p. 201;) and the legend is tediously spun out by Gagnier, (Vie de Mahomet, tom. i. p. 183-234,) on the faith, as it should seem, of the credulous Al Jannabi. Yet a Mahometan doctor has arraigned the credit of the principal witness, (apud Pocock, Specimen, p. 187;) the best interpreters are content with the simple sense of the Koran. (Al Beidawi, apud Hottinger, Hist. Orient. l. ii. p. 302;) and the silence of Abulfeda is worthy of a prince and a philosopher. * Note: Compare Hamaker Notes to Inc. Auct. Lib. de Exped. Memphides, p. 62—M.
先知体的文辞惯用现在时或过去时来指未来;穆罕默德便曾说过:Appropinquavit hora, et scissa est luna(拉丁语:时辰已近,月已裂开;《古兰经》c. 54, v. 1;见马拉奇,tom. ii. p. 688)。这一修辞格竟被坐实为一桩事实,据说还有最可敬的目击者为之作证(马拉奇,tom. ii. p. 690)。波斯人至今仍为此设节庆祝(夏尔丹,tom. iv. p. 201);而加尼耶把这则传说拖沓地敷演开来(Vie de Mahomet, tom. i. p. 183-234),所凭依的,看来又是那位轻信的贾纳比。然而曾有一位穆斯林学者质疑那位主要见证人的可信(波科克,Specimen, p. 187);最高明的注家(如拜达维,见霍廷格,Hist. Orient. l. ii. p. 302)则满足于《古兰经》字面的朴素意思;至于阿布尔费达的缄默,倒不失为一位君主兼哲人的风度。*编者按:可比较哈马克为 Inc. Auct. Lib. de Exped. Memphides 所作的注释,p. 62。—M
100
Abulpharagius, in Specimen Hist. Arab. p. 17; and his scepticism is justified in the notes of Pocock, p. 190-194, from the purest authorities.
见阿布·法拉杰,Specimen Hist. Arab. p. 17;他的怀疑态度,在波科克的注释(p. 190-194)中据最纯正的权威得到了佐证。
101
The most authentic account of these precepts, pilgrimage, prayer, fasting, alms, and ablutions, is extracted from the Persian and Arabian theologians by Maracci, (Prodrom. part iv. p. 9-24,) Reland, (in his excellent treatise de Religione Mohammedica, Utrecht, 1717, p. 67-123,) and Chardin, (Voyages in Perse, tom. iv. p. 47-195.) Marace is a partial accuser; but the jeweller, Chardin, had the eyes of a philosopher; and Reland, a judicious student, had travelled over the East in his closet at Utrecht. The xivth letter of Tournefort (Voyage du Levont, tom. ii. p. 325-360, in octavo) describes what he had seen of the religion of the Turks.
关于这些戒律——朝觐、礼拜、斋戒、施舍与净礼——最可信的记述,由马拉奇(Prodrom. part iv. p. 9-24)、雷兰(见其佳作 de Religione Mohammedica,乌得勒支,1717年,p. 67-123)以及夏尔丹(Voyages in Perse, tom. iv. p. 47-195)从波斯与阿拉伯的神学家著作中辑出。马拉奇是个存有偏见的控诉者;但那位珠宝商夏尔丹,却生就一双哲人的眼睛;而雷兰这位审慎的学者,则是坐在乌得勒支的书斋里,神游遍了东方。图尔内福尔的第十四封书信(Voyage du Levont, tom. ii. p. 325-360,八开本)描述了他所亲见的土耳其人的宗教。
1011
Such is Mahometanism beyond the precincts of the Holy City. But Mahomet retained, and the Koran sanctions, (Sale’s Koran, c. 5, in inlt. c. 22, vol. ii. p. 171, 172,) the sacrifice of sheep and camels (probably according to the old Arabian rites) at Mecca; and the pilgrims complete their ceremonial with sacrifices, sometimes as numerous and costly as those of King Solomon. Compare note, vol. iv. c. xxiii. p. 96, and Forster’s Mahometanism Unveiled, vol. i. p. 420. This author quotes the questionable authority of Benjamin of Tudela, for the sacrifice of a camel by the caliph at Bosra; but sacrifice undoubtedly forms no part of the ordinary Mahometan ritual; nor will the sanctity of the caliph, as the earthly representative of the prophet, bear any close analogy to the priesthood of the Mosaic or Gentila religions.—M.
在圣城范围之外,穆斯林教大抵如此。但穆罕默德仍保留了、《古兰经》也认可(塞尔本《古兰经》, c. 5, in init.;c. 22, vol. ii. p. 171, 172)在麦加宰杀绵羊与骆驼献祭之俗(大概沿袭古阿拉伯的仪节);朝觐者也以献祭作为其礼仪的收束,而所献之牲有时数目之多、耗费之巨,不亚于所罗门王的献祭。可比较本书第四卷第二十三章注释,p. 96,以及 Forster, Mahometanism Unveiled, vol. i. p. 420。该书作者援引了图德拉的本雅明这一可疑的权威,说哈里发曾在博斯拉宰骆驼献祭;但献祭无疑绝非寻常穆斯林礼仪的一部分;而哈里发身为先知在世的代表,其神圣性也与摩西宗教或外邦宗教中的祭司职分并无多少可类比之处。—M
102
Mahomet (Sale’s Koran, c. 9, p. 153) reproaches the Christians with taking their priests and monks for their lords, besides God. Yet Maracci (Prodromus, part iii. p. 69, 70) excuses the worship, especially of the pope, and quotes, from the Koran itself, the case of Eblis, or Satan, who was cast from heaven for refusing to adore Adam.
穆罕默德(塞尔本《古兰经》, c. 9, p. 153)责备基督徒把祭司与僧侣、而非唯独把真主,奉为自己的主。然而马拉奇(Prodromus, part iii. p. 69, 70)却为这种崇拜——尤其是对教宗的崇拜——开脱,并从《古兰经》本身举出易卜劣厮(即撒但)的例子:他正因拒绝叩拜亚当,才被逐出天庭。
103
Koran, c. 5, p. 94, and Sale’s note, which refers to the authority of Jallaloddin and Al Beidawi. D’Herbelot declares, that Mahomet condemned la vie religieuse; and that the first swarms of fakirs, dervises, &c., did not appear till after the year 300 of the Hegira, (Bibliot. Orient. p. 292, 718.)
《古兰经》第5章第94节,及塞尔的注释——该注引据了贾拉勒丁与拜达维的权威。埃尔布洛断言,穆罕默德曾谴责 la vie religieuse(法语:修道生活);又说托钵僧、苦行僧之类,要到希吉拉300年以后才成群出现(Bibliot. Orient. p. 292, 718)。
104
See the double prohibition, (Koran, c. 2, p. 25, c. 5, p. 94;) the one in the style of a legislator, the other in that of a fanatic. The public and private motives of Mahomet are investigated by Prideaux (Life of Mahomet, p. 62-64) and Sale, (Preliminary Discourse, p. 124.)
见那两重禁令(Koran, c. 2, p. 25;c. 5, p. 94):一条出以立法者的口吻,另一条出以狂热者的口吻。穆罕默德或公或私的动机,普里多(Life of Mahomet, p. 62-64)与塞尔(Preliminary Discourse, p. 124)都作过探究。
105
The jealousy of Maracci (Prodromus, part iv. p. 33) prompts him to enumerate the more liberal alms of the Catholics of Rome. Fifteen great hospitals are open to many thousand patients and pilgrims; fifteen hundred maidens are annually portioned; fifty-six charity schools are founded for both sexes; one hundred and twenty confraternities relieve the wants of their brethren, &c. The benevolence of London is still more extensive; but I am afraid that much more is to be ascribed to the humanity, than to the religion, of the people.
马拉奇(Prodromus, part iv. p. 33)出于争胜之心,特意历数罗马天主教徒更为慷慨的种种施舍:十五所大医院向成千上万的病人与朝圣者敞开;每年有一千五百名少女获得资助的嫁妆;为男女两性开办的慈善学校共五十六所;一百二十个互助会赈济各自会众的困乏,等等。伦敦的善举则更为广博;只是我恐怕,这多半要归功于当地民众的人道之心,而非其宗教信仰。
106
See Herodotus (l. ii. c. 123) and our learned countryman Sir John Marsham, (Canon. Chronicus, p. 46.) The same writer (p. 254-274) is an elaborate sketch of the infernal regions, as they were painted by the fancy of the Egyptians and Greeks, of the poets and philosophers of antiquity.
见希罗多德(l. ii. c. 123),以及我国博学的同胞约翰·马香爵士(Canon. Chronicus, p. 46)。同一作者(p. 254-274)还细致勾勒了阴间的景象,那是古代埃及人与希腊人、古代诗人与哲人凭想象描绘出来的。
107
The Koran (c. 2, p. 259, &c.; of Sale, p. 32; of Maracci, p. 97) relates an ingenious miracle, which satisfied the curiosity, and confirmed the faith, of Abraham.
《古兰经》(c. 2, p. 259 等;塞尔本,p. 32;马拉奇本,p. 97)讲述了一桩巧妙的奇迹,它满足了亚伯拉罕的好奇,也坚定了他的信仰。
108
The candid Reland has demonstrated, that Mahomet damns all unbelievers, (de Religion. Moham. p. 128-142;) that devils will not be finally saved, (p. 196-199;) that paradise will not solely consist of corporeal delights, (p. 199-205;) and that women’s souls are immortal. (p. 205-209.)
坦诚的雷兰已经证明:穆罕默德把一切不信者都打入永罚(de Religion. Moham. p. 128-142);群魔终究不得拯救(p. 196-199);乐园并非仅由肉体的欢愉构成(p. 199-205);而女子的灵魂也是不朽的(p. 205-209)。
109
A Beidawi, apud Sale. Koran, c. 9, p. 164. The refusal to pray for an unbelieving kindred is justified, according to Mahomet, by the duty of a prophet, and the example of Abraham, who reprobated his own father as an enemy of God. Yet Abraham (he adds, c. 9, v. 116. Maracci, tom. ii. p. 317) fuit sane pius, mitis.
拜达维,转引自塞尔译《古兰经》第9章,第164页。据穆罕默德说,不为不信道的亲属祈祷之所以正当,一凭先知的职责,二凭亚伯拉罕的先例——亚伯拉罕曾把自己的父亲斥为真主的仇敌。然而亚伯拉罕(他又补充道,c. 9, v. 116;马拉奇,tom. ii. p. 317)fuit sane pius, mitis(拉丁语:确是虔敬而温良的)。
110
For the day of judgment, hell, paradise, &c., consult the Koran, (c. 2, v. 25, c. 56, 78, &c.;) with Maracci’s virulent, but learned, refutation, (in his notes, and in the Prodromus, part iv. p. 78, 120, 122, &c.;) D’Herbelot, (Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 368, 375;) Reland, (p. 47-61;) and Sale, (p. 76-103.) The original ideas of the Magi are darkly and doubtfully explored by their apologist, Dr. Hyde, (Hist. Religionis Persarum, c. 33, p. 402-412, Oxon. 1760.) In the article of Mahomet, Bayle has shown how indifferently wit and philosophy supply the absence of genuine information.
关于末日审判、地狱、乐园等,可查阅《古兰经》(c. 2, v. 25;c. 56, 78 等),并参看马拉奇那篇刻毒然而博学的驳论(散见其注释,及 Prodromus, part iv. p. 78, 120, 122 等);埃尔布洛(Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 368, 375);雷兰(p. 47-61);以及塞尔(p. 76-103)。麻葛最初的观念,经其辩护者海德博士(Hist. Religionis Persarum, c. 33, p. 402-412,牛津,1760年)作了一番隐晦而含糊的探究。而在论穆罕默德的那一条目里,培尔已经表明:才智与哲思,在缺乏真凭实据时,是何等无济于事。
111
Before I enter on the history of the prophet, it is incumbent on me to produce my evidence. The Latin, French, and English versions of the Koran are preceded by historical discourses, and the three translators, Maracci, (tom. i. p. 10-32,) Savary, (tom. i. p. 1-248,) and Sale, (Preliminary Discourse, p. 33-56,) had accurately studied the language and character of their author. Two professed Lives of Mahomet have been composed by Dr. Prideaux (Life of Mahomet, seventh edition, London, 1718, in octavo) and the count de Boulainvilliers, (Vie de Mahomed, Londres, 1730, in octavo: ) but the adverse wish of finding an impostor or a hero, has too often corrupted the learning of the doctor and the ingenuity of the count. The article in D’Herbelot (Bibliot. Orient. p. 598-603) is chiefly drawn from Novairi and Mirkond; but the best and most authentic of our guides is M. Gagnier, a Frenchman by birth, and professor at Oxford of the Oriental tongues. In two elaborate works, (Ismael Abulfeda de Vita et Rebus gestis Mohammedis, &c. Latine vertit, Praefatione et Notis illustravit Johannes Gagnier, Oxon. 1723, in folio. La Vie de Mahomet traduite et compilee de l’Alcoran, des Traditions Authentiques de la Sonna et des meilleurs Auteurs Arabes; Amsterdam, 1748, 3 vols. in 12mo.,) he has interpreted, illustrated, and supplied the Arabic text of Abulfeda and Al Jannabi; the first, an enlightened prince who reigned at Hamah, in Syria, A.D. 1310-1332, (see Gagnier Praefat. ad Abulfed.;) the second, a credulous doctor, who visited Mecca A.D. 1556. (D’Herbelot, p. 397. Gagnier, tom. iii. p. 209, 210.) These are my general vouchers, and the inquisitive reader may follow the order of time, and the division of chapters. Yet I must observe that both Abulfeda and Al Jannabi are modern historians, and that they cannot appeal to any writers of the first century of the Hegira. * Note: A new Life, by Dr. Weil, (Stuttgart. 1843,) has added some few traditions unknown in Europe. Of Dr. Weil’s Arabic scholarship, which professes to correct many errors in Gagnier, in Maracci, and in M. von Hammer, I am no judge. But it is remarkable that he does not seem acquainted with the passage of Tabari, translated by Colonel Vans Kennedy, in the Bombay Transactions, (vol. iii.,) the earliest and most important addition made to the traditionary Life of Mahomet. I am inclined to think Colonel Vans Kennedy’s appreciation of the prophet’s character, which may be overlooked in a criticism on Voltaire’s Mahomet, the most just which I have ever read. The work of Dr. Weil appears to me most valuable in its dissection and chronological view of the Koran.—M. 1845
在着手叙述这位先知的生平之前,我理当先交代我的依据。《古兰经》的拉丁文、法文与英文译本,卷首都冠有历史性的绪论;三位译者——马拉奇(tom. i. p. 10-32)、萨瓦里(tom. i. p. 1-248)与塞尔(Preliminary Discourse, p. 33-56)——都曾精研其作者的语言与性情。专门的《穆罕默德传》有两部,分别出自普里多博士(Life of Mahomet,第七版,伦敦,1718年,八开本)与布兰维利耶伯爵(Vie de Mahomed,伦敦,1730年,八开本)之手;然而,一心要找出一个骗子、或一位英雄的成见,屡屡败坏了博士的学问与伯爵的才思。埃尔布洛书中那一条目(Bibliot. Orient. p. 598-603),主要取材于努韦里与米尔洪德;但我们最好、也最可靠的向导,还得数加尼耶先生——他生为法国人,在牛津担任东方语言教授。在两部精心结撰的著作中(Ismael Abulfeda de Vita et Rebus gestis Mohammedis, &c. Latine vertit, Praefatione et Notis illustravit Johannes Gagnier, Oxon. 1723, in folio;以及 La Vie de Mahomet traduite et compilee de l’Alcoran, des Traditions Authentiques de la Sonna et des meilleurs Auteurs Arabes;阿姆斯特丹,1748年,12开本三卷),他翻译、疏解并补全了阿布尔费达与贾纳比的阿拉伯文本;前者是一位开明的君主,公元1310至1332年间统治叙利亚的哈马(见加尼耶 Praefat. ad Abulfed.),后者则是一位轻信的学者,公元1556年到过麦加(埃尔布洛,p. 397;加尼耶,tom. iii. p. 209, 210)。以上便是我总的凭据所在,好问的读者尽可循着时间的先后与章节的划分去查考。不过我必须指出:阿布尔费达与贾纳比都是晚近的史家,他们并不能援引希吉拉头一个世纪的任何作者。*编者按:韦尔博士新著的一部传记(斯图加特,1843年)增补了几条欧洲此前未闻的传述。韦尔博士的阿拉伯文造诣,据称纠正了加尼耶、马拉奇与冯·哈默的诸多讹误,此中高下我无从评判。但值得注意的是,他似乎并不知道塔巴里的那段文字——那段文字由万斯·肯尼迪上校译出,载于《孟买学会会刊》第三卷,乃是对相传的穆罕默德生平所作的最早、也最重要的增补。万斯·肯尼迪上校对这位先知性格的评价——它或许被埋没在一篇评伏尔泰《穆罕默德》的文章之中——依我看,是我所读过的最为公允的评价。至于韦尔博士的著作,我以为其最可贵之处,在于对《古兰经》的剖析与编年式的梳理。—M 1845
112
After the Greeks, Prideaux (p. 8) discloses the secret doubts of the wife of Mahomet. As if he had been a privy counsellor of the prophet, Boulainvilliers (p. 272, &c.) unfolds the sublime and patriotic views of Cadijah and the first disciples.
普里多(p. 8)步希腊人之后尘,揭出了穆罕默德妻子心底的疑虑。而布兰维利耶(p. 272 等)则仿佛当过这位先知的枢密顾问一般,铺陈起赫蒂彻及最初几位门徒那崇高而爱国的种种襟怀。
113
Vezirus, portitor, bajulus, onus ferens; and this plebeian name was transferred by an apt metaphor to the pillars of the state, (Gagnier, Not. ad Abulfed. p. 19.) I endeavor to preserve the Arabian idiom, as far as I can feel it myself in a Latin or French translation.
Vezirus, portitor, bajulus, onus ferens(拉丁语:维齐尔,即脚夫、挑夫、负荷者);这个出身寒微的称呼,后来经一个贴切的比喻,移用到了国家的柱石身上(加尼耶,Not. ad Abulfed. p. 19)。我尽力保全阿拉伯语的韵味——只要我借着拉丁文或法文译本还能体会得到。
114
The passages of the Koran in behalf of toleration are strong and numerous: c. 2, v. 257, c. 16, 129, c. 17, 54, c. 45, 15, c. 50, 39, c. 88, 21, &c., with the notes of Maracci and Sale. This character alone may generally decide the doubts of the learned, whether a chapter was revealed at Mecca or Medina.
《古兰经》中主张宽容的经文,既有力又众多:c. 2, v. 257;c. 16, 129;c. 17, 54;c. 45, 15;c. 50, 39;c. 88, 21 等,并见马拉奇与塞尔的注释。单凭这一特征,通常便足以替学者们判定一章经文究竟是在麦加、还是在麦地那降示的。
115
See the Koran, (passim, and especially c. 7, p. 123, 124, &c.,) and the tradition of the Arabs, (Pocock, Specimen, p. 35-37.) The caverns of the tribe of Thamud, fit for men of the ordinary stature, were shown in the midway between Medina and Damascus. (Abulfed Arabiae Descript. p. 43, 44,) and may be probably ascribed to the Throglodytes of the primitive world, (Michaelis, ad Lowth de Poesi Hebraeor. p. 131-134. Recherches sur les Egyptiens, tom. ii. p. 48, &c.)
见《古兰经》(各处,尤其是 c. 7, p. 123, 124 等),以及阿拉伯人的传说(波科克,Specimen, p. 35-37)。塔穆德部落那些洞穴,恰能容下寻常身量的人,就展示在麦地那与大马士革之间的中途(Abulfed Arabiae Descript. p. 43, 44);这些洞穴多半可归之于太初之世的穴居人(米夏埃利斯,ad Lowth de Poesi Hebraeor. p. 131-134;Recherches sur les Egyptiens, tom. ii. p. 48 等)。