Chapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part III. 第五十章 阿拉伯及其居民——第三节

Arabia was free: the adjacent kingdoms were shaken by the storms of conquest and tyranny, and the persecuted sects fled to the happy land where they might profess what they thought, and practise what they professed. The religions of the Sabians and Magians, of the Jews and Christians, were disseminated from the Persian Gulf to the Red Sea. In a remote period of antiquity, Sabianism was diffused over Asia by the science of the Chaldaeans 55 and the arms of the Assyrians. From the observations of two thousand years, the priests and astronomers of Babylon 56 deduced the eternal laws of nature and providence. They adored the seven gods or angels, who directed the course of the seven planets, and shed their irresistible influence on the earth. The attributes of the seven planets, with the twelve signs of the zodiac, and the twenty-four constellations of the northern and southern hemisphere, were represented by images and talismans; the seven days of the week were dedicated to their respective deities; the Sabians prayed thrice each day; and the temple of the moon at Haran was the term of their pilgrimage. 57 But the flexible genius of their faith was always ready either to teach or to learn: in the tradition of the creation, the deluge, and the patriarchs, they held a singular agreement with their Jewish captives; they appealed to the secret books of Adam, Seth, and Enoch; and a slight infusion of the gospel has transformed the last remnant of the Polytheists into the Christians of St. John, in the territory of Bassora. 58 The altars of Babylon were overturned by the Magians; but the injuries of the Sabians were revenged by the sword of Alexander; Persia groaned above five hundred years under a foreign yoke; and the purest disciples of Zoroaster escaped from the contagion of idolatry, and breathed with their adversaries the freedom of the desert. 59 Seven hundred years before the death of Mahomet, the Jews were settled in Arabia; and a far greater multitude was expelled from the Holy Land in the wars of Titus and Hadrian. The industrious exiles aspired to liberty and power: they erected synagogues in the cities, and castles in the wilderness, and their Gentile converts were confounded with the children of Israel, whom they resembled in the outward mark of circumcision. The Christian missionaries were still more active and successful: the Catholics asserted their universal reign; the sects whom they oppressed, successively retired beyond the limits of the Roman empire; the Marcionites and Manichaeans dispersed their fantastic opinions and apocryphal gospels; the churches of Yemen, and the princes of Hira and Gassan, were instructed in a purer creed by the Jacobite and Nestorian bishops. 60 The liberty of choice was presented to the tribes: each Arab was free to elect or to compose his private religion: and the rude superstition of his house was mingled with the sublime theology of saints and philosophers. A fundamental article of faith was inculcated by the consent of the learned strangers; the existence of one supreme God who is exalted above the powers of heaven and earth, but who has often revealed himself to mankind by the ministry of his angels and prophets, and whose grace or justice has interrupted, by seasonable miracles, the order of nature. The most rational of the Arabs acknowledged his power, though they neglected his worship; 61 and it was habit rather than conviction that still attached them to the relics of idolatry. The Jews and Christians were the people of the Book; the Bible was already translated into the Arabic language, 62 and the volume of the Old Testament was accepted by the concord of these implacable enemies. In the story of the Hebrew patriarchs, the Arabs were pleased to discover the fathers of their nation. They applauded the birth and promises of Ismael; revered the faith and virtue of Abraham; traced his pedigree and their own to the creation of the first man, and imbibed, with equal credulity, the prodigies of the holy text, and the dreams and traditions of the Jewish rabbis.
阿拉伯是一片自由之邦:四邻的王国在征服与暴政的风暴中震荡不安,受迫害的各教派于是纷纷逃往这片乐土;在那里,他们尽可坦然宣讲自己所信、践行自己所讲。萨比教与麻葛教、犹太教与基督教,从波斯湾一直传布到红海之滨。远古之世,萨比教曾凭迦勒底人的学术55与亚述人的兵威,散播于整个亚洲。巴比伦的祭司与天文家56,凭着两千年的观测,推演出自然与天意的永恒法则。他们崇拜七位神祇或天使,说这七位主宰着七大行星的运行,把不可抗拒的影响倾洒于大地。七大行星的属性,连同黄道十二宫,以及南北两半球的二十四星座,都以图像与护符来表征;一周七日各奉献给相应的神祇;萨比教徒每日祈祷三次;哈兰的月神庙,则是他们朝圣的终点。57然而他们的信仰生来圆通,随时既愿施教,也肯受教:在创世、洪水与列祖的传说上,他们与被掳来的犹太人竟出奇地一致;他们援引亚当、塞特与以诺的秘籍;而福音略一渗入,便把这多神教徒的最后孑遗,化成了巴士拉一带的“圣约翰基督徒”。58巴比伦的祭坛为麻葛教徒所倾覆;而萨比教徒所受的欺凌,终赖亚历山大之剑得雪;波斯在异族的枷锁下呻吟了五百余年;琐罗亚斯德最纯正的门徒,则挣脱了偶像崇拜的沾染,与他们的对手一同呼吸着大漠的自由。59早在穆罕默德去世前七百年,犹太人便已在阿拉伯定居;而在提图斯与哈德良的战争中,更有远为庞大的人群被逐出圣地。这些勤勉的流亡者渴望自由与权势:他们在城中建起会堂,在荒野筑起城堡;那些归化的外邦人,因同样带着割礼这一外在标记,竟与以色列的子孙混同莫辨。基督教的传教士则更为奋勉,也更有成效:大公教会力主普世统辖之权,而遭其压制的各教派,则一个接一个退往罗马帝国的疆界之外;马西昂派与摩尼教徒散播着奇诞的见解与伪经福音书;也门的众教会,以及希拉与加桑的君主,则从雅各派与聂斯脱利派的主教处,习得更为纯正的信条。60各部族都获得了选择的自由:每个阿拉伯人都可随意择取、乃至自创一套私人的宗教;于是他家传的粗陋迷信,便与圣徒和哲人那崇高的神学掺杂到了一处。那些博学的异乡人异口同声,反复灌输着一条基本的信条:独一至高的真主实在存在,他超乎天地间一切权能之上,却又常常借着天使与先知的中介向世人显现自身,并以适时的神迹,凭其恩典或公义打断自然的常轨。阿拉伯人中最明理的,虽承认他的大能,却疏于对他的崇拜;61他们仍旧牵系于偶像崇拜的残余,与其说出于信念,不如说出于积习。犹太人与基督徒同为“有经之民”;《圣经》那时已译成阿拉伯语,62而《旧约》全书,这两个势不两立的仇敌竟也一致予以认可。在希伯来列祖的故事里,阿拉伯人欣然认出了本民族的先祖。他们盛赞以实玛利的降生及其所承的应许,敬仰亚伯拉罕的信德与美行,把他的世系连同自己的世系一直上溯到第一个人的受造,又以同样的轻信,一并吞下了圣典中的种种奇迹,以及犹太拉比们的臆想与传说。
The base and plebeian origin of Mahomet is an unskilful calumny of the Christians, 63 who exalt instead of degrading the merit of their adversary. His descent from Ismael was a national privilege or fable; but if the first steps of the pedigree 64 are dark and doubtful, he could produce many generations of pure and genuine nobility: he sprung from the tribe of Koreish and the family of Hashem, the most illustrious of the Arabs, the princes of Mecca, and the hereditary guardians of the Caaba. The grandfather of Mahomet was Abdol Motalleb, the son of Hashem, a wealthy and generous citizen, who relieved the distress of famine with the supplies of commerce. Mecca, which had been fed by the liberality of the father, was saved by the courage of the son. The kingdom of Yemen was subject to the Christian princes of Abyssinia; their vassal Abrahah was provoked by an insult to avenge the honor of the cross; and the holy city was invested by a train of elephants and an army of Africans. A treaty was proposed; and, in the first audience, the grandfather of Mahomet demanded the restitution of his cattle. “And why,” said Abrahah, “do you not rather implore my clemency in favor of your temple, which I have threatened to destroy?” “Because,” replied the intrepid chief, “the cattle is my own; the Caaba belongs to the gods, and they will defend their house from injury and sacrilege.” The want of provisions, or the valor of the Koreish, compelled the Abyssinians to a disgraceful retreat: their discomfiture has been adorned with a miraculous flight of birds, who showered down stones on the heads of the infidels; and the deliverance was long commemorated by the aera of the elephant. 65 The glory of Abdol Motalleb was crowned with domestic happiness; his life was prolonged to the age of one hundred and ten years; and he became the father of six daughters and thirteen sons. His best beloved Abdallah was the most beautiful and modest of the Arabian youth; and in the first night, when he consummated his marriage with Amina, 651 of the noble race of the Zahrites, two hundred virgins are said to have expired of jealousy and despair. Mahomet, or more properly Mohammed, the only son of Abdallah and Amina, was born at Mecca, four years after the death of Justinian, and two months after the defeat of the Abyssinians, 66 whose victory would have introduced into the Caaba the religion of the Christians. In his early infancy, he was deprived of his father, his mother, and his grandfather; his uncles were strong and numerous; and, in the division of the inheritance, the orphan’s share was reduced to five camels and an Aethiopian maid-servant. At home and abroad, in peace and war, Abu Taleb, the most respectable of his uncles, was the guide and guardian of his youth; in his twenty-fifth year, he entered into the service of Cadijah, a rich and noble widow of Mecca, who soon rewarded his fidelity with the gift of her hand and fortune. The marriage contract, in the simple style of antiquity, recites the mutual love of Mahomet and Cadijah; describes him as the most accomplished of the tribe of Koreish; and stipulates a dowry of twelve ounces of gold and twenty camels, which was supplied by the liberality of his uncle. 67 By this alliance, the son of Abdallah was restored to the station of his ancestors; and the judicious matron was content with his domestic virtues, till, in the fortieth year of his age, 68 he assumed the title of a prophet, and proclaimed the religion of the Koran.
说穆罕默德出身卑贱寒微,这是基督徒一记拙劣的诽谤,63他们非但没有贬损对手的身价,反倒将其抬高。说他是以实玛利的后裔,这或是全民族的一项殊荣,或不过是一个传说;然而,这世系最初的几代64纵然晦暗可疑,往下却有许多代纯正无伪的高贵血统。他出自古莱什部族、哈希姆家族——那是阿拉伯人中最显赫的一支,世代为麦加的君长、克尔白的守护者。穆罕默德的祖父是阿卜杜勒·穆塔利卜,哈希姆之子,一位富有而慷慨的市民,曾以经商所得的储备赈济饥荒之苦。麦加曾靠父亲的慷慨得以果腹,又靠儿子的勇气得以保全。也门王国当时臣属于信奉基督教的阿比西尼亚君主;他们的附庸阿布拉哈因受辱而激愤,遂起兵为十字架的荣誉复仇;于是一列战象、一支非洲大军,把那座圣城团团围住。双方议约;初次会面时,穆罕默德的祖父只要求归还他的牲畜。“那么,”阿布拉哈问道,“你为何不为你那座神庙求我开恩呢?我可是扬言要把它夷平的。”“因为,”这位无所畏惧的族长答道,“牲畜是我自己的,克尔白却属于诸神,诸神自会护卫自己的殿宇,免遭损毁与亵渎。”或因粮草匮乏,或因古莱什人的勇武,阿比西尼亚人终于被迫狼狈退兵;后人又为这场溃败添上一则神迹:一群飞鸟从天而降,把石子如雨般倾落在异教徒头上;而这次解围,也长久地以“象年”相纪念。65阿卜杜勒·穆塔利卜不仅荣耀加身,更兼天伦之乐:他享寿一百一十岁,育有六女十三子。他最钟爱的阿卜杜拉,是阿拉伯青年中最俊美、最谦谨的一个;据说他与出身祖赫拉望族的阿米娜651圆房的头一夜,竟有两百名少女因妒恨与绝望而香消玉殒。穆罕默德——其名更确切地应拼作 Mohammed——是阿卜杜拉与阿米娜的独子,生于麦加,其时距查士丁尼去世已四年,距阿比西尼亚人败退方两月;66那些人若得胜,就会把基督教引进克尔白了。他尚在襁褓之中,便先后失去了父亲、母亲和祖父;他的诸位叔父人多势众,在分割遗产时,这孤儿所得的份额,竟只缩减到五头骆驼和一名埃塞俄比亚女奴。无论居家还是出门,无论平时还是战时,他叔父中最可敬的阿布·塔利卜,都是他少年时代的引路人与监护者;二十五岁那年,他受雇于赫蒂彻——麦加一位富有而高贵的寡妇;不久,她便以许身与家财,来酬答他的忠诚。那份婚约以古朴的笔调,历数穆罕默德与赫蒂彻的两情相悦,称他为古莱什部族中最出类拔萃者,并议定聘礼为黄金十二盎司、骆驼二十头——这聘礼则由他叔父慷慨代出。67借着这门婚姻,阿卜杜拉之子重新回到了祖先的地位;而这位精明的主妇,一直满意于他持家的德行,直到他四十岁那年,68自称先知,宣布了《古兰经》的宗教。
According to the tradition of his companions, Mahomet 69 was distinguished by the beauty of his person, an outward gift which is seldom despised, except by those to whom it has been refused. Before he spoke, the orator engaged on his side the affections of a public or private audience. They applauded his commanding presence, his majestic aspect, his piercing eye, his gracious smile, his flowing beard, his countenance that painted every sensation of the soul, and his gestures that enforced each expression of the tongue. In the familiar offices of life he scrupulously adhered to the grave and ceremonious politeness of his country: his respectful attention to the rich and powerful was dignified by his condescension and affability to the poorest citizens of Mecca: the frankness of his manner concealed the artifice of his views; and the habits of courtesy were imputed to personal friendship or universal benevolence. His memory was capacious and retentive; his wit easy and social; his imagination sublime; his judgment clear, rapid, and decisive. He possessed the courage both of thought and action; and, although his designs might gradually expand with his success, the first idea which he entertained of his divine mission bears the stamp of an original and superior genius. The son of Abdallah was educated in the bosom of the noblest race, in the use of the purest dialect of Arabia; and the fluency of his speech was corrected and enhanced by the practice of discreet and seasonable silence. With these powers of eloquence, Mahomet was an illiterate Barbarian: his youth had never been instructed in the arts of reading and writing; 70 the common ignorance exempted him from shame or reproach, but he was reduced to a narrow circle of existence, and deprived of those faithful mirrors, which reflect to our mind the minds of sages and heroes. Yet the book of nature and of man was open to his view; and some fancy has been indulged in the political and philosophical observations which are ascribed to the Arabian traveller. 71 He compares the nations and the regions of the earth; discovers the weakness of the Persian and Roman monarchies; beholds, with pity and indignation, the degeneracy of the times; and resolves to unite under one God and one king the invincible spirit and primitive virtues of the Arabs. Our more accurate inquiry will suggest, that, instead of visiting the courts, the camps, the temples, of the East, the two journeys of Mahomet into Syria were confined to the fairs of Bostra and Damascus; that he was only thirteen years of age when he accompanied the caravan of his uncle; and that his duty compelled him to return as soon as he had disposed of the merchandise of Cadijah. In these hasty and superficial excursions, the eye of genius might discern some objects invisible to his grosser companions; some seeds of knowledge might be cast upon a fruitful soil; but his ignorance of the Syriac language must have checked his curiosity; and I cannot perceive, in the life or writings of Mahomet, that his prospect was far extended beyond the limits of the Arabian world. From every region of that solitary world, the pilgrims of Mecca were annually assembled, by the calls of devotion and commerce: in the free concourse of multitudes, a simple citizen, in his native tongue, might study the political state and character of the tribes, the theory and practice of the Jews and Christians. Some useful strangers might be tempted, or forced, to implore the rights of hospitality; and the enemies of Mahomet have named the Jew, the Persian, and the Syrian monk, whom they accuse of lending their secret aid to the composition of the Koran. 72 Conversation enriches the understanding, but solitude is the school of genius; and the uniformity of a work denotes the hand of a single artist. From his earliest youth Mahomet was addicted to religious contemplation; each year, during the month of Ramadan, he withdrew from the world, and from the arms of Cadijah: in the cave of Hera, three miles from Mecca, 73 he consulted the spirit of fraud or enthusiasm, whose abode is not in the heavens, but in the mind of the prophet. The faith which, under the name of Islam, he preached to his family and nation, is compounded of an eternal truth, and a necessary fiction, That there is only one God, and that Mahomet is the apostle of God.
据他门徒的传述,穆罕默德69以仪容俊美见称;这份外在的天赋,除了那些求之不得的人,鲜有人会轻看。还未开口,这位演说家便已赢得了听众的心,无论当众还是私下。人们无不赞叹他那令人折服的仪表、庄严的气度、锐利的目光、和蔼的微笑、飘拂的长须;赞叹他那面容,能把心中每一丝情绪都描画出来;赞叹他那手势,能为唇齿间每一句话都增添力量。在日常应酬往来中,他一丝不苟地恪守着本国那种庄重而讲究礼数的风范:他对权贵固然恭敬周到,而这份恭敬,又因他待麦加最贫寒的市民也谦和可亲而更显得体;他举止的坦率,掩住了他用心的机巧;而他习以为常的殷勤,人们则归之于私交的情谊,或普世的仁爱。他记性宽广而牢固,机智从容而合群,想象崇高不凡,判断清晰、敏捷而果断。他兼具思想与行动的勇气;尽管他的图谋或许随着成功而逐步扩张,但他最初怀抱的那个“身负神圣使命”的念头,却已带着一种原创而超凡的天才印记。阿卜杜拉之子在最高贵的族裔怀中长大,习得了阿拉伯最纯正的方言;而他谈吐流畅,又因懂得审慎而适时地保持沉默,愈显节制而精当。纵有这般雄辩之能,穆罕默德却是个目不识丁的蛮族之人:他少年时代不曾受过读写的训练;70这在当时是普遍的蒙昧,故而他既不以为耻,也无人责难;但这也把他局促在一个狭小的生存圈子里,使他失去了那些忠实的镜子——正是它们,把圣哲与英雄的心灵映照进我们的心中。然而自然与人事这部大书,毕竟向他敞开着;人们又不免驰骋想象,把种种政治与哲学的洞见,附会到这位阿拉伯旅人身上:71他比较大地上各个民族与地域,看破了波斯与罗马两大君主国的虚弱,怀着怜悯与愤慨注视着这世道的堕落,遂立志把阿拉伯人那不可征服的精神与质朴的德性,统摄于一位真主、一位君王之下。但若我们考究得更为精确,便会发现:穆罕默德那两趟叙利亚之行,并未遍访东方的宫廷、军营与神庙,而不过局限于波斯特拉与大马士革的集市;他随叔父的商队同行时,年方十三;而一旦把赫蒂彻的货物脱手,职责便逼着他即刻返程。在这般匆忙而浮泛的往返中,天才的慧眼,或许能察见某些为他那些粗鄙同伴所看不见的事物;某些知识的种子,或许也撒落在了沃土之上;但他不通叙利亚语,这必定遏制了他的好奇;而在穆罕默德的生平或著述中,我实在看不出他的眼界曾远远越出阿拉伯世界的疆界。从那与世隔绝的天地各个角落,麦加的朝圣者每年应着虔敬与商贸的召唤而齐集:在这万众自由汇聚之处,一个寻常市民,凭着母语,便足以考察各部族的政情与秉性,以及犹太人和基督徒的教义与实践。某些有用的外乡人,或受利诱,或被逼迫,前来乞求款待之礼;而穆罕默德的敌人,则一一点出一名犹太人、一名波斯人和一名叙利亚僧侣,指控他们暗中相助,参与了《古兰经》的编纂。72交谈使人见识充盈,独处却是天才的学校;而一部作品的浑然一体,正表明出自一人之手。穆罕默德自少年时代起,便沉溺于宗教的冥想;每年赖买丹月(斋月)期间,他都远离尘世,也离开赫蒂彻的怀抱:在距麦加三英里的希拉山洞中,73他求问于那或属欺诈、或属狂热的精灵——而这精灵栖居之所,并不在天上,而在先知自己的心里。他以“伊斯兰”为名,向自己的家人与民族所宣讲的这一信仰,乃是由一条永恒的真理与一条必要的虚构掺合而成,即:“真主独一,穆罕默德是真主的使者。”
It is the boast of the Jewish apologists, that while the learned nations of antiquity were deluded by the fables of polytheism, their simple ancestors of Palestine preserved the knowledge and worship of the true God. The moral attributes of Jehovah may not easily be reconciled with the standard of human virtue: his metaphysical qualities are darkly expressed; but each page of the Pentateuch and the Prophets is an evidence of his power: the unity of his name is inscribed on the first table of the law; and his sanctuary was never defiled by any visible image of the invisible essence. After the ruin of the temple, the faith of the Hebrew exiles was purified, fixed, and enlightened, by the spiritual devotion of the synagogue; and the authority of Mahomet will not justify his perpetual reproach, that the Jews of Mecca or Medina adored Ezra as the son of God. 74 But the children of Israel had ceased to be a people; and the religions of the world were guilty, at least in the eyes of the prophet, of giving sons, or daughters, or companions, to the supreme God. In the rude idolatry of the Arabs, the crime is manifest and audacious: the Sabians are poorly excused by the preeminence of the first planet, or intelligence, in their celestial hierarchy; and in the Magian system the conflict of the two principles betrays the imperfection of the conqueror. The Christians of the seventh century had insensibly relapsed into a semblance of Paganism: their public and private vows were addressed to the relics and images that disgraced the temples of the East: the throne of the Almighty was darkened by a cloud of martyrs, and saints, and angels, the objects of popular veneration; and the Collyridian heretics, who flourished in the fruitful soil of Arabia, invested the Virgin Mary with the name and honors of a goddess. 75 The mysteries of the Trinity and Incarnation appear to contradict the principle of the divine unity. In their obvious sense, they introduce three equal deities, and transform the man Jesus into the substance of the Son of God: 76 an orthodox commentary will satisfy only a believing mind: intemperate curiosity and zeal had torn the veil of the sanctuary; and each of the Oriental sects was eager to confess that all, except themselves, deserved the reproach of idolatry and polytheism. The creed of Mahomet is free from suspicion or ambiguity; and the Koran is a glorious testimony to the unity of God. The prophet of Mecca rejected the worship of idols and men, of stars and planets, on the rational principle that whatever rises must set, that whatever is born must die, that whatever is corruptible must decay and perish. 77 In the Author of the universe, his rational enthusiasm confessed and adored an infinite and eternal being, without form or place, without issue or similitude, present to our most secret thoughts, existing by the necessity of his own nature, and deriving from himself all moral and intellectual perfection. These sublime truths, thus announced in the language of the prophet, 78 are firmly held by his disciples, and defined with metaphysical precision by the interpreters of the Koran. A philosophic theist might subscribe the popular creed of the Mahometans; 79 a creed too sublime, perhaps, for our present faculties. What object remains for the fancy, or even the understanding, when we have abstracted from the unknown substance all ideas of time and space, of motion and matter, of sensation and reflection? The first principle of reason and revolution was confirmed by the voice of Mahomet: his proselytes, from India to Morocco, are distinguished by the name of Unitarians; and the danger of idolatry has been prevented by the interdiction of images. The doctrine of eternal decrees and absolute predestination is strictly embraced by the Mahometans; and they struggle, with the common difficulties, how to reconcile the prescience of God with the freedom and responsibility of man; how to explain the permission of evil under the reign of infinite power and infinite goodness.
犹太教的辩护者素来自夸:当古代那些博学的民族还沉迷于多神教的虚妄传说时,他们那些质朴的巴勒斯坦先祖,却守住了对独一真神的认识与崇拜。耶和华在道德上的属性,未必容易与人类德行的标准相调和;他那些形而上的性质,则表述得晦暗不明;但《摩西五经》与《先知书》的每一页,都是他大能的明证;他名号的独一,镌刻在律法的第一块法版上;而他的圣所,也从不曾为那无形本体的任何有形之像所玷污。圣殿倾毁之后,会堂中那份属灵的虔敬,使希伯来流亡者的信仰得以纯化、稳固而开明;而穆罕默德一再重复的那句责难——说麦加或麦地那的犹太人把以斯拉奉为真主之子——即便凭他的权威,也难以成立。74但以色列的子孙,此时已不复成其为一个民族;而世上各种宗教,至少在先知眼中,都犯下了同一桩罪——为那至高的真主平添子嗣、女儿或伴侣。在阿拉伯人那粗野的偶像崇拜里,这桩罪昭然若揭,且肆无忌惮;萨比教徒以其天界等级中第一行星(或曰第一智性)居于至尊为自己辩解,却难以自圆其说;而在麻葛教的体系里,两大本原的相互角斗,恰恰暴露出胜利者本身的不完满。七世纪的基督徒,已在不知不觉间重新堕入一种形同异教的境地:他们无论公开还是私下的祷愿,都投向那些玷辱了东方教堂的圣髑与圣像;全能者的宝座,也为殉道者、圣徒与天使那一大片阴云所遮蔽——这些都是民众膜拜的对象;至于科利里迪安异端派,则在阿拉伯这片沃土上兴盛一时,更把女神的名号与尊荣,加于童贞女马利亚身上。75三位一体与道成肉身的种种奥义,看来与“真主独一”的原则相抵触。若照其字面之意,这两桩奥义等于引入了三位同等的神,并把凡人耶稣化为上帝之子的本体:76正统的诠释,只能令一颗本已信从的心信服;无度的好奇与热忱,撕开了圣所的帷幔;东方各教派于是争先恐后地宣称:除自己之外,人人都当担“偶像崇拜与多神信仰”之责。穆罕默德的信经,则不含半点可疑或含混之处;而《古兰经》正是对真主独一的一份辉煌见证。这位麦加的先知,依着一条合乎理性的原则,摒弃了对偶像与凡人、星辰与行星的崇拜——凡升起者必落下,凡出生者必死亡,凡可朽者必衰败消亡。77在这宇宙的造物主身上,他那理性的热忱所承认并崇拜的,是一位无限而永恒的存在:无形无所,无嗣无匹,洞悉我们最隐秘的思念,凭其本性之必然而存在,一切德性与智性的完满皆自他而出。这些崇高的真理,既已用先知的语言宣示,78便为他的门徒所坚信不移,又经《古兰经》的注释家们以形而上的精确加以界定。一位哲学化的有神论者,或许也会认同穆斯林通行的这套信经;79这信经或许过于崇高,已非我们当下的心智所能企及。一旦我们从那不可知的本体中,抽去了时间与空间、运动与物质、感觉与反思的一切观念,那么留给想象、乃至留给理智的,还剩下什么对象呢?理性与启示的这条首要原则,由穆罕默德之口得到了确认;从印度到摩洛哥,他的皈依者都以“一位论派”之名相区别;而借着对图像的禁绝,偶像崇拜之险也得以预先杜绝。永恒定命与绝对前定的教义,为穆斯林所严守;而他们也和众人一样,苦苦纠缠于同样的难题:如何调和真主的预知与人的自由和责任,如何解释——在无限权能与无限良善的主宰之下,罪恶何以竟被容许存在。
The God of nature has written his existence on all his works, and his law in the heart of man. To restore the knowledge of the one, and the practice of the other, has been the real or pretended aim of the prophets of every age: the liberality of Mahomet allowed to his predecessors the same credit which he claimed for himself; and the chain of inspiration was prolonged from the fall of Adam to the promulgation of the Koran. 80 During that period, some rays of prophetic light had been imparted to one hundred and twenty-four thousand of the elect, discriminated by their respective measure of virtue and grace; three hundred and thirteen apostles were sent with a special commission to recall their country from idolatry and vice; one hundred and four volumes have been dictated by the Holy Spirit; and six legislators of transcendent brightness have announced to mankind the six successive revelations of various rites, but of one immutable religion. The authority and station of Adam, Noah, Abraham, Moses, Christ, and Mahomet, rise in just gradation above each other; but whosoever hates or rejects any one of the prophets is numbered with the infidels. The writings of the patriarchs were extant only in the apocryphal copies of the Greeks and Syrians: 81 the conduct of Adam had not entitled him to the gratitude or respect of his children; the seven precepts of Noah were observed by an inferior and imperfect class of the proselytes of the synagogue; 82 and the memory of Abraham was obscurely revered by the Sabians in his native land of Chaldaea: of the myriads of prophets, Moses and Christ alone lived and reigned; and the remnant of the inspired writings was comprised in the books of the Old and the New Testament. The miraculous story of Moses is consecrated and embellished in the Koran; 83 and the captive Jews enjoy the secret revenge of imposing their own belief on the nations whose recent creeds they deride. For the author of Christianity, the Mahometans are taught by the prophet to entertain a high and mysterious reverence. 84 “Verily, Christ Jesus, the son of Mary, is the apostle of God, and his word, which he conveyed unto Mary, and a Spirit proceeding from him; honorable in this world, and in the world to come, and one of those who approach near to the presence of God.” 85 The wonders of the genuine and apocryphal gospels 86 are profusely heaped on his head; and the Latin church has not disdained to borrow from the Koran the immaculate conception 87 of his virgin mother. Yet Jesus was a mere mortal; and, at the day of judgment, his testimony will serve to condemn both the Jews, who reject him as a prophet, and the Christians, who adore him as the Son of God. The malice of his enemies aspersed his reputation, and conspired against his life; but their intention only was guilty; a phantom or a criminal was substituted on the cross; and the innocent saint was translated to the seventh heaven. 88 During six hundred years the gospel was the way of truth and salvation; but the Christians insensibly forgot both the laws and example of their founder; and Mahomet was instructed by the Gnostics to accuse the church, as well as the synagogue, of corrupting the integrity of the sacred text. 89 The piety of Moses and of Christ rejoiced in the assurance of a future prophet, more illustrious than themselves: the evangelical promise of the Paraclete, or Holy Ghost, was prefigured in the name, and accomplished in the person, of Mahomet, 90 the greatest and the last of the apostles of God.
自然的造物主,把自己的存在铭刻于一切造物之上,把自己的律法写进人的心里。恢复对前者的认识、对后者的践行,一直是历代先知或真实、或假托的目标;穆罕默德为人宽宏,凡他为自己所要求的那份信誉,也一并许给前辈;于是这条启示的锁链,从亚当堕落一直延伸到《古兰经》的颁布。80在这漫长的岁月里,几道先知的灵光,曾颁赐给十二万四千名蒙拣选者,各人所得,依其德行与恩宠的多寡而有别;三百一十三位使者,则负着特殊的使命被差遣,去把本国从偶像崇拜与恶行中召唤回来;一百零四部经卷,由圣灵口授而成;六位光辉卓绝的立法者,则向人类宣告了六次相继的启示——其仪轨虽各不相同,其宗教却是同一个、永不更易的。亚当、挪亚、亚伯拉罕、摩西、基督与穆罕默德,其权威与地位依着恰当的次第,一位高过一位;然而,凡憎恨或摒弃其中任何一位先知的人,都要被归入不信者之列。列祖的著作,如今只以希腊人和叙利亚人手中的伪经抄本存世:81亚当的行止,并不足以使他配得子孙的感念或敬重;挪亚的七条诫命,只有会堂皈依者中一个较为低下、也不甚完备的群体在遵守;82至于亚伯拉罕,萨比教徒则在他的故乡迦勒底隐约地追念着他;在千千万万先知之中,唯有摩西与基督真正活过、且真正统治过;而那些受神启的著作,如今所存无几,尽收于《旧约》与《新约》诸书之内。摩西那充满神迹的故事,《古兰经》既奉之为神圣,又加以润饰增华;83而被掳的犹太人,则暗自享受着一种报复的快意——他们讥笑这些民族的新兴信条,如今却把自己的信仰强加给了它们。至于基督教的创立者,穆斯林则秉承先知的教导,怀着一种崇高而神秘的敬意。84“基督耶稣,马利亚之子,确是真主的使者,是真主的道——真主曾将这道传示于马利亚——又是从真主发出的一个灵;他在今世与后世都受尊荣,并且是得以亲近真主的人之一。”85真伪福音书中的种种奇迹,86连篇累牍地堆到了他头上;而拉丁教会也不惜从《古兰经》借取了他那童贞之母无玷成胎87的说法。然而耶稣不过是一介凡人;到末日审判之时,他的见证将同时定两种人的罪:一是拒不承认他为先知的犹太人,二是把他当作上帝之子来崇拜的基督徒。他的仇敌怀着恶意,玷污他的名声,并密谋害他性命;但有罪的只是他们的用心而已:被钉上十字架的,是一个幻影,或是另一个罪人;那无辜的圣者,则被提升到了第七重天。88在长达六百年间,福音一直是通往真理与救赎的道路;但基督徒却在不知不觉中,把创始者的诫命与榜样都忘却了;而穆罕默德则受诺斯替派的教唆,指控教会与会堂一样,篡改了圣典的本来面目。89摩西与基督的虔诚,因确信将有一位比他们更为显赫的未来先知而欢欣;福音书中关于保惠师(即圣灵)的应许,其名早已预示、其人则应验于穆罕默德——真主诸使者中最伟大、也是最后的一位。90

Notes 注释

55
Diodorus Siculus (tom. i. l. ii. p. 142-145) has cast on their religion the curious but superficial glance of a Greek. Their astronomy would be far more valuable: they had looked through the telescope of reason, since they could doubt whether the sun were in the number of the planets or of the fixed stars.
西西里的狄奥多罗斯(tom. i. l. ii. p. 142-145)以希腊人的眼光,对他们的宗教投去好奇却浮泛的一瞥。倒是他们的天文学要有价值得多:他们既能怀疑太阳究竟属于行星还是恒星之列,可见早已透过理性这架望远镜观照天象了。
56
Simplicius, (who quotes Porphyry,) de Coelo, l. ii. com. xlvi p. 123, lin. 18, apud Marsham, Canon. Chron. p. 474, who doubts the fact, because it is adverse to his systems. The earliest date of the Chaldaean observations is the year 2234 before Christ. After the conquest of Babylon by Alexander, they were communicated at the request of Aristotle, to the astronomer Hipparchus. What a moment in the annals of science!
辛普利丘斯(引波菲利之说,de Coelo, l. ii. com. xlvi. p. 123, lin. 18;见 Marsham, Canon. Chron. p. 474)——马香对此事存疑,因其有悖于他自己的体系。迦勒底人最早的天文观测始于公元前2234年。巴比伦为亚历山大征服之后,这些记录应亚里士多德之请,传给了天文学家喜帕恰斯。这在科学编年史上,是何等的一刻!
57
Pocock, (Specimen, p. 138-146,) Hottinger, (Hist. Orient. p. 162-203,) Hyde, (de Religione Vet. Persarum, p. 124, 128, &c.,) D’Herbelot, (Sabi, p. 725, 726,) and Sale, (Preliminary Discourse, p. 14, 15,) rather excite than gratify our curiosity; and the last of these writers confounds Sabianism with the primitive religion of the Arabs.
波科克(Specimen, p. 138-146)、霍廷格(Hist. Orient. p. 162-203)、海德(de Religione Vet. Persarum, p. 124, 128, &c.)、埃尔布洛(Sabi, p. 725, 726)与塞尔(Preliminary Discourse, p. 14, 15)诸家,对我们的好奇心与其说是满足,不如说是撩拨;而其中最后一位,更把萨比教与阿拉伯人的原始宗教混为一谈。
58
D’Anville (l’Euphrate et le Tigre, p. 130-137) will fix the position of these ambiguous Christians; Assemannus (Bibliot. Oriental. tom. iv. p. 607-614) may explain their tenets. But it is a slippery task to ascertain the creed of an ignorant people afraid and ashamed to disclose their secret traditions. * Note: The Codex Nasiraeus, their sacred book, has been published by Norberg whose researches contain almost all that is known of this singular people. But their origin is almost as obscure as ever: if ancient, their creed has been so corrupted with mysticism and Mahometanism, that its native lineaments are very indistinct.—M.
当维尔(l’Euphrate et le Tigre, p. 130-137)为这些身份含混的基督徒确定了方位;阿塞马尼(Bibliot. Oriental. tom. iv. p. 607-614)或可解说他们的教义。但要弄清这样一个愚昧民族的信仰,实非易事——他们既畏惧、又羞于吐露自己那些隐秘的传承。*编者按:他们的圣书《拿撒勒法典》(Codex Nasiraeus)已由诺尔贝格刊布,关于这一奇特民族的所知,几乎尽在他的研究之中。然而其渊源至今几乎仍旧晦暗如故:倘若其源确属古老,则其信条早已被神秘主义与穆斯林教义搅乱,本来的面目已极难辨认。—M
59
The Magi were fixed in the province of Bhrein, (Gagnier, Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 114,) and mingled with the old Arabians, (Pocock, Specimen, p. 146-150.)
麻葛教徒定居于巴林地区(Gagnier, Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 114),与古老的阿拉伯人杂处相融(Pocock, Specimen, p. 146-150)。
60
The state of the Jews and Christians in Arabia is described by Pocock from Sharestani, &c., (Specimen, p. 60, 134, &c.,) Hottinger, (Hist. Orient. p. 212-238,) D’Herbelot, (Bibliot. Orient. p. 474-476,) Basnage, (Hist. des Juifs, tom. vii. p. 185, tom. viii. p. 280,) and Sale, (Preliminary Discourse, p. 22, &c., 33, &c.)
阿拉伯的犹太人与基督徒的状况,波科克本于沙赫拉斯塔尼等人有所描述(Specimen, p. 60, 134, &c.),此外还可参看霍廷格(Hist. Orient. p. 212-238)、埃尔布洛(Bibliot. Orient. p. 474-476)、巴纳日(Hist. des Juifs, tom. vii. p. 185, tom. viii. p. 280)与塞尔(Preliminary Discourse, p. 22, &c., 33, &c.)。
61
In their offerings, it was a maxim to defraud God for the profit of the idol, not a more potent, but a more irritable, patron, (Pocock, Specimen, p. 108, 109.)
在他们的献祭中,有一条准则:宁可诓骗神,也要让偶像得利——倒不是因为偶像更有权能,而是因为它更易动怒(Pocock, Specimen, p. 108, 109)。
62
Our versions now extant, whether Jewish or Christian, appear more recent than the Koran; but the existence of a prior translation may be fairly inferred,—1. From the perpetual practice of the synagogue of expounding the Hebrew lesson by a paraphrase in the vulgar tongue of the country; 2. From the analogy of the Armenian, Persian, Aethiopic versions, expressly quoted by the fathers of the fifth century, who assert that the Scriptures were translated into all the Barbaric languages, (Walton, Prolegomena ad Biblia Polyglot, p. 34, 93-97. Simon, Hist. Critique du V. et du N. Testament, tom. i. p. 180, 181, 282-286, 293, 305, 306, tom. iv. p. 206.)
我们如今现存的译本,无论犹太教的还是基督教的,看来都比《古兰经》晚出;但要说此前曾有一个译本,也不无道理可循:其一,会堂历来惯于用本地俗语的意译来讲解希伯来经课;其二,可从亚美尼亚文、波斯文、埃塞俄比亚文诸译本类推——五世纪的教父曾明确援引这些译本,并断言《圣经》已被译成一切蛮族语言(Walton, Prolegomena ad Biblia Polyglot, p. 34, 93-97;Simon, Hist. Critique du V. et du N. Testament, tom. i. p. 180, 181, 282-286, 293, 305, 306, tom. iv. p. 206)。
63
In eo conveniunt omnes, ut plebeio vilique genere ortum, &c, (Hottinger, Hist. Orient. p. 136.) Yet Theophanes, the most ancient of the Greeks, and the father of many a lie, confesses that Mahomet was of the race of Ismael, (Chronograph. p. 277.)
In eo conveniunt omnes, ut plebeio vilique genere ortum, &c.(拉丁语:众人于此众口一词,都说他出身低贱卑微,云云;见 Hottinger, Hist. Orient. p. 136)。然而希腊作家中最古老的塞奥法尼斯——也是众多谎言之父——却承认穆罕默德出自以实玛利一族(Chronograph. p. 277)。
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Abulfeda (in Vit. Mohammed. c. 1, 2) and Gagnier (Vie de Mahomet, p. 25-97) describe the popular and approved genealogy of the prophet. At Mecca, I would not dispute its authenticity: at Lausanne, I will venture to observe, 1. That from Ismael to Mahomet, a period of 2500 years, they reckon thirty, instead of seventy five, generations: 2. That the modern Bedoweens are ignorant of their history, and careless of their pedigree, (Voyage de D’Arvieux p. 100, 103.) * Note: The most orthodox Mahometans only reckon back the ancestry of the prophet for twenty generations, to Adnan. Weil, Mohammed der Prophet, p. 1.—M. 1845.
阿布尔费达(in Vit. Mohammed. c. 1, 2)与加尼耶(Vie de Mahomet, p. 25-97)叙述了先知那广为流传、也广受认可的世系。若在麦加,我绝不敢质疑其真实;但在洛桑,我不妨斗胆指出:其一,从以实玛利到穆罕默德,其间两千五百年,他们只算作三十代,而非七十五代;其二,当代贝都因人既不了解自己的历史,也不在意自己的谱系(Voyage de D’Arvieux p. 100, 103)。*编者按:最正统的穆斯林只把先知的世系上溯二十代,直至阿德南。Weil, Mohammed der Prophet, p. 1.—M. 1845
65
The seed of this history, or fable, is contained in the cvth chapter of the Koran; and Gagnier (in Praefat. ad Vit. Moham. p. 18, &c.) has translated the historical narrative of Abulfeda, which may be illustrated from D’Herbelot (Bibliot. Orientale, p. 12) and Pocock, (Specimen, p. 64.) Prideaux (Life of Mahomet, p. 48) calls it a lie of the coinage of Mahomet; but Sale, (Koran, p. 501-503,) who is half a Mussulman, attacks the inconsistent faith of the Doctor for believing the miracles of the Delphic Apollo. Maracci (Alcoran, tom. i. part ii. p. 14, tom. ii. p. 823) ascribes the miracle to the devil, and extorts from the Mahometans the confession, that God would not have defended against the Christians the idols of the Caaba. * Note: Dr. Weil says that the small-pox broke out in the army of Abrahah, but he does not give his authority, p. 10.—M. 1845.
这段历史(或曰传说)的胚芽,见于《古兰经》第一〇五章;加尼耶(in Praefat. ad Vit. Moham. p. 18, &c.)译出了阿布尔费达的这段史事叙述,此外还可参照埃尔布洛(Bibliot. Orientale, p. 12)与波科克(Specimen, p. 64)以为佐证。普里多(Life of Mahomet, p. 48)称之为穆罕默德捏造的一个谎言;而半个穆斯林的塞尔(Koran, p. 501-503),则抨击这位博士信仰前后不一,竟采信德尔斐的阿波罗所行的神迹。马拉奇(Alcoran, tom. i. part ii. p. 14, tom. ii. p. 823)把这神迹归于魔鬼,并逼使穆斯林承认:真主绝不会为对抗基督徒而去护卫克尔白的偶像。*编者按:韦尔博士说,阿布拉哈的军中当时爆发了天花,但他未给出依据(p. 10)。—M. 1845
651
Amina, or Emina, was of Jewish birth. V. Hammer, Geschichte der Assass. p. 10.—M.
阿米娜(又作埃米娜)为犹太人后裔。V. Hammer, Geschichte der Assass. p. 10.—M
66
The safest aeras of Abulfeda, (in Vit. c. i. p. 2,) of Alexander, or the Greeks, 882, of Bocht Naser, or Nabonassar, 1316, equally lead us to the year 569. The old Arabian calendar is too dark and uncertain to support the Benedictines, (Art. de Verifer les Dates, p. 15,) who, from the day of the month and week, deduce a new mode of calculation, and remove the birth of Mahomet to the year of Christ 570, the 10th of November. Yet this date would agree with the year 882 of the Greeks, which is assigned by Elmacin (Hist. Saracen. p. 5) and Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 101, and Errata, Pocock’s version.) While we refine our chronology, it is possible that the illiterate prophet was ignorant of his own age. * Note: The date of the birth of Mahomet is not yet fixed with precision. It is only known from Oriental authors that he was born on a Monday, the 10th Reby 1st, the third month of the Mahometan year; the year 40 or 42 of Chosroes Nushirvan, king of Persia; the year 881 of the Seleucidan aera; the year 1316 of the aera of Nabonassar. This leaves the point undecided between the years 569, 570, 571, of J. C. See the Memoir of M. Silv. de Sacy, on divers events in the history of the Arabs before Mahomet, Mem. Acad. des Loscript. vol. xlvii. p. 527, 531. St. Martin, vol. xi. p. 59.—M. ——Dr. Weil decides on A.D. 571. Mahomet died in 632, aged 63; but the Arabs reckoned his life by lunar years, which reduces his life nearly to 61 (p. 21.)—M. 1845
阿布尔费达所载最可靠的纪元(in Vit. c. i. p. 2)——无论是亚历山大纪元(即希腊纪元)882年,还是波赫特·纳赛尔(即那波那萨尔)纪元1316年——都同样把我们引向569年。古阿拉伯历法过于晦暗难凭,不足以支持本笃会诸修士(Art. de Verifer les Dates, p. 15)的推算:他们凭着月中的具体日子与星期,另立一套算法,把穆罕默德的诞辰改定为公元570年11月10日。不过这个日期倒与希腊纪元882年相合,而埃尔马金(Hist. Saracen. p. 5)与阿布·法拉杰(Dynast. p. 101,及波科克译本勘误表)都取此年。我们在这里精研年代,而那位目不识丁的先知,说不定连自己的岁数都不知道。*编者按:穆罕默德的生年至今未能精确考定。只从东方作家那里得知:他生于一个星期一,回历三月(赖比尔月)初十;波斯王库思老·努希尔万在位第40或42年;塞琉古纪元881年;那波那萨尔纪元1316年。这样一来,究竟是公元569、570还是571年,仍悬而未决。参看西尔维斯特·德萨西论穆罕默德以前阿拉伯史上诸事的论文(Mem. Acad. des Inscript. vol. xlvii. p. 527, 531);St. Martin, vol. xi. p. 59。—M ——韦尔博士定为公元571年。穆罕默德卒于632年,享年63岁;但阿拉伯人以太阴年计其寿数,如此算来他实际不足61岁(p. 21)。—M. 1845
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I copy the honorable testimony of Abu Taleb to his family and nephew. Laus Dei, qui nos a stirpe Abrahami et semine Ismaelis constituit, et nobis regionem sacram dedit, et nos judices hominibus statuit. Porro Mohammed filius Abdollahi nepotis mei (nepos meus) quo cum ex aequo librabitur e Koraishidis quispiam cui non praeponderaturus est, bonitate et excellentia, et intellectu et gloria, et acumine etsi opum inops fuerit, (et certe opes umbra transiens sunt et depositum quod reddi debet,) desiderio Chadijae filiae Chowailedi tenetur, et illa vicissim ipsius, quicquid autem dotis vice petieritis, ego in me suscipiam, (Pocock, Specimen, e septima parte libri Ebn Hamduni.)
我在此抄录阿布·塔利卜对其家族与侄儿的这段光荣证词:Laus Dei, qui nos a stirpe Abrahami et semine Ismaelis constituit, et nobis regionem sacram dedit, et nos judices hominibus statuit. Porro Mohammed filius Abdollahi nepotis mei (nepos meus) quo cum ex aequo librabitur e Koraishidis quispiam cui non praeponderaturus est, bonitate et excellentia, et intellectu et gloria, et acumine etsi opum inops fuerit, (et certe opes umbra transiens sunt et depositum quod reddi debet,) desiderio Chadijae filiae Chowailedi tenetur, et illa vicissim ipsius, quicquid autem dotis vice petieritis, ego in me suscipiam(拉丁语:赞美真主,是他使我们出自亚伯拉罕的族系、以实玛利的苗裔,赐给我们这片圣地,又立我们为众人的裁断者。且说我侄阿卜杜拉之子穆罕默德,古莱什人中若有谁与他并置于同一杆秤上,无论论善良、论卓越、论才智、论荣光还是论敏锐,都无人能压过他一分,纵然他家资匮乏——须知财富不过是掠过的阴影、终须归还的托存罢了——他今钟情于胡韦利德之女赫蒂彻,她也同样属意于他;至于你们索取的聘礼,无论多少,我一概承担;见 Pocock, Specimen, e septima parte libri Ebn Hamduni)。
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The private life of Mahomet, from his birth to his mission, is preserved by Abulfeda, (in Vit. c. 3-7,) and the Arabian writers of genuine or apocryphal note, who are alleged by Hottinger, (Hist. Orient. p. 204-211) Maracci, (tom. i. p. 10-14,) and Gagnier, (Vie de Mahomet, tom. i. p. 97-134.)
穆罕默德从出生到受命之间的私人生活,见于阿布尔费达(in Vit. c. 3-7),以及真伪不一的阿拉伯作家——霍廷格(Hist. Orient. p. 204-211)、马拉奇(tom. i. p. 10-14)与加尼耶(Vie de Mahomet, tom. i. p. 97-134)都援引了他们。
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Abulfeda, in Vit. c. lxv. lxvi. Gagnier, Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 272-289. The best traditions of the person and conversation of the prophet are derived from Ayesha, Ali, and Abu Horaira, (Gagnier, tom. ii. p. 267. Ockley’s Hist. of the Saracens, vol. ii. p. 149,) surnamed the Father of a Cat, who died in the year 59 of the Hegira. * Note: Compare, likewise, the new Life of Mahomet (Mohammed der prophet) by Dr. Weil, (Stuttgart, 1843.) Dr. Weil has a new tradition, that Mahomet was at one time a shepherd. This assimilation to the life of Moses, instead of giving probability to the story, as Dr. Weil suggests, makes it more suspicious. Note, p. 34.—M. 1845.
阿布尔费达,in Vit. c. lxv. lxvi.;加尼耶,Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 272-289。关于先知的仪容与言谈,最好的传述出自阿伊莎、阿里与阿布·胡赖拉(Gagnier, tom. ii. p. 267;Ockley’s Hist. of the Saracens, vol. ii. p. 149)——阿布·胡赖拉绰号“猫之父”,卒于希吉拉历59年。*编者按:另可比较韦尔博士所著新版《穆罕默德传》(Mohammed der prophet,Stuttgart, 1843)。韦尔博士记有一条新的传说,说穆罕默德一度做过牧人。韦尔博士以为此说使故事更为可信,其实这种向摩西生平的比附,反倒教人更加生疑(Note, p. 34)。—M. 1845
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Those who believe that Mahomet could read or write are incapable of reading what is written with another pen, in the Suras, or chapters of the Koran, vii. xxix. xcvi. These texts, and the tradition of the Sonna, are admitted, without doubt, by Abulfeda, (in Vit. vii.,) Gagnier, (Not. ad Abulfed. p. 15,) Pocock, (Specimen, p. 151,) Reland, (de Religione Mohammedica, p. 236,) and Sale, (Preliminary Discourse, p. 42.) Mr. White, almost alone, denies the ignorance, to accuse the imposture, of the prophet. His arguments are far from satisfactory. Two short trading journeys to the fairs of Syria were surely not sufficient to infuse a science so rare among the citizens of Mecca: it was not in the cool, deliberate act of treaty, that Mahomet would have dropped the mask; nor can any conclusion be drawn from the words of disease and delirium. The lettered youth, before he aspired to the prophetic character, must have often exercised, in private life, the arts of reading and writing; and his first converts, of his own family, would have been the first to detect and upbraid his scandalous hypocrisy, (White’s Sermons, p. 203, 204, Notes, p. xxxvi.—xxxviii.) * Note: (Academ. des Inscript. I. p. 295) has observed that the text of the seveth Sura implies that Mahomet could read, the tradition alone denies it, and, according to Dr. Weil, (p. 46,) there is another reading of the tradition, that “he could not read well.” Dr. Weil is not quite so successful in explaining away Sura xxix. It means, he thinks that he had not read any books, from which he could have borrowed.—M. 1845.
那些相信穆罕默德能读会写的人,其实读不懂别人用另一支笔写在《古兰经》苏拉(即各章)中的文字——见第七、二十九、九十六章。这些经文,连同逊奈(圣训)的传述,都为阿布尔费达(in Vit. vii.)、加尼耶(Not. ad Abulfed. p. 15)、波科克(Specimen, p. 151)、雷兰(de Religione Mohammedica, p. 236)与塞尔(Preliminary Discourse, p. 42)所确信无疑地接受。唯有怀特先生几乎独持异议:他否认先知目不识丁,转而指控他招摇撞骗。可他的论据远不能令人信服。两趟前往叙利亚集市的短途行商,断不足以灌输一门在麦加市民中如此罕见的学问;穆罕默德也决不会在冷静从容地缔约之际露出马脚;至于他病中谵妄之言,更推不出什么结论。倘若这少年识文断字,那么在他自命先知之前,私底下必定常常读写;而他最早的信徒既出自本家,也必定最先察觉并痛斥他这可耻的伪善(White’s Sermons, p. 203, 204, Notes, p. xxxvi.—xxxviii.)。*编者按:(Academ. des Inscript. I. p. 295)曾指出,第七苏拉的经文暗示穆罕默德能读书,唯有传述否认此事;而据韦尔博士(p. 46)说,这条传述另有一种读法,作“他不善读”。韦尔博士对第二十九苏拉的开脱,就不那么成功了。他以为那句话的意思是:穆罕默德不曾读过任何书,因而无从借取。—M. 1845
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The count de Boulainvilliers (Vie de Mahomet, p. 202-228) leads his Arabian pupil, like the Telemachus of Fenelon, or the Cyrus of Ramsay. His journey to the court of Persia is probably a fiction nor can I trace the origin of his exclamation, “Les Grecs sont pour tant des hommes.” The two Syrian journeys are expressed by almost all the Arabian writers, both Mahometans and Christians, (Gagnier Abulfed. p. 10.)
布兰维利耶伯爵(Vie de Mahomet, p. 202-228)牵着他这位阿拉伯门徒到处游历,活像费讷隆笔下的忒勒马科斯,或拉姆齐笔下的居鲁士。他那趟波斯宫廷之行多半是虚构,我也查不出他那句感叹“Les Grecs sont pourtant des hommes”(法语:希腊人到底也是人)出自何处。至于那两趟叙利亚之行,则几乎所有阿拉伯作家,无论穆斯林还是基督徒,都有记载(Gagnier, Abulfed. p. 10)。
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I am not at leisure to pursue the fables or conjectures which name the strangers accused or suspected by the infidels of Mecca, (Koran, c. 16, p. 223, c. 35, p. 297, with Sale’s Remarks. Prideaux’s Life of Mahomet, p. 22-27. Gagnier, Not. ad Abulfed. p. 11, 74. Maracci, tom. ii. p. 400.) Even Prideaux has observed, that the transaction must have been secret, and that the scene lay in the heart of Arabia.
麦加的异教徒指名道姓、指认或疑心为帮凶的那些外来人,围绕他们的种种传说与臆测,我无暇一一追究(Koran, c. 16, p. 223, c. 35, p. 297,附塞尔的评注;Prideaux’s Life of Mahomet, p. 22-27;Gagnier, Not. ad Abulfed. p. 11, 74;Maracci, tom. ii. p. 400)。便是普里多也承认,此事若果真有,也必是暗中进行,且发生在阿拉伯腹地。
73
Abulfeda in Vit. c. 7, p. 15. Gagnier, tom. i. p. 133, 135. The situation of Mount Hera is remarked by Abulfeda (Geograph. Arab p. 4.) Yet Mahomet had never read of the cave of Egeria, ubi nocturnae Numa constituebat amicae, of the Idaean Mount, where Minos conversed with Jove, &c.
阿布尔费达,in Vit. c. 7, p. 15;加尼耶,tom. i. p. 133, 135。希拉山的位置见阿布尔费达(Geograph. Arab. p. 4)。不过穆罕默德从未读到过埃格里娅的岩洞——ubi nocturnae Numa constituebat amicae(拉丁语:努马夜里在此与仙侣相会)——也不曾读到伊达山,米诺斯曾在那里与朱庇特交谈,如此等等。
74
Koran, c. 9, p. 153. Al Beidawi, and the other commentators quoted by Sale, adhere to the charge; but I do not understand that it is colored by the most obscure or absurd tradition of the Talmud.
《古兰经》c. 9, p. 153。拜达维以及塞尔所引的其他注家,都坚持这一指控;但据我所知,《塔木德》里最晦涩、最荒诞的传说,也不曾为它添过半分色彩。
75
Hottinger, Hist. Orient. p. 225-228. The Collyridian heresy was carried from Thrace to Arabia by some women, and the name was borrowed from the cake, which they offered to the goddess. This example, that of Beryllus bishop of Bostra, (Euseb. Hist. Eccles. l. vi. c. 33,) and several others, may excuse the reproach, Arabia haerese haersewn ferax.
Hottinger, Hist. Orient. p. 225-228。科利里迪安异端由几名妇人从色雷斯传入阿拉伯,其名取自她们献给女神的糕饼。此例,加上波斯特拉主教贝里卢斯之例(Euseb. Hist. Eccles. l. vi. c. 33)以及别的若干例子,也许可以为那句责难开脱——Arabia haerese haersewn ferax(拉丁语:阿拉伯乃异端的渊薮)。
76
The three gods in the Koran (c. 4, p. 81, c. 5, p. 92) are obviously directed against our Catholic mystery: but the Arabic commentators understand them of the Father, the Son, and the Virgin Mary, an heretical Trinity, maintained, as it is said, by some Barbarians at the Council of Nice, (Eutych. Annal. tom. i. p. 440.) But the existence of the Marianites is denied by the candid Beausobre, (Hist. de Manicheisme, tom. i. p. 532;) and he derives the mistake from the word Roxah, the Holy Ghost, which in some Oriental tongues is of the feminine gender, and is figuratively styled the mother of Christ in the Gospel of the Nazarenes.
《古兰经》中所说的三位神(c. 4, p. 81, c. 5, p. 92)显然是针对我们大公教会的奥义而发;不过阿拉伯注家把这三位理解为圣父、圣子与童贞女马利亚——据说这是尼西亚会议上某些蛮族所主张的一种异端三位一体(Eutych. Annal. tom. i. p. 440)。但坦诚的博索布尔否认“马利亚派”的存在(Hist. de Manicheisme, tom. i. p. 532),他认为这一误解源于 Roxah 一词,即“圣灵”,这个词在某些东方语言中属阴性,在《拿撒勒派福音》里又被喻称为基督之母。
77
This train of thought is philosophically exemplified in the character of Abraham, who opposed in Chaldaea the first introduction of idolatry, (Koran, c. 6, p. 106. D’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p. 13.)
这一思路,在亚伯拉罕身上得到了哲学式的印证:他在迦勒底率先起而反对偶像崇拜的引入(Koran, c. 6, p. 106;D’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p. 13)。
78
See the Koran, particularly the second, (p. 30,) the fifty-seventh, (p. 437,) the fifty-eighth (p. 441) chapters, which proclaim the omnipotence of the Creator.
参看《古兰经》,尤其是第二章(p. 30)、第五十七章(p. 437)与第五十八章(p. 441),这几章都宣扬造物主的全能。
79
The most orthodox creeds are translated by Pocock, (Specimen, p. 274, 284-292,) Ockley, (Hist. of the Saracens, vol. ii. p. lxxxii.—xcv.,) Reland, (de Religion. Moham. l. i. p. 7-13,) and Chardin, (Voyages en Perse, tom. iv. p. 4-28.) The great truth, that God is without similitude, is foolishly criticized by Maracci, (Alcoran, tom. i. part iii. p. 87-94,) because he made man after his own image.
最正统的信经,由波科克(Specimen, p. 274, 284-292)、奥克利(Hist. of the Saracens, vol. ii. p. lxxxii.—xcv.)、雷兰(de Religion. Moham. l. i. p. 7-13)与夏尔丹(Voyages en Perse, tom. iv. p. 4-28)译出。“真主无可比拟”这一伟大真理,却被马拉奇(Alcoran, tom. i. part iii. p. 87-94)愚蠢地加以指摘,理由是真主曾按自己的形象造人。
80
Reland, de Relig. Moham. l. i. p. 17-47. Sale’s Preliminary Discourse, p. 73-76. Voyage de Chardin, tom. iv. p. 28-37, and 37-47, for the Persian addition, “Ali is the vicar of God!” Yet the precise number of the prophets is not an article of faith.
Reland, de Relig. Moham. l. i. p. 17-47;Sale’s Preliminary Discourse, p. 73-76;Voyage de Chardin, tom. iv. p. 28-37 及 37-47(论波斯人所加的一句“阿里是真主的代治者!”)。不过先知的确切数目,并不算一条信条。
81
For the apocryphal books of Adam, see Fabricius, Codex Pseudepigraphus V. T. p. 27-29; of Seth, p. 154-157; of Enoch, p. 160-219. But the book of Enoch is consecrated, in some measure, by the quotation of the apostle St. Jude; and a long legendary fragment is alleged by Syncellus and Scaliger. * Note: The whole book has since been recovered in the Ethiopic language,—and has been edited and translated by Archbishop Lawrence, Oxford, 1881—M.
关于亚当的伪经,见 Fabricius, Codex Pseudepigraphus V. T. p. 27-29;塞特的,见 p. 154-157;以诺的,见 p. 160-219。不过《以诺书》多少因使徒犹大的征引而带上了几分神圣;辛塞卢斯与斯卡利杰还援引过其中一大段传奇性的残篇。*编者按:此书后来已寻得埃塞俄比亚文的全本,并由劳伦斯大主教编订译出(Oxford, 1881)。—M
82
The seven precepts of Noah are explained by Marsham, (Canon Chronicus, p. 154-180,) who adopts, on this occasion, the learning and credulity of Selden.
挪亚的七条诫命,由马香详加阐释(Canon Chronicus, p. 154-180),他在此处采纳了塞尔登的博学,也承袭了他的轻信。
83
The articles of Adam, Noah, Abraham, Moses, &c., in the Bibliotheque of D’Herbelot, are gayly bedecked with the fanciful legends of the Mahometans, who have built on the groundwork of Scripture and the Talmud.
埃尔布洛《东方文库》中“亚当”“挪亚”“亚伯拉罕”“摩西”等条目,都被穆斯林那些天马行空的传说装点得花团锦簇——他们正是在《圣经》与《塔木德》的底子上层层构筑的。
84
Koran, c. 7, p. 128, &c., c. 10, p. 173, &c. D’Herbelot, p. 647, &c.
《古兰经》c. 7, p. 128, &c.,c. 10, p. 173, &c.;D’Herbelot, p. 647, &c.
85
Koran, c. 3, p. 40, c. 4. p. 80. D’Herbelot, p. 399, &c.
《古兰经》c. 3, p. 40, c. 4. p. 80;D’Herbelot, p. 399, &c.
86
See the Gospel of St. Thomas, or of the Infancy, in the Codex Apocryphus N. T. of Fabricius, who collects the various testimonies concerning it, (p. 128-158.) It was published in Greek by Cotelier, and in Arabic by Sike, who thinks our present copy more recent than Mahomet. Yet his quotations agree with the original about the speech of Christ in his cradle, his living birds of clay, &c. (Sike, c. i. p. 168, 169, c. 36, p. 198, 199, c. 46, p. 206. Cotelier, c. 2, p. 160, 161.)
见 Fabricius《新约伪典》(Codex Apocryphus N. T.)中的《圣多马福音》,又称《童年福音》——法布里丘斯汇集了关于它的种种佐证(p. 128-158)。此书的希腊文本由科特里耶刊行,阿拉伯文本由西克刊行;西克认为我们如今这个本子比穆罕默德晚出。不过他所引的段落,如基督在摇篮中说话、以泥捏的飞鸟活了过来等等,都与原本相合(Sike, c. i. p. 168, 169, c. 36, p. 198, 199, c. 46, p. 206;Cotelier, c. 2, p. 160, 161)。
87
It is darkly hinted in the Koran, (c. 3, p. 39,) and more clearly explained by the tradition of the Sonnites, (Sale’s Note, and Maracci, tom. ii. p. 112.) In the xiith century, the immaculate conception was condemned by St. Bernard as a presumptuous novelty, (Fra Paolo, Istoria del Concilio di Trento, l. ii.)
此事在《古兰经》中只是隐约点到(c. 3, p. 39),而逊尼派的传述则说得更为明白(塞尔的注释,及 Maracci, tom. ii. p. 112)。到十二世纪,无玷成胎之说曾被圣伯纳德斥为狂妄的新说(Fra Paolo, Istoria del Concilio di Trento, l. ii.)。
88
See the Koran, c. 3, v. 53, and c. 4, v. 156, of Maracci’s edition. Deus est praestantissimus dolose agentium (an odd praise)... nec crucifixerunt eum, sed objecta est eis similitudo; an expression that may suit with the system of the Docetes; but the commentators believe (Maracci, tom. ii. p. 113-115, 173. Sale, p. 42, 43, 79) that another man, a friend or an enemy, was crucified in the likeness of Jesus; a fable which they had read in the Gospel of St. Barnabus, and which had been started as early as the time of Irenaeus, by some Ebionite heretics, (Beausobre, Hist. du Manicheisme, tom. ii. p. 25, Mosheim. de Reb. Christ. p. 353.)
见《古兰经》马拉奇版第三章第53节、第四章第156节。Deus est praestantissimus dolose agentium(拉丁语:真主是行使诡计者中最高明的——这倒是句古怪的颂词)……nec crucifixerunt eum, sed objecta est eis similitudo(拉丁语:他们并未把他钉死,只是有一个与他相似的形象呈现在他们眼前);这话或许与幻影派的说法相合;但注家们相信(Maracci, tom. ii. p. 113-115, 173;Sale, p. 42, 43, 79),是另一个人——或友或敌——被造成耶稣的模样钉上了十字架;这则传说,他们曾在《巴拿巴福音》里读到,而早在伊里奈乌斯的时代,一些伊便尼派异端就已提出过(Beausobre, Hist. du Manicheisme, tom. ii. p. 25;Mosheim. de Reb. Christ. p. 353)。
89
This charge is obscurely urged in the Koran, (c. 3, p. 45;) but neither Mahomet, nor his followers, are sufficiently versed in languages and criticism to give any weight or color to their suspicions. Yet the Arians and Nestorians could relate some stories, and the illiterate prophet might listen to the bold assertions of the Manichaeans. See Beausobre, tom. i. p. 291-305.
这一指控在《古兰经》中语焉不详(c. 3, p. 45);然而无论穆罕默德还是他的信徒,都不通语言与考据之学,无从为自己的疑心增添分量或色彩。不过阿里乌斯派与聂斯脱利派或许能讲出几则故事,而这位目不识丁的先知,也可能听信过摩尼教徒那些大胆的断言。参看 Beausobre, tom. i. p. 291-305。
90
Among the prophecies of the Old and New Testament, which are perverted by the fraud or ignorance of the Mussulmans, they apply to the prophet the promise of the Paraclete, or Comforter, which had been already usurped by the Montanists and Manichaeans, (Beausobre, Hist. Critique du Manicheisme, tom. i. p. 263, &c.;) and the easy change of letters affords the etymology of the name of Mohammed, (Maracci, tom. i. part i. p. 15-28.)
在旧约与新约的诸般预言中,穆斯林凭着或有意作伪、或出于无知而加以曲解,把关于保惠师(即安慰者)的应许附会到先知身上——而这一应许,孟他努派与摩尼教徒早已擅自据为己有(Beausobre, Hist. Critique du Manicheisme, tom. i. p. 263, &c.);至于“穆罕默德”这一名字的词源,只须轻轻改动几个字母,便可凑出(Maracci, tom. i. part i. p. 15-28)。