Chapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part II. 第五十章 阿拉伯及其居民——第二节

The slaves of domestic tyranny may vainly exult in their national independence: but the Arab is personally free; and he enjoys, in some degree, the benefits of society, without forfeiting the prerogatives of nature. In every tribe, superstition, or gratitude, or fortune, has exalted a particular family above the heads of their equals. The dignities of sheick and emir invariably descend in this chosen race; but the order of succession is loose and precarious; and the most worthy or aged of the noble kinsmen are preferred to the simple, though important, office of composing disputes by their advice, and guiding valor by their example. Even a female of sense and spirit has been permitted to command the countrymen of Zenobia. 31 The momentary junction of several tribes produces an army: their more lasting union constitutes a nation; and the supreme chief, the emir of emirs, whose banner is displayed at their head, may deserve, in the eyes of strangers, the honors of the kingly name.
有些民族在本国的专制之下备受奴役,却仍以其民族之独立自夸,殊不知这不过是空欢喜;阿拉伯人则不然,他一身自由:既在某种程度上享有群居之利,又不曾丧失天赋的种种权利。每一部落之中,或因迷信,或出于感恩,或凭际遇,总有某一家族被抬举到同侪之上,高居众人之首。谢赫与埃米尔的尊位,向来都在这一家族之中世代相传;然而承继之序松散无定,往往从这些贵胄亲族里挑出最德高或最年长者,让他担起一桩职分——事虽简朴,却干系重大:以言语劝导排解纷争,以身作则率众赴勇。甚而有识见、有胆略的女子,也曾获准统领芝诺比娅的族人。31数部落一时结盟,便成一军;其结合若能持久,便构成一族;居于众人之首、麾下旌旗招展的最高首领,即众埃米尔之埃米尔,在外人眼中,或也堪当“王”这一尊号。
If the Arabian princes abuse their power, they are quickly punished by the desertion of their subjects, who had been accustomed to a mild and parental jurisdiction. Their spirit is free, their steps are unconfined, the desert is open, and the tribes and families are held together by a mutual and voluntary compact. The softer natives of Yemen supported the pomp and majesty of a monarch; but if he could not leave his palace without endangering his life, 32 the active powers of government must have been devolved on his nobles and magistrates. The cities of Mecca and Medina present, in the heart of Asia, the form, or rather the substance, of a commonwealth. The grandfather of Mahomet, and his lineal ancestors, appear in foreign and domestic transactions as the princes of their country; but they reigned, like Pericles at Athens, or the Medici at Florence, by the opinion of their wisdom and integrity; their influence was divided with their patrimony; and the sceptre was transferred from the uncles of the prophet to a younger branch of the tribe of Koreish. On solemn occasions they convened the assembly of the people; and, since mankind must be either compelled or persuaded to obey, the use and reputation of oratory among the ancient Arabs is the clearest evidence of public freedom. 33 But their simple freedom was of a very different cast from the nice and artificial machinery of the Greek and Roman republics, in which each member possessed an undivided share of the civil and political rights of the community. In the more simple state of the Arabs, the nation is free, because each of her sons disdains a base submission to the will of a master. His breast is fortified by the austere virtues of courage, patience, and sobriety; the love of independence prompts him to exercise the habits of self-command; and the fear of dishonor guards him from the meaner apprehension of pain, of danger, and of death. The gravity and firmness of the mind is conspicuous in his outward demeanor; his speech is low, weighty, and concise; he is seldom provoked to laughter; his only gesture is that of stroking his beard, the venerable symbol of manhood; and the sense of his own importance teaches him to accost his equals without levity, and his superiors without awe. 34 The liberty of the Saracens survived their conquests: the first caliphs indulged the bold and familiar language of their subjects; they ascended the pulpit to persuade and edify the congregation; nor was it before the seat of empire was removed to the Tigris, that the Abbasides adopted the proud and pompous ceremonial of the Persian and Byzantine courts.
阿拉伯的君长若滥用其权,很快便会自食其果:属民素来只受温和如父母般的管辖,一旦不满,便弃他而去。他们心志自由,行止无拘,大漠坦荡无垠,各部落与家族之所以聚而不散,全凭彼此自愿的约定。也门土著性情较为柔顺,供养着一位君王的排场与威仪;不过,他既然不出宫门则已,一出便有性命之忧,32可见治国的实权定然已交托给他的贵族与官吏。麦加与麦地那两城,坐落于亚洲腹地,展现出一个共和邦国的形式——或者不如说,其实质。穆罕默德的祖父及其历代先人,在对外与对内的事务中,俨然一国之君长;然而他们之所以能君临众人,靠的乃是众人对其睿智与正直的公论,一如伯里克利之于雅典、美第奇之于佛罗伦萨;他们的权势随家业分割而分散;权柄遂由先知的诸位叔伯,转到古莱什部落中一个较年轻的支系手中。逢重大之事,他们便召集民众的集会;既然要人服从,非强迫即劝服,那么古代阿拉伯人对雄辩之术的讲求与推崇,便是公众自由最明白的凭证。33不过,他们那种质朴的自由,与希腊、罗马共和国那套精巧而人为的机制大相径庭:在那样的政制下,每一成员对于邦国的公民权与政治权,都完整地占有一份。在阿拉伯人较为简朴的境况里,整个民族之所以自由,是因为其中每一个子民都不屑于卑贱地屈从于某个主子的意志。勇敢、坚忍、克制这些刚毅的德性,武装了他的胸怀;对独立的热爱驱使他养成自我节制的习惯;而对屈辱的畏惧,又使他不至沦落到只知惧怕痛楚、危险与死亡的卑下境地。其心志的凝重与坚定,鲜明地流露于外在举止:他说话低沉、有分量而简练;难得一笑;唯一的手势便是捋一捋胡须——那是男子气概的可敬象征;而自重之感教会他,与同辈交往不轻浮,与尊长相处不畏怯。34萨拉森人的这份自由,在他们的征服之后依然留存:最初几位哈里发容许属民言语大胆而随便;他们登上讲坛,去劝导并教化会众;直到帝国的都城迁往底格里斯河畔,阿拔斯王朝方才采用波斯与拜占庭宫廷那套矜夸而铺张的礼仪。
In the study of nations and men, we may observe the causes that render them hostile or friendly to each other, that tend to narrow or enlarge, to mollify or exasperate, the social character. The separation of the Arabs from the rest of mankind has accustomed them to confound the ideas of stranger and enemy; and the poverty of the land has introduced a maxim of jurisprudence, which they believe and practise to the present hour. They pretend, that, in the division of the earth, the rich and fertile climates were assigned to the other branches of the human family; and that the posterity of the outlaw Ismael might recover, by fraud or force, the portion of inheritance of which he had been unjustly deprived. According to the remark of Pliny, the Arabian tribes are equally addicted to theft and merchandise; the caravans that traverse the desert are ransomed or pillaged; and their neighbors, since the remote times of Job and Sesostris, 35 have been the victims of their rapacious spirit. If a Bedoween discovers from afar a solitary traveller, he rides furiously against him, crying, with a loud voice, “Undress thyself, thy aunt (my wife) is without a garment.” A ready submission entitles him to mercy; resistance will provoke the aggressor, and his own blood must expiate the blood which he presumes to shed in legitimate defence. A single robber, or a few associates, are branded with their genuine name; but the exploits of a numerous band assume the character of lawful and honorable war. The temper of a people thus armed against mankind was doubly inflamed by the domestic license of rapine, murder, and revenge. In the constitution of Europe, the right of peace and war is now confined to a small, and the actual exercise to a much smaller, list of respectable potentates; but each Arab, with impunity and renown, might point his javelin against the life of his countrymen. The union of the nation consisted only in a vague resemblance of language and manners; and in each community, the jurisdiction of the magistrate was mute and impotent. Of the time of ignorance which preceded Mahomet, seventeen hundred battles 36 are recorded by tradition: hostility was imbittered with the rancor of civil faction; and the recital, in prose or verse, of an obsolete feud, was sufficient to rekindle the same passions among the descendants of the hostile tribes. In private life every man, at least every family, was the judge and avenger of his own cause. The nice sensibility of honor, which weighs the insult rather than the injury, sheds its deadly venom on the quarrels of the Arabs: the honor of their women, and of their beards, is most easily wounded; an indecent action, a contemptuous word, can be expiated only by the blood of the offender; and such is their patient inveteracy, that they expect whole months and years the opportunity of revenge. A fine or compensation for murder is familiar to the Barbarians of every age: but in Arabia the kinsmen of the dead are at liberty to accept the atonement, or to exercise with their own hands the law of retaliation. The refined malice of the Arabs refuses even the head of the murderer, substitutes an innocent for the guilty person, and transfers the penalty to the best and most considerable of the race by whom they have been injured. If he falls by their hands, they are exposed, in their turn, to the danger of reprisals, the interest and principal of the bloody debt are accumulated: the individuals of either family lead a life of malice and suspicion, and fifty years may sometimes elapse before the account of vengeance be finally settled. 37 This sanguinary spirit, ignorant of pity or forgiveness, has been moderated, however, by the maxims of honor, which require in every private encounter some decent equality of age and strength, of numbers and weapons. An annual festival of two, perhaps of four, months, was observed by the Arabs before the time of Mahomet, during which their swords were religiously sheathed both in foreign and domestic hostility; and this partial truce is more strongly expressive of the habits of anarchy and warfare. 38
考察各民族与各色人等,我们可以窥见种种缘由:它们使人彼此为敌或为友,或收窄或拓宽、或软化或激化人的合群之性。阿拉伯人与世人相隔绝,久而久之便惯于把“陌生人”与“敌人”两个概念混为一谈;而土地的贫瘠,又催生出一条律法上的格言,至今他们仍深信不疑、身体力行。他们声称:当初分配大地之时,肥沃丰饶的土地都判给了人类家族的其他支系;而被逐的以实玛利,其后裔尽可凭欺诈或武力,去夺回那份被人不公地剥夺的遗产。照普林尼的说法,阿拉伯各部落既嗜偷盗、亦好经商,二者不相上下;穿越沙漠的商队,不是被勒索赎金,便是遭劫掠一空;自约伯与塞索斯特里斯那样久远的年代起,35他们的邻邦便一直是其贪婪成性的牺牲品。一个贝都因人若远远望见一名踽踽独行的旅人,便策马飞奔而上,高声喝道:“把衣裳脱下来,你婶母(我的妻子)还没有衣服穿呢。”旅人若乖乖就范,便可获得宽饶;若敢反抗,则会激怒来犯者,而他胆敢在正当自卫中所流之血,终须以自己的血来抵偿。单枪匹马的强盗,或三五结伙者,都会被冠以“盗贼”的本名;可一旦成群结队,其行径便俨然成了合法而光荣的战争。这样一个武装起来与全人类为敌的民族,其性情又因内部纵容劫掠、凶杀与复仇而愈发炽烈。在如今欧洲的政制之下,媾和与开战之权,只操于寥寥几位尊贵君主之手,真正付诸行使的更是屈指可数;可每一个阿拉伯人,都可以把标枪指向同胞的性命,既不受惩罚,还能博取声名。这个民族的联合,仅仅系于语言与习俗上一种模糊的相似;而在每一个部落里,官长的裁断权都缄默无声、软弱无力。穆罕默德之前那段“蒙昧时代”,据传下来的记载竟有一千七百场厮杀;36仇怨因内部党争的积恨而愈加尖刻;一段早已过时的旧仇,只消以散文或诗歌重述一遍,便足以在昔日敌对部落的后裔当中,重新点燃同样的激愤。在私人生活中,每个人——至少每个家族——都是自身冤仇的裁判者与复仇者。那种对荣誉锱铢必较的敏感——所掂量的是侮辱而非实害——为阿拉伯人的争斗注入了致命的毒液:他们女眷的贞誉、须髯的尊严,最易受到损伤;一个不雅的举动、一句轻蔑的言语,都非得用冒犯者的血来抵偿不可;而他们的积怨又是何等隐忍执着,为等一个复仇的机会,可以苦候数月乃至数年。以罚金或赔偿了结命案,历来各蛮族都不陌生;但在阿拉伯,死者的亲属尽可自行抉择:或接受这份抵偿,或亲手施行以牙还牙之律。阿拉伯人那份精于算计的恶毒,甚至连凶手的项上人头也不屑取,偏要以无辜者顶替真凶,把这笔血债转嫁到伤害他们那一族里最优秀、最有身份的人身上。此人一旦死于他们之手,他们自己转而也就面临对方报复之险,血债的本息就此层层累积:两家的成员都在怨毒与猜忌中度日,有时竟要过上五十年,这笔复仇的账目才算最终了结。37然而,这种不知怜悯、不解宽恕的嗜血之风,却也为荣誉的准则所节制:这些准则要求,凡私下交手,双方在年龄与体力、人数与兵器上,都须大致相当,方合体面。穆罕默德之前,阿拉伯人每年都守着一个为期两月、或许四月的节期,其间无论对外还是对内的仇怨,刀剑都虔诚地收入鞘中;而这种断断续续的休战,反倒更有力地道出了他们无法无天、好勇斗狠的习性。38
But the spirit of rapine and revenge was attempered by the milder influence of trade and literature. The solitary peninsula is encompassed by the most civilized nations of the ancient world; the merchant is the friend of mankind; and the annual caravans imported the first seeds of knowledge and politeness into the cities, and even the camps of the desert. Whatever may be the pedigree of the Arabs, their language is derived from the same original stock with the Hebrew, the Syriac, and the Chaldaean tongues; the independence of the tribes was marked by their peculiar dialects; 39 but each, after their own, allowed a just preference to the pure and perspicuous idiom of Mecca. In Arabia, as well as in Greece, the perfection of language outstripped the refinement of manners; and her speech could diversify the fourscore names of honey, the two hundred of a serpent, the five hundred of a lion, the thousand of a sword, at a time when this copious dictionary was intrusted to the memory of an illiterate people. The monuments of the Homerites were inscribed with an obsolete and mysterious character; but the Cufic letters, the groundwork of the present alphabet, were invented on the banks of the Euphrates; and the recent invention was taught at Mecca by a stranger who settled in that city after the birth of Mahomet. The arts of grammar, of metre, and of rhetoric, were unknown to the freeborn eloquence of the Arabians; but their penetration was sharp, their fancy luxuriant, their wit strong and sententious, 40 and their more elaborate compositions were addressed with energy and effect to the minds of their hearers. The genius and merit of a rising poet was celebrated by the applause of his own and the kindred tribes. A solemn banquet was prepared, and a chorus of women, striking their tymbals, and displaying the pomp of their nuptials, sung in the presence of their sons and husbands the felicity of their native tribe; that a champion had now appeared to vindicate their rights; that a herald had raised his voice to immortalize their renown. The distant or hostile tribes resorted to an annual fair, which was abolished by the fanaticism of the first Moslems; a national assembly that must have contributed to refine and harmonize the Barbarians. Thirty days were employed in the exchange, not only of corn and wine, but of eloquence and poetry. The prize was disputed by the generous emulation of the bards; the victorious performance was deposited in the archives of princes and emirs; and we may read in our own language, the seven original poems which were inscribed in letters of gold, and suspended in the temple of Mecca. 41 The Arabian poets were the historians and moralists of the age; and if they sympathized with the prejudices, they inspired and crowned the virtues, of their countrymen. The indissoluble union of generosity and valor was the darling theme of their song; and when they pointed their keenest satire against a despicable race, they affirmed, in the bitterness of reproach, that the men knew not how to give, nor the women to deny. 42 The same hospitality, which was practised by Abraham, and celebrated by Homer, is still renewed in the camps of the Arabs. The ferocious Bedoweens, the terror of the desert, embrace, without inquiry or hesitation, the stranger who dares to confide in their honor and to enter their tent. His treatment is kind and respectful: he shares the wealth, or the poverty, of his host; and, after a needful repose, he is dismissed on his way, with thanks, with blessings, and perhaps with gifts. The heart and hand are more largely expanded by the wants of a brother or a friend; but the heroic acts that could deserve the public applause, must have surpassed the narrow measure of discretion and experience. A dispute had arisen, who, among the citizens of Mecca, was entitled to the prize of generosity; and a successive application was made to the three who were deemed most worthy of the trial. Abdallah, the son of Abbas, had undertaken a distant journey, and his foot was in the stirrup when he heard the voice of a suppliant, “O son of the uncle of the apostle of God, I am a traveller, and in distress!” He instantly dismounted to present the pilgrim with his camel, her rich caparison, and a purse of four thousand pieces of gold, excepting only the sword, either for its intrinsic value, or as the gift of an honored kinsman. The servant of Kais informed the second suppliant that his master was asleep: but he immediately added, “Here is a purse of seven thousand pieces of gold, (it is all we have in the house,) and here is an order, that will entitle you to a camel and a slave;” the master, as soon as he awoke, praised and enfranchised his faithful steward, with a gentle reproof, that by respecting his slumbers he had stinted his bounty. The third of these heroes, the blind Arabah, at the hour of prayer, was supporting his steps on the shoulders of two slaves. “Alas!” he replied, “my coffers are empty! but these you may sell; if you refuse, I renounce them.” At these words, pushing away the youths, he groped along the wall with his staff.
不过,这股劫掠与复仇之风,也为贸易和文教较为温和的熏染所调剂。这座孤悬的半岛,四周环绕着古代世界最开化的民族;商人乃是全人类的朋友;一年一度的商队,把知识与文雅的最初种子,输入到各城镇,乃至沙漠中的营帐。无论阿拉伯人的血脉源出何处,他们的语言与希伯来语、叙利亚语和迦勒底语同出一源;各部落的独立,从其各具特色的方言便可见一斑;39然而各部落在自家方言之外,都心悦诚服地把首位让给麦加那纯正而明晰的语音。在阿拉伯,一如在希腊,语言之完备远远走在风俗之开化前头;这里的语言能为蜂蜜分出八十个名目,为蛇分出两百个,为狮子分出五百个,为刀剑分出一千个——而当此之时,这样一部浩繁的词库,竟全托付于一个目不识丁之民族的记忆。希米亚尔人的碑碣,镌刻着一种早已废弃、神秘难辨的文字;而如今字母之根基——库法字母,则是在幼发拉底河畔发明出来的;这一晚近的发明传入麦加,还是穆罕默德出生之后,靠一位定居该城的外乡人传授的。文法、格律与修辞之术,为阿拉伯人那种与生俱来、无拘无束的口才所不知;然而他们见解锐利,想象丰赡,机锋强劲而富于警句,40其较为精心结撰的篇章,更是气势充沛,切中人心,深深打动听者。一位崭露头角的诗人,其天分与才具会赢得本部落及诸亲族部落的喝彩。人们备下隆重的盛宴,一队妇女敲击手鼓,盛装如婚典,当着自己儿子与丈夫的面,歌唱本部落之福:说如今已有一位斗士挺身而出,捍卫他们的权利;说已有一位歌者引吭高歌,让他们的声名永垂不朽。相隔遥远或彼此为敌的部落,每年都会齐赴一场集市——这集市后来为最初的穆斯林出于狂热而废止——它本是一场全民族的盛会,想必大有助于这些蛮族的开化与融和。整整三十天里,人们不仅互通谷物与酒浆,也交流辩才与诗艺。诗人们你追我赶、慷慨相竞,争夺锦标;夺魁之作则收藏于君长与埃米尔的档库之中;那七首原诗曾以金字镌写,悬挂在麦加的神殿里,如今我们也能读到它们的英译。41阿拉伯的诗人,便是那个时代的史家与道德训导者;他们纵然也附和同胞的种种偏见,却同样激励并褒扬着同胞的德行。慷慨与勇武密不可分——这是他们诗中最钟爱的主题;每当他们把最尖刻的讥讽指向某个卑鄙之族,便在痛加斥责之余断言:那族的男人不懂得施与,那族的女人不懂得拒绝。42亚伯拉罕曾身体力行、荷马曾讴歌称颂的那份好客之风,如今在阿拉伯人的营帐中依然重现。凶悍的贝都因人,虽为大漠之患,可但凡有陌生人敢于信托他们的信义、踏入他们的帐篷,他们便不加盘问、毫不迟疑地热诚接纳。待客既亲切又恭敬:主人有富同享,有贫同当;客人稍事歇息,主人便送他上路,向他道谢、为他祝福,或许还赠以礼物。若是兄弟或朋友有所需求,他们的心胸与手笔更是慷慨得多;至于那些足以博得众人喝彩的豪举,则势必远远超出寻常慎虑与经验所能想象的分寸。曾有一场争论:麦加城中人,谁最当得起“慷慨”的桂冠?于是人们相继去考较三位公认最堪一试者。阿拔斯之子阿卜杜拉正要远行,一只脚已踏上马镫,忽听一名乞援者出声:“真主使者的叔父之子啊,我是个走投无路的旅人!”他当即翻身下马,把自己的骆驼连同华美的鞍鞯,外加一袋四千枚金币,尽数赠予这位行脚人,唯独留下佩剑——或因其本身贵重,或因它是一位可敬亲人所赠。凯斯的仆人告诉第二位乞援者,说主人正在安睡;却又立刻补上一句:“这里有一袋七千枚金币(是家中所有的了),还有一张凭据,凭它你可领得一头骆驼和一名奴隶;”主人一觉醒来,便夸奖这位忠仆并给他自由之身,只轻轻责怪一句:他为顾全自己的睡眠,反倒使自己的慷慨打了折扣。这三位豪杰中的第三位,是双目失明的阿拉巴;祈祷时分,他正扶着两名奴隶的肩膀挪步而行。“唉!”他答道,“我的钱柜空空如也!可这两个奴隶你尽管拿去卖了;你若不肯,我便把他们舍了。”说着,他一把推开那两个年轻奴隶,拄着手杖,扶墙摸索而去。
The character of Hatem is the perfect model of Arabian virtue: 43 he was brave and liberal, an eloquent poet, and a successful robber; forty camels were roasted at his hospitable feast; and at the prayer of a suppliant enemy he restored both the captives and the spoil. The freedom of his countrymen disdained the laws of justice; they proudly indulged the spontaneous impulse of pity and benevolence.
哈提姆其人,堪称阿拉伯美德的完美典范:43他既勇武又慷慨,是雄辩的诗人,也是屡屡得手的强盗;他待客的盛宴上,一次便烤了四十头骆驼;而当一个落难的仇敌向他恳求时,他把俘虏和缴获一并归还。他的同胞所享的自由,不屑受公道法度的约束;他们只知傲然放任怜悯与仁善的天然冲动。
The religion of the Arabs, 44 as well as of the Indians, consisted in the worship of the sun, the moon, and the fixed stars; a primitive and specious mode of superstition. The bright luminaries of the sky display the visible image of a Deity: their number and distance convey to a philosophic, or even a vulgar, eye, the idea of boundless space: the character of eternity is marked on these solid globes, that seem incapable of corruption or decay: the regularity of their motions may be ascribed to a principle of reason or instinct; and their real, or imaginary, influence encourages the vain belief that the earth and its inhabitants are the object of their peculiar care. The science of astronomy was cultivated at Babylon; but the school of the Arabs was a clear firmament and a naked plain. In their nocturnal marches, they steered by the guidance of the stars: their names, and order, and daily station, were familiar to the curiosity and devotion of the Bedoween; and he was taught by experience to divide, in twenty-eight parts, the zodiac of the moon, and to bless the constellations who refreshed, with salutary rains, the thirst of the desert. The reign of the heavenly orbs could not be extended beyond the visible sphere; and some metaphysical powers were necessary to sustain the transmigration of souls and the resurrection of bodies: a camel was left to perish on the grave, that he might serve his master in another life; and the invocation of departed spirits implies that they were still endowed with consciousness and power. I am ignorant, and I am careless, of the blind mythology of the Barbarians; of the local deities, of the stars, the air, and the earth, of their sex or titles, their attributes or subordination. Each tribe, each family, each independent warrior, created and changed the rites and the object of his fantastic worship; but the nation, in every age, has bowed to the religion, as well as to the language, of Mecca. The genuine antiquity of the Caaba ascends beyond the Christian aera; in describing the coast of the Red Sea, the Greek historian Diodorus 45 has remarked, between the Thamudites and the Sabaeans, a famous temple, whose superior sanctity was revered by all the Arabians; the linen or silken veil, which is annually renewed by the Turkish emperor, was first offered by a pious king of the Homerites, who reigned seven hundred years before the time of Mahomet. 46 A tent, or a cavern, might suffice for the worship of the savages, but an edifice of stone and clay has been erected in its place; and the art and power of the monarchs of the East have been confined to the simplicity of the original model. 47 A spacious portico encloses the quadrangle of the Caaba; a square chapel, twenty-four cubits long, twenty-three broad, and twenty-seven high: a door and a window admit the light; the double roof is supported by three pillars of wood; a spout (now of gold) discharges the rain-water, and the well Zemzen is protected by a dome from accidental pollution. The tribe of Koreish, by fraud and force, had acquired the custody of the Caaba: the sacerdotal office devolved through four lineal descents to the grandfather of Mahomet; and the family of the Hashemites, from whence he sprung, was the most respectable and sacred in the eyes of their country. 48 The precincts of Mecca enjoyed the rights of sanctuary; and, in the last month of each year, the city and the temple were crowded with a long train of pilgrims, who presented their vows and offerings in the house of God. The same rites which are now accomplished by the faithful Mussulman, were invented and practised by the superstition of the idolaters. At an awful distance they cast away their garments: seven times, with hasty steps, they encircled the Caaba, and kissed the black stone: seven times they visited and adored the adjacent mountains; seven times they threw stones into the valley of Mina; and the pilgrimage was achieved, as at the present hour, by a sacrifice of sheep and camels, and the burial of their hair and nails in the consecrated ground. Each tribe either found or introduced in the Caaba their domestic worship: the temple was adorned, or defiled, with three hundred and sixty idols of men, eagles, lions, and antelopes; and most conspicuous was the statue of Hebal, of red agate, holding in his hand seven arrows, without heads or feathers, the instruments and symbols of profane divination. But this statue was a monument of Syrian arts: the devotion of the ruder ages was content with a pillar or a tablet; and the rocks of the desert were hewn into gods or altars, in imitation of the black stone 49 of Mecca, which is deeply tainted with the reproach of an idolatrous origin. From Japan to Peru, the use of sacrifice has universally prevailed; and the votary has expressed his gratitude, or fear, by destroying or consuming, in honor of the gods, the dearest and most precious of their gifts. The life of a man 50 is the most precious oblation to deprecate a public calamity: the altars of Phoenicia and Egypt, of Rome and Carthage, have been polluted with human gore: the cruel practice was long preserved among the Arabs; in the third century, a boy was annually sacrificed by the tribe of the Dumatians; 51 and a royal captive was piously slaughtered by the prince of the Saracens, the ally and soldier of the emperor Justinian. 52 A parent who drags his son to the altar, exhibits the most painful and sublime effort of fanaticism: the deed, or the intention, was sanctified by the example of saints and heroes; and the father of Mahomet himself was devoted by a rash vow, and hardly ransomed for the equivalent of a hundred camels. In the time of ignorance, the Arabs, like the Jews and Egyptians, abstained from the taste of swine’s flesh; 53 they circumcised 54 their children at the age of puberty: the same customs, without the censure or the precept of the Koran, have been silently transmitted to their posterity and proselytes. It has been sagaciously conjectured, that the artful legislator indulged the stubborn prejudices of his countrymen. It is more simple to believe that he adhered to the habits and opinions of his youth, without foreseeing that a practice congenial to the climate of Mecca might become useless or inconvenient on the banks of the Danube or the Volga.
阿拉伯人的宗教,44与印度人的一样,在于崇拜日、月和恒星——那是一种原始而貌似有理的迷信。天上那些明亮的星辰,为神明展现出一副可见的形象:其数目之众、距离之遥,无论在哲人还是俗人眼里,都传达出无边空间的观念;这些坚实的天体仿佛不会腐坏、不会衰朽,“永恒”的印记便刻在它们身上;其运行的规律,或可归因于某种理性或本能的法则;而它们那或真或幻的影响,更助长了一种虚妄的信念:仿佛大地及其居民正是它们特别眷顾的对象。天文之学,在巴比伦得到钻研;而阿拉伯人的课堂,不过是一片澄澈的苍穹与一望无际的旷野。夜间行进时,他们凭群星指引辨别方向:星辰的名号、次序与每日的方位,都为好奇而虔敬的贝都因人所熟稔;经验教会了他把月亮所行的黄道分作二十八宿,并向那些以甘霖润解大漠焦渴的星座祝祷致谢。天体的主宰之力,毕竟无法伸展到可见的天球之外;于是,要支撑起灵魂的轮回转世与肉身的复活,便还须有某些超乎形体的力量:人们把一头骆驼留在坟旁听其饿毙,好让它在另一世界继续侍奉主人;而对亡灵的祈求,也暗示着他们相信亡者仍具有意识与能力。这些蛮族盲昧的神话,我既不了解,也无意深究:什么地方的神祇,什么星辰、空气与大地之神,什么性别、名号,什么职司、尊卑,一概付之阙如。每个部落、每个家族、每个独来独往的武士,都自创并随意更改其荒诞崇拜的仪式与对象;然而整个民族,世世代代,却都对麦加的宗教俯首膜拜,一如对麦加的语言心悦诚服。克尔白之古老确凿无疑,可上溯至基督纪元以前;希腊史家狄奥多罗斯45在记述红海沿岸时,曾提到在塔穆德人与萨巴人之间,有一座著名的神庙,其超群的神圣为全体阿拉伯人所敬奉;如今由土耳其皇帝每年更换的那幅麻纱或丝绸帷幔,最初乃是一位虔诚的希米亚尔国王所奉献,他在位之时早于穆罕默德七百年。46一顶帐篷、一处岩穴,本足供野蛮人祭拜之用,可后来却在原址建起了一座砖石泥土的建筑;东方历代君主纵有工巧与权势,也只得恪守原初样式的那份质朴。47一圈宽敞的柱廊,环抱着克尔白的四方庭院;这座圣殿呈方形,长二十四腕尺、宽二十三腕尺、高二十七腕尺:一门一窗透入光亮;双层的屋顶由三根木柱支撑;一道水槽(如今是金制的)排泄雨水,渗渗泉井则罩以穹顶,以免偶然遭到玷污。古莱什部落靠着欺诈与武力,取得了克尔白的守护之权:这一祭司之职历经四代嫡传,最后落到穆罕默德的祖父手中;而他所出身的哈希姆家族,在本国人眼中是最受尊崇、最为神圣的一族。48麦加圣地享有庇护之权;每年的最后一个月,城中与庙里都挤满了络绎不绝的朝觐者,他们在这真主的殿堂中许愿献祭。如今虔诚穆斯林所行的种种仪式,其实早在偶像崇拜者的迷信中便已创立并施行。相隔一段令人敬畏的距离,他们便脱去衣裳:疾步绕行克尔白七圈,亲吻那块黑石;七次瞻拜近旁的山丘;七次向米纳谷投掷石子;朝觐之礼的完成——一如今日——是以宰杀绵羊和骆驼献祭,并把自己的须发与指甲埋入这片圣地。各部落或在克尔白里找到、或带来了自家的崇拜对象:庙中或增光、或蒙污,供着三百六十尊偶像,或作人形,或作鹰、狮、羚羊之状;其中最为醒目的,是胡巴勒的雕像,以红玛瑙雕成,手握七支无镞无羽的箭矢——那是渎神占卜的器具与象征。但这尊雕像不过是叙利亚工艺的遗物:更蒙昧的年代,人们的虔诚只满足于一根石柱、一方石板;他们把大漠中的岩石凿成神像或祭坛,仿的正是麦加那块黑石,49而这块黑石,其偶像崇拜的出身向来备受诟病。从日本到秘鲁,献祭之俗无处不有;信徒为向神明表达感恩或畏惧,便把神所赐予中最珍爱、最贵重之物,或毁弃、或焚化,以为奉献。为禳除公共的灾祸,人命50乃是最贵重的祭品:腓尼基与埃及、罗马与迦太基的祭坛,都曾为人血所玷污;这一残忍之习在阿拉伯人中长久留存;三世纪时,杜马人每年都要献祭一名男童;51而一位萨拉森人的君长——查士丁尼皇帝的盟友兼部将——竟虔诚地屠戮了一名被俘的王子。52一位父亲把亲生儿子拖上祭坛,这是狂热所能作出的最痛苦、也最崇高的举动:无论是付诸行动还是仅存此念,都因圣徒与英雄的先例而被视为神圣;便是穆罕默德的父亲本人,也曾因一句轻率的誓愿被许作祭品,好不容易才以相当于一百头骆驼的代价赎回。在蒙昧时代,阿拉伯人和犹太人、埃及人一样,忌食猪肉;53并在子女到了发育之年为其行割礼;54这些习俗,《古兰经》既未斥责、也未明令,却无声无息地传给了他们的后裔与皈依者。有人曾睿智地推测:这位机巧的立法者是在迁就同胞根深蒂固的成见。其实还有一种更朴素的解释:他不过是固守自己少年时代的习惯与见解,未曾料到一桩本与麦加水土相宜的风俗,到了多瑙河或伏尔加河畔,或许会变得无用甚至碍事。

Notes 注释

31
Saraceni... mulieres aiunt in eos regnare, (Expositio totius Mundi, p. 3, in Hudson, tom. iii.) The reign of Mavia is famous in ecclesiastical story Pocock, Specimen, p. 69, 83.
Saraceni... mulieres aiunt in eos regnare(拉丁语:据说萨拉森人由女子统治他们;见 Expositio totius Mundi, p. 3, in Hudson, tom. iii.)。玛维娅女王之治在教会史上素负盛名。Pocock, Specimen, p. 69, 83.
32
The report of Agatharcides, (de Mari Rubro, p. 63, 64, in Hudson, tom. i.) Diodorus Siculus, (tom. i. l. iii. c. 47, p. 215,) and Strabo, (l. xvi. p. 1124.) But I much suspect that this is one of the popular tales, or extraordinary accidents, which the credulity of travellers so often transforms into a fact, a custom, and a law.
此说见于阿加撒尔基德斯的记述(de Mari Rubro, p. 63, 64, in Hudson, tom. i.)、西西里的狄奥多罗斯(tom. i. l. iii. c. 47, p. 215)与斯特拉波(l. xvi. p. 1124)。不过我颇疑心,这只是那类民间传说或离奇偶闻之一:轻信的旅行者往往把这类东西说成确凿的事实、通行的习俗,乃至成文的法律。
33
Non gloriabantur antiquitus Arabes, nisi gladio, hospite, et eloquentia (Sephadius apud Pocock, Specimen, p. 161, 162.) This gift of speech they shared only with the Persians; and the sententious Arabs would probably have disdained the simple and sublime logic of Demosthenes.
Non gloriabantur antiquitus Arabes, nisi gladio, hospite, et eloquentia(拉丁语:古时阿拉伯人所自豪者,唯刀剑、待客与雄辩三事而已;见 Sephadius apud Pocock, Specimen, p. 161, 162)。这份口才的天赋,他们只与波斯人共有;而好用警句的阿拉伯人,多半会瞧不上德摩斯梯尼那种质朴而崇高的论理。
34
I must remind the reader that D’Arvieux, D’Herbelot, and Niebuhr, represent, in the most lively colors, the manners and government of the Arabs, which are illustrated by many incidental passages in the Life of Mahomet. * Note: See, likewise the curious romance of Antar, the most vivid and authentic picture of Arabian manners.—M.
我须提醒读者,达尔维厄、埃尔布洛与尼布尔都以最生动的笔墨,描绘了阿拉伯人的风俗与政制,而《穆罕默德传》中许多随处可见的段落,也为之提供了佐证。*编者按:另可参看奇书《安塔尔传奇》,那是阿拉伯风俗最鲜活、最真切的写照。—M
35
Observe the first chapter of Job, and the long wall of 1500 stadia which Sesostris built from Pelusium to Heliopolis, (Diodor. Sicul. tom. i. l. i. p. 67.) Under the name of Hycsos, the shepherd kings, they had formerly subdued Egypt, (Marsham, Canon. Chron. p. 98-163) &c.) * Note: This origin of the Hycsos, though probable, is by no means so certain here is some reason for supposing them Scythians.—M
可参看《约伯记》第一章,以及塞索斯特里斯从佩鲁西乌姆到赫利奥波利斯所筑的那道长一千五百斯塔迪亚的长墙(Diodor. Sicul. tom. i. l. i. p. 67)。他们曾以“希克索斯”即牧人王之名,一度征服过埃及(Marsham, Canon. Chron. p. 98-163 等)。*编者按:希克索斯人的这一渊源虽有可能,却远非确凿;也有理由把他们看作斯基泰人。—M
36
Or, according to another account, 1200, (D’Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 75: ) the two historians who wrote of the Ayam al Arab, the battles of the Arabs, lived in the 9th and 10th century. The famous war of Dahes and Gabrah was occasioned by two horses, lasted forty years, and ended in a proverb, (Pocock, Specimen, p. 48.)
或者,据另一种记载,为一千二百场(D'Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 75)。记述“Ayam al Arab”(即阿拉伯人的诸般战事)的两位史家,分别生活在九世纪与十世纪。达希斯与加卜拉之间那场著名的战争,起因不过是两匹马,却延续了四十年,末了化为一句谚语(Pocock, Specimen, p. 48)。
37
The modern theory and practice of the Arabs in the revenge of murder are described by Niebuhr, (Description, p. 26-31.) The harsher features of antiquity may be traced in the Koran, c. 2, p. 20, c. 17, p. 230, with Sale’s Observations.
阿拉伯人如今在复仇杀人方面的理念与做法,尼布尔有所描述(Description, p. 26-31)。而其古代更为严酷的一面,则可在《古兰经》中寻见踪迹(c. 2, p. 20, c. 17, p. 230,并参塞尔的注释)。
38
Procopius (de Bell. Persic. l. i. c. 16) places the two holy months about the summer solstice. The Arabians consecrate four months of the year—the first, seventh, eleventh, and twelfth; and pretend, that in a long series of ages the truce was infringed only four or six times, (Sale’s Preliminary Discourse, p. 147-150, and Notes on the ixth chapter of the Koran, p. 154, &c. Casiri, Bibliot. Hispano-Arabica, tom. ii. p. 20, 21.)
普罗柯比(de Bell. Persic. l. i. c. 16)把那两个圣月定在夏至前后。阿拉伯人一年之中奉四个月为圣月——即第一、第七、第十一和第十二月;并声称,在漫长的岁月里,这一休战之约仅被破坏过四次或六次(Sale's Preliminary Discourse, p. 147-150,及《古兰经》第九章注释,p. 154 等;Casiri, Bibliot. Hispano-Arabica, tom. ii. p. 20, 21)。
39
Arrian, in the second century, remarks (in Periplo Maris Erythraei, p. 12) the partial or total difference of the dialects of the Arabs. Their language and letters are copiously treated by Pocock, (Specimen, p. 150-154,) Casiri, (Bibliot. Hispano-Arabica, tom. i. p. 1, 83, 292, tom. ii. p. 25, &c.,) and Niebuhr, (Description de l’Arabie, p. 72-36) I pass slightly; I am not fond of repeating words like a parrot.
阿里安在二世纪时曾指出(in Periplo Maris Erythraei, p. 12),阿拉伯人各方言之间或部分、或全然相异。关于他们的语言与文字,波科克(Specimen, p. 150-154)、卡西里(Bibliot. Hispano-Arabica, tom. i. p. 1, 83, 292, tom. ii. p. 25 等)与尼布尔(Description de l'Arabie, p. 72-36)都有详尽论述。我在此从略,因为我不喜欢像鹦鹉一样重复别人的话。
40
A familiar tale in Voltaire’s Zadig (le Chien et le Cheval) is related, to prove the natural sagacity of the Arabs, (D’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p. 120, 121. Gagnier, Vie de Mahomet, tom. i. p. 37-46: ) but D’Arvieux, or rather La Roque, (Voyage de Palestine, p. 92,) denies the boasted superiority of the Bedoweens. The one hundred and sixty-nine sentences of Ali (translated by Ockley, London, 1718) afford a just and favorable specimen of Arabian wit. * Note: Compare the Arabic proverbs translated by Burckhardt. London. 1830—M.
伏尔泰《查第格》中有一则脍炙人口的故事(即〈狗与马〉),常被用来印证阿拉伯人天生的机敏(D'Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p. 120, 121;Gagnier, Vie de Mahomet, tom. i. p. 37-46);但达尔维厄——或者不如说拉罗克(Voyage de Palestine, p. 92)——却否认贝都因人有此等自诩的过人之处。阿里的一百六十九句格言(由奥克利译出,伦敦,1718年)为阿拉伯人的机智提供了一份公允而讨喜的样本。*编者按:可与布克哈特所译的阿拉伯谚语相参照。伦敦,1830年。—M
41
Pocock (Specimen, p. 158-161) and Casiri (Bibliot. Hispano-Arabica, tom. i. p. 48, 84, &c., 119, tom. ii. p. 17, &c.) speak of the Arabian poets before Mahomet; the seven poems of the Caaba have been published in English by Sir William Jones; but his honorable mission to India has deprived us of his own notes, far more interesting than the obscure and obsolete text.
波科克(Specimen, p. 158-161)与卡西里(Bibliot. Hispano-Arabica, tom. i. p. 48, 84 等,119, tom. ii. p. 17 等)都谈到过穆罕默德之前的阿拉伯诗人;克尔白那七首诗,已由威廉·琼斯爵士译成英文刊行;只是他荣膺赴印度之使命,遂使我们无缘一读他亲撰的注释——那些注释远比晦涩过时的原诗有趣得多。
42
Sale’s Preliminary Discourse, p. 29, 30
见塞尔《古兰经绪论》(Preliminary Discourse),p. 29, 30。
43
D’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p. 458. Gagnier, Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 118. Caab and Hesnus (Pocock, Specimen, p. 43, 46, 48) were likewise conspicuous for their liberality; and the latter is elegantly praised by an Arabian poet: “Videbis eum cum accesseris exultantem, ac si dares illi quod ab illo petis.” * Note: See the translation of the amusing Persian romance of Hatim Tai, by Duncan Forbes, Esq., among the works published by the Oriental Translation Fund.—M.
D'Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p. 458;Gagnier, Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 118。卡阿卜与赫斯努斯(Pocock, Specimen, p. 43, 46, 48)同样以慷慨闻名;后者更被一位阿拉伯诗人雅致地颂扬道:“Videbis eum cum accesseris exultantem, ac si dares illi quod ab illo petis.”(拉丁语:你一走近,便见他欢欣鼓舞,仿佛是你在赐予他所求之物,而不是你在向他求取。)*编者按:可参看那部诙谐的波斯传奇《哈提姆·塔伊》的译本,由邓肯·福布斯先生译出,收入东方翻译基金会所刊行的丛书之中。—M
44
Whatever can now be known of the idolatry of the ancient Arabians may be found in Pocock, (Specimen, p. 89-136, 163, 164.) His profound erudition is more clearly and concisely interpreted by Sale, (Preliminary Discourse, p. 14-24;) and Assemanni (Bibliot. Orient tom. iv. p. 580-590) has added some valuable remarks.
关于古代阿拉伯人偶像崇拜的一切,凡今日尚可知者,都见于波科克的著作(Specimen, p. 89-136, 163, 164)。他那渊博的学识,经塞尔(Preliminary Discourse, p. 14-24)阐释得更为清晰简明;阿塞马尼(Bibliot. Orient. tom. iv. p. 580-590)也补充了若干宝贵的见解。
45
(Diodor. Sicul. tom. i. l. iii. p. 211.) The character and position are so correctly apposite, that I am surprised how this curious passage should have been read without notice or application. Yet this famous temple had been overlooked by Agatharcides, (de Mari Rubro, p. 58, in Hudson, tom. i.,) whom Diodorus copies in the rest of the description. Was the Sicilian more knowing than the Egyptian? Or was the Caaba built between the years of Rome 650 and 746, the dates of their respective histories? (Dodwell, in Dissert. ad tom. i. Hudson, p. 72. Fabricius, Bibliot. Graec. tom. ii. p. 770.) * Note: Mr. Forster (Geography of Arabia, vol. ii. p. 118, et seq.) has raised an objection, as I think, fatal to this hypothesis of Gibbon. The temple, situated in the country of the Banizomeneis, was not between the Thamudites and the Sabaeans, but higher up than the coast inhabited by the former. Mr. Forster would place it as far north as Moiiah. I am not quite satisfied that this will agree with the whole description of Diodorus—M. 1845.
(Diodor. Sicul. tom. i. l. iii. p. 211。)其特征与方位如此恰好吻合,令我惊讶:这段奇文竟一直无人留意、无人援引。然而这座著名的神庙,却为阿加撒尔基德斯所忽略(de Mari Rubro, p. 58, in Hudson, tom. i.)——狄奥多罗斯在其余的描述里都是照抄此人的。莫非这位西西里人比那位埃及人知道得更多?抑或克尔白是在罗马纪元650年至746年之间——即二人各自著史的年代——方才建成的?(Dodwell, in Dissert. ad tom. i. Hudson, p. 72;Fabricius, Bibliot. Graec. tom. ii. p. 770。)*编者按:福斯特先生(Geography of Arabia, vol. ii. p. 118 及以下)提出了一条异议,依我看来,足以致命地推翻吉本的这一假说。那座神庙坐落于巴尼佐门尼斯人的地界,并不在塔穆德人与萨巴人之间,而是在塔穆德人所居海岸更靠北之处。福斯特先生主张把它定在远北的穆伊拉。至于这是否与狄奥多罗斯的整段描述相符,我尚不能完全信服。—M,1845年
46
Pocock, Specimen, p. 60, 61. From the death of Mahomet we ascend to 68, from his birth to 129, years before the Christian aera. The veil or curtain, which is now of silk and gold, was no more than a piece of Egyptian linen, (Abulfeda, in Vit. Mohammed. c. 6, p. 14.)
Pocock, Specimen, p. 60, 61。从穆罕默德去世之年往上推算,可至基督纪元前68年;从他出生之年推算,则至前129年。那幅如今以丝绸金线织成的帷幔,当初不过是一块埃及麻布而已(Abulfeda, in Vit. Mohammed. c. 6, p. 14)。
47
The original plan of the Caaba (which is servilely copied in Sale, the Universal History, &c.) was a Turkish draught, which Reland (de Religione Mohammedica, p. 113-123) has corrected and explained from the best authorities. For the description and legend of the Caaba, consult Pocock, (Specimen, p. 115-122,) the Bibliotheque Orientale of D’Herbelot, (Caaba, Hagir, Zemzem, &c.,) and Sale (Preliminary Discourse, p. 114-122.)
克尔白的原始平面图(塞尔与《世界通史》等书都亦步亦趋地照搬了它)本是一幅土耳其人的草图,雷兰(de Religione Mohammedica, p. 113-123)依据最可靠的权威作了订正与解说。关于克尔白的描述与传说,可参阅波科克(Specimen, p. 115-122)、埃尔布洛的《东方文库》(相关词条 Caaba、Hagir、Zemzem 等)以及塞尔(Preliminary Discourse, p. 114-122)。
48
Cosa, the fifth ancestor of Mahomet, must have usurped the Caaba A.D. 440; but the story is differently told by Jannabi, (Gagnier, Vie de Mahomet, tom. i. p. 65-69,) and by Abulfeda, (in Vit. Moham. c. 6, p. 13.)
穆罕默德的第五代先祖库赛,想必是在公元440年篡夺了克尔白的守护之权;但贾纳比(Gagnier, Vie de Mahomet, tom. i. p. 65-69)与阿布尔费达(in Vit. Moham. c. 6, p. 13)对这段故事的讲法各不相同。
49
In the second century, Maximus of Tyre attributes to the Arabs the worship of a stone, (Dissert. viii. tom. i. p. 142, edit. Reiske;) and the reproach is furiously reechoed by the Christians, (Clemens Alex. in Protreptico, p. 40. Arnobius contra Gentes, l. vi. p. 246.) Yet these stones were no other than of Syria and Greece, so renowned in sacred and profane antiquity, (Euseb. Praep. Evangel. l. i. p. 37. Marsham, Canon. Chron. p. 54-56.)
二世纪时,提尔的马克西穆斯把崇拜石头一事归于阿拉伯人(Dissert. viii. tom. i. p. 142, edit. Reiske);基督徒们更是气势汹汹地反复申斥此事(Clemens Alex. in Protreptico, p. 40;Arnobius contra Gentes, l. vi. p. 246)。然而这类石头,与叙利亚和希腊的那些并无二致——它们在神圣与世俗的古史中都久负盛名(Euseb. Praep. Evangel. l. i. p. 37;Marsham, Canon. Chron. p. 54-56)。
50
The two horrid subjects are accurately discussed by the learned Sir John Marsham, (Canon. Chron. p. 76-78, 301-304.) Sanchoniatho derives the Phoenician sacrifices from the example of Chronus; but we are ignorant whether Chronus lived before, or after, Abraham, or indeed whether he lived at all.
这两桩骇人的题目,博学的约翰·马香爵士有精审的讨论(Canon. Chron. p. 76-78, 301-304)。桑科尼亚松把腓尼基人的献祭之俗追溯到克罗诺斯的先例;可克罗诺斯究竟生在亚伯拉罕之前还是之后,抑或他到底是否确有其人,我们全然无从知晓。
51
The reproach of Porphyry; but he likewise imputes to the Roman the same barbarous custom, which, A. U. C. 657, had been finally abolished. Dumaetha, Daumat al Gendai, is noticed by Ptolemy (Tabul. p. 37, Arabia, p. 9-29) and Abulfeda, (p. 57,) and may be found in D’Anville’s maps, in the mid-desert between Chaibar and Tadmor.
此说出自波菲利的指摘;不过他也把同样的野蛮习俗加诸罗马人头上——而这一习俗,早在罗马建城657年便已彻底废除。杜马塔,即 Daumat al Gendai,托勒密(Tabul. p. 37, Arabia, p. 9-29)与阿布尔费达(p. 57)都曾提及,在当维尔的地图上亦可寻见,位于海巴尔与塔德莫尔之间的大漠腹地。
52
Prcoopius, (de Bell. Persico, l. i. c. 28,) Evagrius, (l. vi. c. 21,) and Pocock, (Specimen, p. 72, 86,) attest the human sacrifices of the Arabs in the vith century. The danger and escape of Abdallah is a tradition rather than a fact, (Gagnier, Vie de Mahomet, tom. i. p. 82-84.)
普罗柯比(de Bell. Persico, l. i. c. 28)、埃瓦格里乌斯(l. vi. c. 21)与波科克(Specimen, p. 72, 86)都证实,六世纪时阿拉伯人确有以人为祭之事。至于阿卜杜拉遇险与脱险的经过,与其说是史实,不如说是一段传说(Gagnier, Vie de Mahomet, tom. i. p. 82-84)。
53
Suillis carnibus abstinent, says Solinus, (Polyhistor. c. 33,) who copies Pliny (l. viii. c. 68) in the strange supposition, that hogs can not live in Arabia. The Egyptians were actuated by a natural and superstitious horror for that unclean beast, (Marsham, Canon. p. 205.) The old Arabians likewise practised, post coitum, the rite of ablution, (Herodot. l. i. c. 80,) which is sanctified by the Mahometan law, (Reland, p. 75, &c., Chardin, or rather the Mollah of Shah Abbas, tom. iv. p. 71, &c.)
Suillis carnibus abstinent(拉丁语:他们忌食猪肉),索利努斯如是说(Polyhistor. c. 33);他沿袭了普林尼(l. viii. c. 68)那个离奇的臆断,以为猪在阿拉伯根本无法存活。埃及人对这种不洁之兽,则怀着一种出于天性而又掺杂迷信的憎恶(Marsham, Canon. p. 205)。古代阿拉伯人同样奉行房事之后(post coitum)沐浴洁身之礼(Herodot. l. i. c. 80),此礼后为伊斯兰教法所认可(Reland, p. 75 等;Chardin——或者不如说沙阿·阿拔斯的毛拉——tom. iv. p. 71 等)。
54
The Mahometan doctors are not fond of the subject; yet they hold circumcision necessary to salvation, and even pretend that Mahomet was miraculously born without a foreskin, (Pocock, Specimen, p. 319, 320. Sale’s Preliminary Discourse, p. 106, 107.)
伊斯兰教的学者们不喜谈论这一话题;然而他们坚持割礼乃得救所必需,甚至声称穆罕默德生来便神奇地没有包皮(Pocock, Specimen, p. 319, 320;Sale's Preliminary Discourse, p. 106, 107)。