Chapter L: Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Part I. 第五十章 阿拉伯及其居民——第一节
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Description Of Arabia And Its Inhabitants.—Birth, Character, And Doctrine Of Mahomet.—He Preaches At Mecca.— Flies To Medina.—Propagates His Religion By The Sword.— Voluntary Or Reluctant Submission Of The Arabs.—His Death And Successors.—The Claims And Fortunes Of Ali And His Descendants.
阿拉伯及其居民——穆罕默德的出身、性格与教义——他在麦加传道——出走麦地那——以刀剑传布其教——阿拉伯人或自愿或勉强的归顺——他的去世与继任者——阿里及其后裔的权位主张与命运。
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After pursuing above six hundred years the fleeting Caesars of Constantinople and Germany, I now descend, in the reign of Heraclius, on the eastern borders of the Greek monarchy. While the state was exhausted by the Persian war, and the church was distracted by the Nestorian and Monophysite sects, Mahomet, with the sword in one hand and the Koran in the other, erected his throne on the ruins of Christianity and of Rome. The genius of the Arabian prophet, the manners of his nation, and the spirit of his religion, involve the causes of the decline and fall of the Eastern empire; and our eyes are curiously intent on one of the most memorable revolutions, which have impressed a new and lasting character on the nations of the globe. 1
六百余年间,我一路追随君士坦丁堡与日耳曼那些转瞬即逝的恺撒;如今,正值希拉克略在位,我的笔锋也转落到希腊君主国的东部边陲。彼时罗马国力已被波斯战争耗尽,教会又为聂斯脱利派与基督一性论诸派所撕裂,穆罕默德便一手持剑、一手持《古兰经》,在基督教与罗马的废墟之上竖起了自己的宝座。这位阿拉伯先知的天纵之才、其民族的习俗、其宗教的精神,正与东方帝国衰亡的种种缘由纠结在一起;我们不禁凝神注视这样一场巨变——它是历来最堪铭记的变革之一,给全球各民族都烙下了崭新而持久的印记。1
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In the vacant space between Persia, Syria, Egypt, and Aethiopia, the Arabian peninsula 2 may be conceived as a triangle of spacious but irregular dimensions. From the northern point of Beles 3 on the Euphrates, a line of fifteen hundred miles is terminated by the Straits of Bebelmandel and the land of frankincense. About half this length may be allowed for the middle breadth, from east to west, from Bassora to Suez, from the Persian Gulf to the Red Sea. 4 The sides of the triangle are gradually enlarged, and the southern basis presents a front of a thousand miles to the Indian Ocean. The entire surface of the peninsula exceeds in a fourfold proportion that of Germany or France; but the far greater part has been justly stigmatized with the epithets of the stony and the sandy. Even the wilds of Tartary are decked, by the hand of nature, with lofty trees and luxuriant herbage; and the lonesome traveller derives a sort of comfort and society from the presence of vegetable life. But in the dreary waste of Arabia, a boundless level of sand is intersected by sharp and naked mountains; and the face of the desert, without shade or shelter, is scorched by the direct and intense rays of a tropical sun. Instead of refreshing breezes, the winds, particularly from the south-west, diffuse a noxious and even deadly vapor; the hillocks of sand which they alternately raise and scatter, are compared to the billows of the ocean, and whole caravans, whole armies, have been lost and buried in the whirlwind. The common benefits of water are an object of desire and contest; and such is the scarcity of wood, that some art is requisite to preserve and propagate the element of fire. Arabia is destitute of navigable rivers, which fertilize the soil, and convey its produce to the adjacent regions: the torrents that fall from the hills are imbibed by the thirsty earth: the rare and hardy plants, the tamarind or the acacia, that strike their roots into the clefts of the rocks, are nourished by the dews of the night: a scanty supply of rain is collected in cisterns and aqueducts: the wells and springs are the secret treasure of the desert; and the pilgrim of Mecca, 5 after many a dry and sultry march, is disgusted by the taste of the waters which have rolled over a bed of sulphur or salt. Such is the general and genuine picture of the climate of Arabia. The experience of evil enhances the value of any local or partial enjoyments. A shady grove, a green pasture, a stream of fresh water, are sufficient to attract a colony of sedentary Arabs to the fortunate spots which can afford food and refreshment to themselves and their cattle, and which encourage their industry in the cultivation of the palmtree and the vine. The high lands that border on the Indian Ocean are distinguished by their superior plenty of wood and water; the air is more temperate, the fruits are more delicious, the animals and the human race more numerous: the fertility of the soil invites and rewards the toil of the husbandman; and the peculiar gifts of frankincense 6 and coffee have attracted in different ages the merchants of the world. If it be compared with the rest of the peninsula, this sequestered region may truly deserve the appellation of the happy; and the splendid coloring of fancy and fiction has been suggested by contrast, and countenanced by distance. It was for this earthly paradise that Nature had reserved her choicest favors and her most curious workmanship: the incompatible blessings of luxury and innocence were ascribed to the natives: the soil was impregnated with gold 7 and gems, and both the land and sea were taught to exhale the odors of aromatic sweets. This division of the sandy, the stony, and the happy, so familiar to the Greeks and Latins, is unknown to the Arabians themselves; and it is singular enough, that a country, whose language and inhabitants have ever been the same, should scarcely retain a vestige of its ancient geography. The maritime districts of Bahrein and Oman are opposite to the realm of Persia. The kingdom of Yemen displays the limits, or at least the situation, of Arabia Felix: the name of Neged is extended over the inland space; and the birth of Mahomet has illustrated the province of Hejaz along the coast of the Red Sea. 8
阿拉伯半岛2横亘于波斯、叙利亚、埃及与埃塞俄比亚之间的空阔地带,其轮廓大致可想象为一个疆域辽阔而形状不规则的三角形。从幼发拉底河畔北端的贝勒斯3起,一条长达一千五百英里的线,直抵曼德海峡与那盛产乳香之地。它自东向西的中部宽度,约为此长度的一半:从巴士拉到苏伊士,从波斯湾到红海。4三角形的两边渐次展宽,南面的底边则以一千英里的正面朝向印度洋。整个半岛的面积四倍于日耳曼或法国;然而其中绝大部分,被冠以“多石”与“多沙”的恶名,实非虚言。即便是鞑靼的荒野,也有造化之手为之披上高树与丰茂的草木;孤旅之人见到这些草木生机,也能从中得几分慰藉,觉得不再形单影只。但在阿拉伯那片凄凉的荒漠里,无边的平沙之间横亘着一道道尖峭而光秃的山岭;沙漠地面无遮无蔽,任凭热带烈日直射炙烤。这里没有清凉的和风,反是狂风——尤以西南风为甚——四处播散有害乃至致命的毒气;风起时沙丘忽聚忽散,宛如海上的滔天巨浪,整支整支的商队、整支整支的军队,都曾在这旋风之中迷失、被沙掩埋。水这样人人本可享有的寻常之物,在此却成了人所渴求、彼此争夺的对象;木材更是匮乏,以致要保存火种、使之不灭,都得靠几分巧技。阿拉伯没有可通航的河流来滋润土壤、把物产运往邻近之地:山间倾泻而下的急流,转眼就被焦渴的大地吸尽;那些扎根于岩缝、稀少而耐旱的植物——罗望子或金合欢——全靠夜间的露水滋养;仅有的少许雨水,蓄于水窖与沟渠之中;水井与泉眼便成了沙漠里秘不示人的宝藏;至于前往麦加的朝圣者5,在多日又干又闷的跋涉之后,尝到那流经硫磺或盐层的水,只觉难以下咽。这便是阿拉伯气候大致而真实的写照。唯其饱尝了这般苦楚,任何一处、任何一点可享之乐,价值便都倍增。一片浓荫的树林、一方青绿的牧场、一道清冽的溪流,就足以引来一群定居的阿拉伯人,聚居于这些得天独厚之地——那里能为他们和牲畜提供食物与甘泉,也让他们乐于垦殖,栽种棕榈与葡萄。临近印度洋的高地,则以林木与水源的格外丰饶著称:这里气候更为温和,果实更为甘美,禽兽与人口也更为繁盛;肥沃的土壤既招徕又酬报着农人的辛劳;而乳香6与咖啡这两样独有的天赐之物,历代都吸引着世界各地的商贾纷至沓来。若与半岛其余之地相比,这一隅僻静的沃土确当得起“福地”之名;而幻想与传说为它敷上的绚烂色彩,正是由这鲜明的对照而生,又借着遥远的距离得以流传不衰。人们说,造化正是为这片人间乐土留存了她最上乘的恩宠与最精巧的手艺:奢华与淳朴这两样本难两全的福分,尽归于当地人;土壤里孕含着黄金7与珠宝,无论陆地还是海洋,仿佛都被教会了吐纳芬芳的香气。把阿拉伯分为沙漠、石漠与福地三部分,这在希腊人和拉丁人那里习以为常,阿拉伯人自己却闻所未闻;奇怪的是,这个语言与居民始终未变的国度,竟几乎没有留下一丝古代地理的痕迹。巴林与阿曼两处滨海地带,与波斯的国土隔海相望。也门王国标示出阿拉伯福地的疆界,至少标示出它的方位;内志之名则涵盖了内陆一带;而穆罕默德的降生,使红海沿岸的希贾兹一省声名远扬。8
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The measure of population is regulated by the means of subsistence; and the inhabitants of this vast peninsula might be outnumbered by the subjects of a fertile and industrious province. Along the shores of the Persian Gulf, of the ocean, and even of the Red Sea, the Icthyophagi, 9 or fish eaters, continued to wander in quest of their precarious food. In this primitive and abject state, which ill deserves the name of society, the human brute, without arts or laws, almost without sense or language, is poorly distinguished from the rest of the animal creation. Generations and ages might roll away in silent oblivion, and the helpless savage was restrained from multiplying his race by the wants and pursuits which confined his existence to the narrow margin of the seacoast. But in an early period of antiquity the great body of the Arabs had emerged from this scene of misery; and as the naked wilderness could not maintain a people of hunters, they rose at once to the more secure and plentiful condition of the pastoral life. The same life is uniformly pursued by the roving tribes of the desert; and in the portrait of the modern Bedoweens, we may trace the features of their ancestors, 10 who, in the age of Moses or Mahomet, dwelt under similar tents, and conducted their horses, and camels, and sheep, to the same springs and the same pastures. Our toil is lessened, and our wealth is increased, by our dominion over the useful animals; and the Arabian shepherd had acquired the absolute possession of a faithful friend and a laborious slave. 11 Arabia, in the opinion of the naturalist, is the genuine and original country of the horse; the climate most propitious, not indeed to the size, but to the spirit and swiftness, of that generous animal. The merit of the Barb, the Spanish, and the English breed, is derived from a mixture of Arabian blood: 12 the Bedoweens preserve, with superstitious care, the honors and the memory of the purest race: the males are sold at a high price, but the females are seldom alienated; and the birth of a noble foal was esteemed among the tribes, as a subject of joy and mutual congratulation. These horses are educated in the tents, among the children of the Arabs, with a tender familiarity, which trains them in the habits of gentleness and attachment. They are accustomed only to walk and to gallop: their sensations are not blunted by the incessant abuse of the spur and the whip: their powers are reserved for the moments of flight and pursuit: but no sooner do they feel the touch of the hand or the stirrup, than they dart away with the swiftness of the wind; and if their friend be dismounted in the rapid career, they instantly stop till he has recovered his seat. In the sands of Africa and Arabia, the camel is a sacred and precious gift. That strong and patient beast of burden can perform, without eating or drinking, a journey of several days; and a reservoir of fresh water is preserved in a large bag, a fifth stomach of the animal, whose body is imprinted with the marks of servitude: the larger breed is capable of transporting a weight of a thousand pounds; and the dromedary, of a lighter and more active frame, outstrips the fleetest courser in the race. Alive or dead, almost every part of the camel is serviceable to man: her milk is plentiful and nutritious: the young and tender flesh has the taste of veal: 13 a valuable salt is extracted from the urine: the dung supplies the deficiency of fuel; and the long hair, which falls each year and is renewed, is coarsely manufactured into the garments, the furniture, and the tents of the Bedoweens. In the rainy seasons, they consume the rare and insufficient herbage of the desert: during the heats of summer and the scarcity of winter, they remove their encampments to the sea-coast, the hills of Yemen, or the neighborhood of the Euphrates, and have often extorted the dangerous license of visiting the banks of the Nile, and the villages of Syria and Palestine. The life of a wandering Arab is a life of danger and distress; and though sometimes, by rapine or exchange, he may appropriate the fruits of industry, a private citizen in Europe is in the possession of more solid and pleasing luxury than the proudest emir, who marches in the field at the head of ten thousand horse.
人口的多寡,总取决于谋生之资的丰啬;这片辽阔半岛上的居民,其数目恐怕还比不上一个物阜民勤的行省。在波斯湾、大洋乃至红海的沿岸,那些食鱼族9——即以鱼为食的人——仍旧四处漂泊,觅取朝不保夕的食物。他们处于这般原始而卑下的境地,实难称之为“社会”:这些近乎野兽的人,既无技艺,又无法度,几乎没有理智与语言,与其他禽兽相比也没什么分别。一代又一代、一世又一世,就这样在无声无息中湮没;这些无依无靠的野人被种种匮乏与营生所困,只能栖身于海岸那一线狭窄的边缘,也因此无从繁衍其族类。然而早在远古时期,阿拉伯人的大部分便已走出了这般苦境;由于光秃的荒野养不活一个以狩猎为生的民族,他们索性一跃而上,进入了更为安稳、更为丰足的游牧生活。沙漠里流徙的各部落,至今仍一律过着这样的日子;从今日贝都因人的写照中,我们不难辨认出他们祖先的模样10——无论是在摩西的时代还是穆罕默德的时代,那些先人也住在类似的帐篷之下,赶着马、骆驼与羊群,走向同样的泉眼、同样的牧场。人一旦驾驭了这些有用的牲畜,劳作便减轻,财富也随之增加;阿拉伯的牧人便由此彻底拥有了一位忠实的朋友和一名任劳任怨的奴仆。11在博物学家看来,阿拉伯才是马真正的原产地;这里的气候固然无助于马的高大身量,却最能养成它那高贵的性情与迅捷的脚力。北非柏布马、西班牙马与英国马之所以出众,皆因血脉中掺入了阿拉伯马的血统12。贝都因人近乎迷信地悉心守护着最纯正血系的荣誉与谱系:公马可卖得高价,母马却极少出让;部落里若添了一匹血统高贵的幼驹,人人视为喜事,纷纷道贺。这些马自幼便在帐篷里、在阿拉伯孩童之间养大,人与马亲昵相处,日久便养成了它们温驯而恋主的秉性。它们只习惯于缓步与疾驰;主人从不没完没了地滥用马刺与鞭子,故而它们的知觉不曾迟钝;气力也留待逃遁与追击的紧要关头才发。可是,一旦感到主人的手或马镫轻轻一触,它们便如风般飞奔而去;倘若主人在疾驰中失足坠地,它们又会立时收住脚步,静候他重新上鞍。在非洲与阿拉伯的黄沙之中,骆驼乃是一件神圣而珍贵的天赐之物。这种强壮而耐劳的驮兽,可以数日不食不饮而照样赶路;它体内有一个大囊,即它的第五个胃,存着一泓清水,而它周身也满是役使的印痕。体型较大的骆驼能驮起千磅之重;单峰驼身架更轻捷,赛跑起来连最快的骏马也望尘莫及。骆驼无论生前死后,几乎浑身上下都可供人取用:它的乳汁丰盈而富于营养;幼骆驼鲜嫩的肉,味道像小牛肉13;它的尿可提炼出珍贵的盐;粪便可补燃料之不足;而它那每年脱落又重新长出的长毛,则可粗粗织成贝都因人的衣物、器具与帐篷。雨季里,骆驼啃食沙漠中那稀疏而不足的草木;到了盛夏酷热、隆冬匮乏之际,牧人便把营帐迁往海滨、也门的山地或幼发拉底河一带,还常常强行取得一项危险的许可,得以造访尼罗河两岸以及叙利亚、巴勒斯坦的村庄。游荡的阿拉伯人过的是一种充满凶险与困厄的生活;纵然他有时凭劫掠或交易攫得旁人辛勤的成果,可即便是那率领万骑、驰骋沙场、骄矜不可一世的埃米尔,其享有的安逸与快意,也远不及欧洲一介寻常百姓来得实在而惬意。
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Yet an essential difference may be found between the hordes of Scythia and the Arabian tribes; since many of the latter were collected into towns, and employed in the labors of trade and agriculture. A part of their time and industry was still devoted to the management of their cattle: they mingled, in peace and war, with their brethren of the desert; and the Bedoweens derived from their useful intercourse some supply of their wants, and some rudiments of art and knowledge. Among the forty-two cities of Arabia, 14 enumerated by Abulfeda, the most ancient and populous were situate in the happy Yemen: the towers of Saana, 15 and the marvellous reservoir of Merab, 16 were constructed by the kings of the Homerites; but their profane lustre was eclipsed by the prophetic glories of Medina 17 and Mecca, 18 near the Red Sea, and at the distance from each other of two hundred and seventy miles. The last of these holy places was known to the Greeks under the name of Macoraba; and the termination of the word is expressive of its greatness, which has not, indeed, in the most flourishing period, exceeded the size and populousness of Marseilles. Some latent motive, perhaps of superstition, must have impelled the founders, in the choice of a most unpromising situation. They erected their habitations of mud or stone, in a plain about two miles long and one mile broad, at the foot of three barren mountains: the soil is a rock; the water even of the holy well of Zemzem is bitter or brackish; the pastures are remote from the city; and grapes are transported above seventy miles from the gardens of Tayef. The fame and spirit of the Koreishites, who reigned in Mecca, were conspicuous among the Arabian tribes; but their ungrateful soil refused the labors of agriculture, and their position was favorable to the enterprises of trade. By the seaport of Gedda, at the distance only of forty miles, they maintained an easy correspondence with Abyssinia; and that Christian kingdom afforded the first refuge to the disciples of Mahomet. The treasures of Africa were conveyed over the Peninsula to Gerrha or Katif, in the province of Bahrein, a city built, as it is said, of rock-salt, by the Chaldaean exiles; 19 and from thence with the native pearls of the Persian Gulf, they were floated on rafts to the mouth of the Euphrates. Mecca is placed almost at an equal distance, a month’s journey, between Yemen on the right, and Syria on the left hand. The former was the winter, the latter the summer, station of her caravans; and their seasonable arrival relieved the ships of India from the tedious and troublesome navigation of the Red Sea. In the markets of Saana and Merab, in the harbors of Oman and Aden, the camels of the Koreishites were laden with a precious cargo of aromatics; a supply of corn and manufactures was purchased in the fairs of Bostra and Damascus; the lucrative exchange diffused plenty and riches in the streets of Mecca; and the noblest of her sons united the love of arms with the profession of merchandise. 20
不过,斯基泰的游牧部众与阿拉伯诸部落之间,仍有一个根本的区别:后者中有许多人聚居于城镇,从事工商与农耕。他们仍拿出一部分时间与精力来照管牲畜;无论平时还是战时,都与沙漠中的族人往来交融;而贝都因人也从这种有益的交往里,得到一些日用所需的补给,并习得一些粗浅的技艺与知识。阿布尔费达历数阿拉伯的四十二座城市14,其中最古老、人口最稠密的都坐落在富庶的也门:萨那的高塔15与梅拉布那座奇伟的蓄水池16,皆出自希米亚尔诸王之手;但这些世俗的荣光,终为麦地那17与麦加18因先知而生的荣耀所掩——这两座圣城临近红海,彼此相距二百七十英里。这两座圣地中的后者,希腊人称之为马科拉巴;这个词的词尾正显出它的宏伟——尽管它的规模与人口,即便在最鼎盛之时,也不曾超过马赛。当初建城者选中这样一处毫无指望的荒僻之地,背后必有某种隐秘的动机——或许是出于迷信。他们在三座荒山脚下、一片约长二英里、宽一英里的平地上,用泥土或石块盖起居所:这里的土地是岩石;连那口神圣的渗渗泉,水也是苦的或带咸味;牧场远在城外;葡萄更要从七十多英里外塔伊夫的园圃运来。统治麦加的古莱什人,其声名与气概在阿拉伯诸部落中卓然出众;然而他们脚下这片贫瘠的土地辜负了耕耘,他们所处的地利却适宜经商。凭借仅四十英里之遥的吉达港,他们与阿比西尼亚往来便利;日后正是这个基督教王国,最先为穆罕默德的门徒提供了庇护。非洲的珍货经由半岛运往巴林一带的格拉——又名卡提夫——据说这座城是迦勒底流亡者用岩盐砌成的19;货物再连同波斯湾出产的珍珠,一起用木筏漂运到幼发拉底河口。麦加恰好位居中途,右手边的也门与左手边的叙利亚,距它几乎等远,各需一月的路程。前者是麦加商队冬季的落脚地,后者是夏季的落脚地;商队适时抵达,便使印度来的船只免去了在红海上那既冗长又费事的航行。在萨那与梅拉布的集市、在阿曼与亚丁的港口,古莱什人的骆驼驮上了名贵的香料;他们又在波斯特拉与大马士革的集市上购入谷物与工制品;这利润丰厚的贸易,把富足与财货撒遍了麦加的街巷;而麦加最高贵的子弟,既好武事,又兼营商货。20
¶
The perpetual independence of the Arabs has been the theme of praise among strangers and natives; and the arts of controversy transform this singular event into a prophecy and a miracle, in favor of the posterity of Ismael. 21 Some exceptions, that can neither be dismissed nor eluded, render this mode of reasoning as indiscreet as it is superfluous; the kingdom of Yemen has been successively subdued by the Abyssinians, the Persians, the sultans of Egypt, 22 and the Turks; 23 the holy cities of Mecca and Medina have repeatedly bowed under a Scythian tyrant; and the Roman province of Arabia 24 embraced the peculiar wilderness in which Ismael and his sons must have pitched their tents in the face of their brethren. Yet these exceptions are temporary or local; the body of the nation has escaped the yoke of the most powerful monarchies: the arms of Sesostris and Cyrus, of Pompey and Trajan, could never achieve the conquest of Arabia; the present sovereign of the Turks 25 may exercise a shadow of jurisdiction, but his pride is reduced to solicit the friendship of a people, whom it is dangerous to provoke, and fruitless to attack. The obvious causes of their freedom are inscribed on the character and country of the Arabs. Many ages before Mahomet, 26 their intrepid valor had been severely felt by their neighbors in offensive and defensive war. The patient and active virtues of a soldier are insensibly nursed in the habits and discipline of a pastoral life. The care of the sheep and camels is abandoned to the women of the tribe; but the martial youth, under the banner of the emir, is ever on horseback, and in the field, to practise the exercise of the bow, the javelin, and the cimeter. The long memory of their independence is the firmest pledge of its perpetuity and succeeding generations are animated to prove their descent, and to maintain their inheritance. Their domestic feuds are suspended on the approach of a common enemy; and in their last hostilities against the Turks, the caravan of Mecca was attacked and pillaged by fourscore thousand of the confederates. When they advance to battle, the hope of victory is in the front; in the rear, the assurance of a retreat. Their horses and camels, who, in eight or ten days, can perform a march of four or five hundred miles, disappear before the conqueror; the secret waters of the desert elude his search, and his victorious troops are consumed with thirst, hunger, and fatigue, in the pursuit of an invisible foe, who scorns his efforts, and safely reposes in the heart of the burning solitude. The arms and deserts of the Bedoweens are not only the safeguards of their own freedom, but the barriers also of the happy Arabia, whose inhabitants, remote from war, are enervated by the luxury of the soil and climate. The legions of Augustus melted away in disease and lassitude; 27 and it is only by a naval power that the reduction of Yemen has been successfully attempted. When Mahomet erected his holy standard, 28 that kingdom was a province of the Persian empire; yet seven princes of the Homerites still reigned in the mountains; and the vicegerent of Chosroes was tempted to forget his distant country and his unfortunate master. The historians of the age of Justinian represent the state of the independent Arabs, who were divided by interest or affection in the long quarrel of the East: the tribe of Gassan was allowed to encamp on the Syrian territory: the princes of Hira were permitted to form a city about forty miles to the southward of the ruins of Babylon. Their service in the field was speedy and vigorous; but their friendship was venal, their faith inconstant, their enmity capricious: it was an easier task to excite than to disarm these roving barbarians; and, in the familiar intercourse of war, they learned to see, and to despise, the splendid weakness both of Rome and of Persia. From Mecca to the Euphrates, the Arabian tribes 29 were confounded by the Greeks and Latins, under the general appellation of Saracens, 30 a name which every Christian mouth has been taught to pronounce with terror and abhorrence.
阿拉伯人历久不衰的独立,一向为外邦人与本族人所称道;而善于诡辩者更把这桩罕见之事,附会成一则预言、一桩神迹,谓其应在以实玛利的后裔身上。21然而有几桩例外,既无法抹煞,也无从回避,足见这种论证既轻率又多余:也门王国先后被阿比西尼亚人、波斯人、埃及的诸苏丹22和土耳其人23所征服;麦加与麦地那两座圣城,也屡屡向斯基泰的暴君俯首;而罗马的阿拉伯行省24,其疆界正把那片特殊的荒野囊括在内——以实玛利及其诸子当年想必就是在那里,当着自家弟兄的面支起帐篷的。但这些例外或是一时的,或是一地的;就整个民族而言,它始终未曾套上那些最强大王朝的枷锁:塞索斯特里斯与居鲁士、庞培与图拉真的武力,都不曾征服阿拉伯;当今土耳其的君主25或许尚能行使一点名义上的管辖,但他那份骄矜,也不得不放下,转而去笼络这个民族——招惹他们则危险,攻打他们则徒劳。他们何以能保有这份自由,原因显而易见,就镌刻在阿拉伯人的性格与他们的国土之上。远在穆罕默德之前许多世代26,无论是进攻还是防御,四邻都已深深领教过他们那无所畏惧的勇武。军人所需的坚忍与骁勇这两种品质,在游牧生活的习惯与磨砺中,不知不觉便养成了。看管羊群与骆驼的活计,全撇给部落里的妇女;而尚武的青年,则始终在埃米尔的旗下策马驰骋于野,操练弓箭、标枪与弯刀。对独立的悠久记忆,正是这份独立得以长存的最坚实保证;一代代后人无不奋发,要证明自己血脉的高贵,守住祖先传下的基业。一旦共同的敌人逼近,他们内部的世仇便暂且搁置;在最近一次与土耳其人的交战中,联手的部众多达八万,袭击并劫掠了麦加的商队。他们进军作战时,胜利的指望在前方,而退路的保障则在后方。他们的马匹与骆驼,八到十天便能行进四五百英里,征服者一到便早已无影无踪;沙漠中隐秘的水源躲过了他的搜寻,他那本已得胜的部队,却在追击一个无形之敌的途中,被干渴、饥饿与疲惫拖垮——那敌人对他的一切努力嗤之以鼻,安然歇息在这灼热荒原的腹地。贝都因人的刀兵与沙漠,不仅护卫着他们自身的自由,也成了那富庶阿拉伯的屏障——福地的居民远离战火,却被优渥的水土与气候消磨得柔弱不振。奥古斯都的军团在疾病与疲惫中消耗殆尽27;要征服也门,唯有借助海上的力量才曾奏效。当穆罕默德竖起他那神圣的旗帜时28,也门王国已是波斯帝国的一个行省;然而希米亚尔的七位君主仍在山中称雄;而库思老派驻当地的总督,也不禁动了心,想要忘却那遥远的祖国和他那不幸的君主。查士丁尼时代的史家,描述过独立的阿拉伯人当时的处境。在东方那场旷日持久的争斗中,他们或因利害、或因情谊而各择一方:加桑部落获准在叙利亚境内扎营;希拉的诸君主则获许在巴比伦废墟以南约四十英里处建起一座城。他们上阵效力,来得迅捷,也来得勇猛;但他们的交情可以用钱买到,他们的信义反复无常,他们的仇怨也全凭一时兴致:要挑动这些流荡的蛮族易如反掌,要让他们放下武器却难乎其难;而在战争中频繁的往来里,他们渐渐看清、进而鄙夷罗马与波斯那虚有其表的孱弱。从麦加直到幼发拉底河,希腊人与拉丁人把这些阿拉伯部落29混为一谈,一概称作萨拉森人30;而每一个基督徒,都被教着带着恐惧与憎恶去念诵这个名字。
Notes 注释
1
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As in this and the following chapter I shall display much Arabic learning, I must profess my total ignorance of the Oriental tongues, and my gratitude to the learned interpreters, who have transfused their science into the Latin, French, and English languages. Their collections, versions, and histories, I shall occasionally notice.
本章与下一章中,我将展示不少阿拉伯学问;为此我必须坦承,自己对东方各种语言全然无知,所赖者全在那些博学的译介之士——是他们把这门学问输入了拉丁文、法文与英文。他们的辑录、译本与史著,我将随文时时提及。
2
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The geographers of Arabia may be divided into three classes: 1. The Greeks and Latins, whose progressive knowledge may be traced in Agatharcides, (de Mari Rubro, in Hudson, Geograph. Minor. tom. i.,) Diodorus Siculus, (tom. i. l. ii. p. 159-167, l. iii. p. 211-216, edit. Wesseling,) Strabo, (l. xvi. p. 1112-1114, from Eratosthenes, p. 1122-1132, from Artemidorus,) Dionysius, (Periegesis, 927-969,) Pliny, (Hist. Natur. v. 12, vi. 32,) and Ptolemy, (Descript. et Tabulae Urbium, in Hudson, tom. iii.) 2. The Arabic writers, who have treated the subject with the zeal of patriotism or devotion: the extracts of Pocock (Specimen Hist. Arabum, p. 125-128) from the Geography of the Sherif al Edrissi, render us still more dissatisfied with the version or abridgment (p. 24-27, 44-56, 108, &c., 119, &c.) which the Maronites have published under the absurd title of Geographia Nubiensis, (Paris, 1619;) but the Latin and French translators, Greaves (in Hudson, tom. iii.) and Galland, (Voyage de la Palestine par La Roque, p. 265-346,) have opened to us the Arabia of Abulfeda, the most copious and correct account of the peninsula, which may be enriched, however, from the Bibliotheque Orientale of D’Herbelot, p. 120, et alibi passim. 3. The European travellers; among whom Shaw (p. 438-455) and Niebuhr (Description, 1773; Voyages, tom. i. 1776) deserve an honorable distinction: Busching (Geographie par Berenger, tom. viii. p. 416-510) has compiled with judgment, and D’Anville’s Maps (Orbis Veteribus Notus, and 1re Partie de l’Asie) should lie before the reader, with his Geographie Ancienne, tom. ii. p. 208-231. * Note: Of modern travellers may be mentioned the adventurer who called himself Ali Bey; but above all, the intelligent, the enterprising the accurate Burckhardt.—M.
研究阿拉伯的地理学者可分为三类。其一,希腊与拉丁作家,他们逐步积累的知识可见于阿加撒尔基德斯(de Mari Rubro,收于哈德森《小地理学家丛书》tom. i.)、西西里的狄奥多罗斯(tom. i. l. ii. p. 159-167, l. iii. p. 211-216,韦塞林校本)、斯特拉波(l. xvi. p. 1112-1114,采自埃拉托色尼;p. 1122-1132,采自阿尔特米多罗斯)、狄奥尼修斯(Periegesis, 927-969)、普林尼(Hist. Natur. v. 12, vi. 32)以及托勒密(Descript. et Tabulae Urbium,收于哈德森 tom. iii.)。其二,阿拉伯作家,他们出于爱国或虔敬的热忱来处理这一题材:波科克(Specimen Hist. Arabum, p. 125-128)从谢里夫·伊德里西的《地理志》中所作的摘录,更令我们不满于马龙派以《努比亚地理志》这一荒唐书名刊行的那个译本或缩编(Paris, 1619;p. 24-27, 44-56, 108 等,119 等);然而拉丁文与法文的两位译者——格里夫斯(收于哈德森 tom. iii.)和加朗(见拉罗克《巴勒斯坦游记》,p. 265-346)——为我们打开了阿布尔费达笔下的阿拉伯,这是关于半岛最为详尽、最为准确的记述,不过还可用埃尔布洛《东方文库》(p. 120,及别处多有)加以补充。其三,欧洲的旅行家,其中肖(p. 438-455)与尼布尔(Description, 1773; Voyages, tom. i. 1776)尤为出众,当得起特别的推许;比兴(Geographie par Berenger, tom. viii. p. 416-510)辑纂颇具见识;而当维尔的地图(Orbis Veteribus Notus 及 1re Partie de l'Asie)连同他的 Geographie Ancienne(tom. ii. p. 208-231),都应摊在读者面前。* 编者按:近代旅行家中还可提到那位自称阿里贝伊的冒险家;但最值得称道的,是那位睿智、进取而精确的布克哈特。—M
3
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Abulfed. Descript. Arabiae, p. 1. D’Anville, l’Euphrate et le Tigre, p. 19, 20. It was in this place, the paradise or garden of a satrap, that Xenophon and the Greeks first passed the Euphrates, (Anabasis, l. i. c. 10, p. 29, edit. Wells.)
阿布尔费达 Descript. Arabiae, p. 1。当维尔 l'Euphrate et le Tigre, p. 19, 20。正是在此地——某位波斯总督的乐园或园囿——色诺芬与希腊人首次渡过幼发拉底河(Anabasis, l. i. c. 10, p. 29, edit. Wells)。
4
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Reland has proved, with much superfluous learning,
1. That our Red Sea (the Arabian Gulf) is no more than a part of the Mare Rubrum, which was extended to the indefinite space of the Indian Ocean.
2. That the synonymous words, allude to the color of the blacks or negroes, (Dissert Miscell. tom. i. p. 59-117.)
1. That our Red Sea (the Arabian Gulf) is no more than a part of the Mare Rubrum, which was extended to the indefinite space of the Indian Ocean.
2. That the synonymous words, allude to the color of the blacks or negroes, (Dissert Miscell. tom. i. p. 59-117.)
雷兰以大量多余的考据证明:
一、我们所说的红海(即阿拉伯湾)不过是 Mare Rubrum 的一部分,而后者的范围可无限延展至印度洋。
二、那些同义的词语,所指的乃是黑人或尼格罗人的肤色(Dissert. Miscell. tom. i. p. 59-117)。
一、我们所说的红海(即阿拉伯湾)不过是 Mare Rubrum 的一部分,而后者的范围可无限延展至印度洋。
二、那些同义的词语,所指的乃是黑人或尼格罗人的肤色(Dissert. Miscell. tom. i. p. 59-117)。
5
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In the thirty days, or stations, between Cairo and Mecca, there are fifteen destitute of good water. See the route of the Hadjees, in Shaw’s Travels, p. 477.
在开罗与麦加之间的三十天路程(即三十个宿站)中,有十五处没有好水。参见肖《游记》中所载朝觐者的路线(p. 477)。
6
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The aromatics, especially the thus, or frankincense, of Arabia, occupy the xiith book of Pliny. Our great poet (Paradise Lost, l. iv.) introduces, in a simile, the spicy odors that are blown by the north-east wind from the Sabaean coast:——Many a league, Pleased with the grateful scent, old Ocean smiles. (Plin. Hist. Natur. xii. 42.)
阿拉伯的各种香料,尤其是 thus(即乳香),占据了普林尼著作的第十二卷。我们伟大的诗人(《失乐园》第四卷)在一则比喻中,描绘了东北风自示巴海岸吹来的阵阵香馥:“Many a league, Pleased with the grateful scent, old Ocean smiles.”(绵延数里之外,苍老的海洋嗅到这怡人的芬芳,也不禁莞尔。)(Plin. Hist. Natur. xii. 42.)
7
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Agatharcides affirms, that lumps of pure gold were found, from the size of an olive to that of a nut; that iron was twice, and silver ten times, the value of gold, (de Mari Rubro, p. 60.) These real or imaginary treasures are vanished; and no gold mines are at present known in Arabia, (Niebuhr, Description, p. 124.) * Note: A brilliant passage in the geographical poem of Dionysius Periegetes embodies the notions of the ancients on the wealth and fertility of Yemen. Greek mythology, and the traditions of the “gorgeous east,” of India as well as Arabia, are mingled together in indiscriminate splendor. Compare on the southern coast of Arabia, the recent travels of Lieut. Wellsted—M.
阿加撒尔基德斯断言,当地曾发现纯金的块粒,小者如橄榄,大者如坚果;又说铁的价值二倍于金,银则十倍于金(de Mari Rubro, p. 60)。这些或真或假的宝藏早已消失;如今阿拉伯境内并无已知的金矿(尼布尔 Description, p. 124)。* 编者按:狄奥尼修斯·佩里埃格特斯那首地理长诗中有一段辞采斐然的文字,道出了古人对也门富饶丰产的种种想象。希腊神话与那关于“绚烂东方”——既指印度也指阿拉伯——的种种传说,在此交织成一片不辨彼此的绚丽。关于阿拉伯南岸,可参看韦尔斯特德中尉新近的游记。—M
8
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Consult, peruse, and study the Specimen Hostoriae Arabum of Pocock, (Oxon. 1650, in 4to.) The thirty pages of text and version are extracted from the Dynasties of Gregory Abulpharagius, which Pocock afterwards translated, (Oxon. 1663, in 4to.;) the three hundred and fifty-eight notes form a classic and original work on the Arabian antiquities.
务请查阅、细读并钻研波科克的《阿拉伯史举隅》(Specimen Historiae Arabum, Oxon. 1650,四开本)。其正文与译文共三十页,系从格里高利·阿布·法拉杰的《列朝史》中摘出——波科克后来又将此书全译(Oxon. 1663,四开本);而书中那三百五十八条注释,则自成一部关于阿拉伯古史、既经典又独创的著作。
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Arrian remarks the Icthyophagi of the coast of Hejez, (Periplus Maris Erythraei, p. 12,) and beyond Aden, (p. 15.) It seems probable that the shores of the Red Sea (in the largest sense) were occupied by these savages in the time, perhaps, of Cyrus; but I can hardly believe that any cannibals were left among the savages in the reign of Justinian. (Procop. de Bell. Persic. l. i. c. 19.)
阿里安提到希贾兹海岸(Periplus Maris Erythraei, p. 12)以及亚丁以远(p. 15)的食鱼族。红海(就其最广义而言)沿岸,或许早在居鲁士的时代就已有这些野人栖居;但我实在难以相信,到查士丁尼在位时,这些野人当中还留有什么食人者(Procop. de Bell. Persic. l. i. c. 19)。
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See the Specimen Historiae Arabum of Pocock, p. 2, 5, 86, &c. The journey of M. d’Arvieux, in 1664, to the camp of the emir of Mount Carmel, (Voyage de la Palestine, Amsterdam, 1718,) exhibits a pleasing and original picture of the life of the Bedoweens, which may be illustrated from Niebuhr (Description de l’Arabie, p. 327-344) and Volney, (tom. i. p. 343-385,) the last and most judicious of our Syrian travellers.
参见波科克《阿拉伯史举隅》,p. 2, 5, 86 等。1664 年,达尔维厄先生前往迦密山那位埃米尔营地的旅程(Voyage de la Palestine, Amsterdam, 1718),为贝都因人的生活勾画出一幅生动而别致的图景;此外还可参照尼布尔(Description de l'Arabie, p. 327-344)与沃尔内(tom. i. p. 343-385)——后者是我们游历叙利亚的诸位旅人中最晚近、也最有见识的一位。
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Read (it is no unpleasing task) the incomparable articles of the Horse and the Camel, in the Natural History of M. de Buffon.
不妨一读布丰先生《博物志》中论马与骆驼的两篇绝妙文章——这可不是件苦差事。
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For the Arabian horses, see D’Arvieux (p. 159-173) and Niebuhr, (p. 142-144.) At the end of the xiiith century, the horses of Neged were esteemed sure-footed, those of Yemen strong and serviceable, those of Hejaz most noble. The horses of Europe, the tenth and last class, were generally despised as having too much body and too little spirit, (D’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p. 339: ) their strength was requisite to bear the weight of the knight and his armor
关于阿拉伯马,可参看达尔维厄(p. 159-173)与尼布尔(p. 142-144)。十三世纪末,内志的马以脚力稳健著称,也门的马以强健耐用见长,希贾兹的马则最为高贵。欧洲的马位列第十等,也是最末一等,历来为人所轻,嫌其体躯过大而气性不足(埃尔布洛《东方文库》,p. 339);它们的力气,原是用来承载骑士及其甲胄之重的。
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Qui carnibus camelorum vesci solent odii tenaces sunt, was the opinion of an Arabian physician, (Pocock, Specimen, p. 88.) Mahomet himself, who was fond of milk, prefers the cow, and does not even mention the camel; but the diet of Mecca and Medina was already more luxurious, (Gagnier Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 404.)
“惯食骆驼肉者,多深怀怨毒”(Qui carnibus camelorum vesci solent odii tenaces sunt)——这是一位阿拉伯医家的见解(波科克 Specimen, p. 88)。穆罕默德本人喜好乳品,更中意牛,甚至只字未提骆驼;但麦加与麦地那的饮食,当时已然更为讲究了(加尼耶 Vie de Mahomet, tom. iii. p. 404)。
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Yet Marcian of Heraclea (in Periplo, p. 16, in tom. i. Hudson, Minor. Geograph.) reckons one hundred and sixty-four towns in Arabia Felix. The size of the towns might be small—the faith of the writer might be large.
不过,赫拉克利亚的马尔西安(in Periplo, p. 16,收于哈德森《小地理学家丛书》tom. i.)却数出阿拉伯福地有一百六十四座城镇。城镇的规模或许不大——著者的轻信之心却或许不小。
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It is compared by Abulfeda (in Hudson, tom. ii. p. 54) to Damascus, and is still the residence of the Imam of Yemen, (Voyages de Niebuhr, tom. i. p. 331-342.) Saana is twenty-four parasangs from Dafar, (Abulfeda, p. 51,) and sixty-eight from Aden, (p. 53.)
阿布尔费达(收于哈德森 tom. ii. p. 54)把它比作大马士革,它至今仍是也门伊玛目的驻地(Voyages de Niebuhr, tom. i. p. 331-342)。萨那距达法尔二十四帕拉桑(阿布尔费达 p. 51),距亚丁六十八帕拉桑(p. 53)。
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Pocock, Specimen, p. 57. Geograph. Nubiensis, p. 52. Meriaba, or Merab, six miles in circumference, was destroyed by the legions of Augustus, (Plin. Hist. Nat. vi. 32,) and had not revived in the xivth century, (Abulfed. Descript. Arab. p. 58.) * Note: See note 2 to chap. i. The destruction of Meriaba by the Romans is doubtful. The town never recovered the inundation which took place from the bursting of a large reservoir of water—an event of great importance in the Arabian annals, and discussed at considerable length by modern Orientalists.—M.
波科克 Specimen, p. 57。Geograph. Nubiensis, p. 52。梅里亚巴——即梅拉布——周长六英里,曾毁于奥古斯都的军团(Plin. Hist. Nat. vi. 32),到十四世纪仍未重建(阿布尔费达 Descript. Arab. p. 58)。* 编者按:参见第一章注二。罗马人是否曾毁灭梅里亚巴,尚属可疑。此城真正一蹶不振,是因一座大蓄水池溃决、洪水泛滥所致——这在阿拉伯编年史上是一桩极为重大的事件,近代东方学者对此讨论颇详。—M
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The name of city, Medina, was appropriated, to Yatreb. (the Iatrippa of the Greeks,) the seat of the prophet. The distances from Medina are reckoned by Abulfeda in stations, or days’ journey of a caravan, (p. 15: ) to Bahrein, xv.; to Bassora, xviii.; to Cufah, xx.; to Damascus or Palestine, xx.; to Cairo, xxv.; to Mecca. x.; from Mecca to Saana, (p. 52,) or Aden, xxx.; to Cairo, xxxi. days, or 412 hours, (Shaw’s Travels, p. 477;) which, according to the estimate of D’Anville, (Mesures Itineraires, p. 99,) allows about twenty-five English miles for a day’s journey. From the land of frankincense (Hadramaut, in Yemen, between Aden and Cape Fartasch) to Gaza in Syria, Pliny (Hist. Nat. xii. 32) computes lxv. mansions of camels. These measures may assist fancy and elucidate facts.
“城”这个名号——麦地那——被专用来称呼叶斯里卜(即希腊人所说的伊阿特里帕),也就是先知的驻跸之地。阿布尔费达按宿站、亦即商队的日程,来计算从麦地那出发的路程(p. 15):至巴林十五站;至巴士拉十八站;至库法二十站;至大马士革或巴勒斯坦二十站;至开罗二十五站;至麦加十站;自麦加至萨那(p. 52)或亚丁三十站;至开罗三十一天,合四百一十二小时(肖《游记》,p. 477);据当维尔估算(Mesures Itineraires, p. 99),每日行程约合二十五英里。从乳香之地(即也门的哈德拉毛,在亚丁与法尔塔什角之间)到叙利亚的加沙,普林尼(Hist. Nat. xii. 32)算作六十五个骆驼宿站。这些里程数据,既可助人遐想,也可佐证史实。
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Our notions of Mecca must be drawn from the Arabians, (D’Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 368-371. Pocock, Specimen, p. 125-128. Abulfeda, p. 11-40.) As no unbeliever is permitted to enter the city, our travellers are silent; and the short hints of Thevenot (Voyages du Levant, part i. p. 490) are taken from the suspicious mouth of an African renegado. Some Persians counted 6000 houses, (Chardin. tom. iv. p. 167.) * Note: Even in the time of Gibbon, Mecca had not been so inaccessible to Europeans. It had been visited by Ludovico Barthema, and by one Joseph Pitts, of Exeter, who was taken prisoner by the Moors, and forcibly converted to Mahometanism. His volume is a curious, though plain, account of his sufferings and travels. Since that time Mecca has been entered, and the ceremonies witnessed, by Dr. Seetzen, whose papers were unfortunately lost; by the Spaniard, who called himself Ali Bey; and, lastly, by Burckhardt, whose description leaves nothing wanting to satisfy the curiosity.—M.
我们关于麦加的种种认识,只能取自阿拉伯人(埃尔布洛《东方文库》,p. 368-371;波科克 Specimen, p. 125-128;阿布尔费达 p. 11-40)。既然不容异教徒进城,我们的旅行家便无从置喙;而泰夫诺(Voyages du Levant, part i. p. 490)所记的寥寥数语,也出自一个非洲叛教者那张靠不住的嘴。有些波斯人数出城中有六千户人家(夏尔丹 tom. iv. p. 167)。* 编者按:即便在吉本的时代,麦加对欧洲人也并非那样不可涉足。卢多维科·巴尔泰马到过此地;埃克塞特人约瑟夫·皮茨也到过——他被摩尔人俘获,被逼改宗伊斯兰教,他那本书朴实无华,却生动记述了自己的苦难与游历。自那以后,进入麦加、目睹其仪典的,又有泽岑博士(可惜他的文稿散佚了)、那位自称阿里贝伊的西班牙人,以及最后的布克哈特——他的记述已详尽无遗,足慰人的一切好奇。—M
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Strabo, l. xvi. p. 1110. See one of these salt houses near Bassora, in D’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p. 6.
斯特拉波 l. xvi. p. 1110。关于巴士拉附近这类盐屋,可参看埃尔布洛《东方文库》,p. 6。
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Mirum dictu ex innumeris populis pars aequa in commerciis aut in latrociniis degit, (Plin. Hist. Nat. vi. 32.) See Sale’s Koran, Sura. cvi. p. 503. Pocock, Specimen, p. 2. D’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p. 361. Prideaux’s Life of Mahomet, p. 5. Gagnier, Vie de Mahomet, tom. i. p. 72, 120, 126, &c.
“说来奇怪,在这数不清的部族中,竟有一半人不是经商便是行劫”(Mirum dictu ex innumeris populis pars aequa in commerciis aut in latrociniis degit, Plin. Hist. Nat. vi. 32)。参见塞尔《古兰经》译本(Sura. cvi. p. 503);波科克 Specimen, p. 2;埃尔布洛《东方文库》,p. 361;普里多《穆罕默德传》,p. 5;加尼耶 Vie de Mahomet, tom. i. p. 72, 120, 126 等。
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A nameless doctor (Universal Hist. vol. xx. octavo edition) has formally demonstrated the truth of Christianity by the independence of the Arabs. A critic, besides the exceptions of fact, might dispute the meaning of the text (Gen. xvi. 12,) the extent of the application, and the foundation of the pedigree. * Note: See note 3 to chap. xlvi. The atter point is probably the least contestable of the three.—M.
有一位不具名的学者(Universal Hist. vol. xx. 八开本),郑重其事地用阿拉伯人的独立来证明基督教的真确。可是,批评者除了能举出种种与事实不符的例外,还大可对那段经文(《创世记》十六章 12 节)的含义、其适用的范围,以及那份谱系的依据,提出异议。* 编者按:参见第四十六章注三。这三点之中,末一点大概是最难辩驳的。—M
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It was subdued, A.D. 1173, by a brother of the great Saladin, who founded a dynasty of Curds or Ayoubites, (Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p. 425. D’Herbelot, p. 477.)
公元 1173 年,也门被大萨拉丁的一位兄弟所征服,此人建立了库尔德人的一个王朝,即阿尤布王朝(德经《匈奴史》,tom. i. p. 425;埃尔布洛 p. 477)。
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By the lieutenant of Soliman I. (A.D. 1538) and Selim II., (1568.) See Cantemir’s Hist. of the Othman Empire, p. 201, 221. The pacha, who resided at Saana, commanded twenty-one beys; but no revenue was ever remitted to the Porte, (Marsigli, Stato Militare dell’ Imperio Ottomanno, p. 124,) and the Turks were expelled about the year 1630, (Niebuhr, p. 167, 168.)
征服者是苏莱曼一世(公元 1538 年)与塞利姆二世(1568 年)麾下的将领。参见坎特米尔《奥斯曼帝国史》,p. 201, 221。驻在萨那的帕夏统辖二十一名贝伊;但从未有过税收上缴奥斯曼朝廷(马尔西利 Stato Militare dell' Imperio Ottomanno, p. 124);约在 1630 年,土耳其人被逐出(尼布尔 p. 167, 168)。
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Of the Roman province, under the name of Arabia and the third Palestine, the principal cities were Bostra and Petra, which dated their aera from the year 105, when they were subdued by Palma, a lieutenant of Trajan, (Dion. Cassius, l. lxviii.) Petra was the capital of the Nabathaeans; whose name is derived from the eldest of the sons of Ismael, (Gen. xxv. 12, &c., with the Commentaries of Jerom, Le Clerc, and Calmet.) Justinian relinquished a palm country of ten days’ journey to the south of Aelah, (Procop. de Bell. Persic. l. i. c. 19,) and the Romans maintained a centurion and a custom-house, (Arrian in Periplo Maris Erythraei, p. 11, in Hudson, tom. i.,) at a place (Pagus Albus, Hawara) in the territory of Medina, (D’Anville, Memoire sur l’Egypte, p. 243.) These real possessions, and some naval inroads of Trajan, (Peripl. p. 14, 15,) are magnified by history and medals into the Roman conquest of Arabia. * Note: On the ruins of Petra, see the travels of Messrs. Irby and Mangles, and of Leon de Laborde.—M.
罗马这个行省,名为“阿拉伯”,又称“第三巴勒斯坦”,其主要城市为波斯特拉与佩特拉;二城纪元始于公元 105 年,即被图拉真的将领帕尔马征服之年(Dion. Cassius, l. lxviii.)。佩特拉是纳巴泰人的都城;纳巴泰之名,源出以实玛利诸子中的长子(《创世记》二十五章 12 节等,并见哲罗姆、勒克莱尔与卡尔梅的注疏)。查士丁尼放弃了埃拉以南、约十日路程的一片棕榈之地(Procop. de Bell. Persic. l. i. c. 19);罗马人则在麦地那境内一处名叫 Pagus Albus(即哈瓦拉)的地方,驻有一名百夫长并设一处关卡(阿里安 in Periplo Maris Erythraei, p. 11,收于哈德森 tom. i.;当维尔 Memoire sur l'Egypte, p. 243)。就凭这些实际的属地,再加上图拉真的几次海上侵袭(Peripl. p. 14, 15),史书与钱币便夸大其词,说成罗马征服了阿拉伯。* 编者按:关于佩特拉的遗迹,可参看厄比与曼格尔斯二位先生以及莱昂·德·拉博德的游记。—M
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Niebuhr (Description de l’Arabie, p. 302, 303, 329-331) affords the most recent and authentic intelligence of the Turkish empire in Arabia. * Note: Niebuhr’s, notwithstanding the multitude of later travellers, maintains its ground, as the classical work on Arabia.—M.
尼布尔(Description de l'Arabie, p. 302, 303, 329-331)提供了关于土耳其帝国在阿拉伯情形的最新、最可靠的消息。* 编者按:尽管其后旅行家众多,尼布尔之作仍稳居其位,不失为研究阿拉伯的经典著作。—M
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Diodorus Siculus (tom. ii. l. xix. p. 390-393, edit. Wesseling) has clearly exposed the freedom of the Nabathaean Arabs, who resisted the arms of Antigonus and his son.
西西里的狄奥多罗斯(tom. ii. l. xix. p. 390-393,韦塞林校本)清楚地揭示了纳巴泰的阿拉伯人如何自由不羁——他们曾抵御安提柯及其子的兵锋。
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Strabo, l. xvi. p. 1127-1129. Plin. Hist. Natur. vi. 32. Aelius Gallus landed near Medina, and marched near a thousand miles into the part of Yemen between Mareb and the Ocean. The non ante devictis Sabeae regibus, (Od. i. 29,) and the intacti Arabum thesanri (Od. iii. 24) of Horace, attest the virgin purity of Arabia.
斯特拉波 l. xvi. p. 1127-1129。Plin. Hist. Natur. vi. 32。埃利乌斯·加卢斯在麦地那附近登陆,深入也门、行进近千英里,直抵梅拉布与大洋之间的地带。贺拉斯笔下“从未被征服的示巴诸王”(non ante devictis Sabeae regibus, Od. i. 29)与“阿拉伯人未遭染指的宝藏”(intacti Arabum thesauri, Od. iii. 24),都印证了阿拉伯那处子般的纯净未凿。
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See the imperfect history of Yemen in Pocock, Specimen, p. 55-66, of Hira, p. 66-74, of Gassan, p. 75-78, as far as it could be known or preserved in the time of ignorance. * Note: Compare the Hist. Yemanae, published by Johannsen at Bonn 1880 particularly the translator’s preface.—M.
关于也门残缺不全的历史,见波科克 Specimen, p. 55-66;希拉的历史见 p. 66-74;加桑的历史见 p. 75-78——所载不过是蒙昧时代所能知晓或留存的那一点。* 编者按:可比对约翰森 1880 年在波恩刊行的《也门史》(Hist. Yemanae),尤其是其中译者的序言。—M
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They are described by Menander, (Excerpt. Legation p. 149,) Procopius, (de Bell. Persic. l. i. c. 17, 19, l. ii. c. 10,) and, in the most lively colors, by Ammianus Marcellinus, (l. xiv. c. 4,) who had spoken of them as early as the reign of Marcus.
对他们有所描述的,有米南德(Excerpt. Legation. p. 149)、普罗柯比(de Bell. Persic. l. i. c. 17, 19, l. ii. c. 10),而笔触最为生动的,则是阿米阿努斯·马尔切利努斯(l. xiv. c. 4)——他早在记述马可·奥勒留一朝时便已述及他们。
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The name which, used by Ptolemy and Pliny in a more confined, by Ammianus and Procopius in a larger, sense, has been derived, ridiculously, from Sarah, the wife of Abraham, obscurely from the village of Saraka, (Stephan. de Urbibus,) more plausibly from the Arabic words, which signify a thievish character, or Oriental situation, (Hottinger, Hist. Oriental. l. i. c. i. p. 7, 8. Pocock, Specimen, p. 33, 35. Asseman. Bibliot. Orient. tom. iv. p. 567.) Yet the last and most popular of these etymologies is refuted by Ptolemy, (Arabia, p. 2, 18, in Hudson, tom. iv.,) who expressly remarks the western and southern position of the Saracens, then an obscure tribe on the borders of Egypt. The appellation cannot therefore allude to any national character; and, since it was imposed by strangers, it must be found, not in the Arabic, but in a foreign language. * Note: Dr. Clarke, (Travels, vol. ii. p. 491,) after expressing contemptuous pity for Gibbon’s ignorance, derives the word from Zara, Zaara, Sara, the Desert, whence Saraceni, the children of the Desert. De Marles adopts the derivation from Sarrik, a robber, (Hist. des Arabes, vol. i. p. 36, S.L. Martin from Scharkioun, or Sharkun, Eastern, vol. xi. p. 55.)—M.
这个名字,托勒密与普林尼用其较狭之义,阿米阿努斯与普罗柯比用其较广之义;至于它的来源,有人可笑地说是出自亚伯拉罕之妻撒拉,有人含糊地说是出自 Saraka 村(Stephan. de Urbibus),更有几分道理的说法,则是出自意为“惯于偷窃”或“东方方位”的阿拉伯词语(霍廷格 Hist. Oriental. l. i. c. i. p. 7, 8;波科克 Specimen, p. 33, 35;阿塞马尼 Bibliot. Orient. tom. iv. p. 567)。然而这几种词源中最流行的末一种,却为托勒密所驳倒(Arabia, p. 2, 18,收于哈德森 tom. iv.):他明确指出萨拉森人位处西南,当时不过是埃及边境上一个默默无闻的部落。可见这个称号并不指向什么民族特性;而既然是外人加于其身,那它的出处便不该在阿拉伯语里,而应到某种外族语言中去寻。* 编者按:克拉克博士(Travels, vol. ii. p. 491)先对吉本的无知表示了一番轻蔑的怜悯,继而把这个词溯源于 Zara、Zaara、Sara(意为沙漠),由此 Saraceni 便是“沙漠之子”。德马尔勒则采纳源自 Sarrik(意为强盗)的说法(Hist. des Arabes, vol. i. p. 36);圣马丁又主张源自 Scharkioun 或 Sharkun(意为“东方的”)(vol. xi. p. 55)。—M