Chapter XLVIII: Succession And Characters Of The Greek Emperors.—Part III. 第四十八章 希腊诸帝的承继与品格——第三节
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The Russians, who have borrowed from the Greeks the greatest part of their civil and ecclesiastical policy, preserved, till the last century, a singular institution in the marriage of the Czar. They collected, not the virgins of every rank and of every province, a vain and romantic idea, but the daughters of the principal nobles, who awaited in the palace the choice of their sovereign. It is affirmed, that a similar method was adopted in the nuptials of Theophilus. With a golden apple in his hand, he slowly walked between two lines of contending beauties: his eye was detained by the charms of Icasia, and in the awkwardness of a first declaration, the prince could only observe, that, in this world, women had been the cause of much evil; “And surely, sir,” she pertly replied, “they have likewise been the occasion of much good.” This affectation of unseasonable wit displeased the Imperial lover: he turned aside in disgust; Icasia concealed her mortification in a convent; and the modest silence of Theodora was rewarded with the golden apple. She deserved the love, but did not escape the severity, of her lord. From the palace garden he beheld a vessel deeply laden, and steering into the port: on the discovery that the precious cargo of Syrian luxury was the property of his wife, he condemned the ship to the flames, with a sharp reproach, that her avarice had degraded the character of an empress into that of a merchant. Yet his last choice intrusted her with the guardianship of the empire and her son Michael, who was left an orphan in the fifth year of his age. The restoration of images, and the final extirpation of the Iconoclasts, has endeared her name to the devotion of the Greeks; but in the fervor of religious zeal, Theodora entertained a grateful regard for the memory and salvation of her husband. After thirteen years of a prudent and frugal administration, she perceived the decline of her influence; but the second Irene imitated only the virtues of her predecessor. Instead of conspiring against the life or government of her son, she retired, without a struggle, though not without a murmur, to the solitude of private life, deploring the ingratitude, the vices, and the inevitable ruin, of the worthless youth. Among the successors of Nero and Elagabalus, we have not hitherto found the imitation of their vices, the character of a Roman prince who considered pleasure as the object of life, and virtue as the enemy of pleasure. Whatever might have been the maternal care of Theodora in the education of Michael the Third, her unfortunate son was a king before he was a man. If the ambitious mother labored to check the progress of reason, she could not cool the ebullition of passion; and her selfish policy was justly repaid by the contempt and ingratitude of the headstrong youth. At the age of eighteen, he rejected her authority, without feeling his own incapacity to govern the empire and himself. With Theodora, all gravity and wisdom retired from the court; their place was supplied by the alternate dominion of vice and folly; and it was impossible, without forfeiting the public esteem, to acquire or preserve the favor of the emperor. The millions of gold and silver which had been accumulated for the service of the state, were lavished on the vilest of men, who flattered his passions and shared his pleasures; and in a reign of thirteen years, the richest of sovereigns was compelled to strip the palace and the churches of their precious furniture. Like Nero, he delighted in the amusements of the theatre, and sighed to be surpassed in the accomplishments in which he should have blushed to excel. Yet the studies of Nero in music and poetry betrayed some symptoms of a liberal taste; the more ignoble arts of the son of Theophilus were confined to the chariot-race of the hippodrome. The four factions which had agitated the peace, still amused the idleness, of the capital: for himself, the emperor assumed the blue livery; the three rival colors were distributed to his favorites, and in the vile though eager contention he forgot the dignity of his person and the safety of his dominions. He silenced the messenger of an invasion, who presumed to divert his attention in the most critical moment of the race; and by his command, the importunate beacons were extinguished, that too frequently spread the alarm from Tarsus to Constantinople. The most skilful charioteers obtained the first place in his confidence and esteem; their merit was profusely rewarded; the emperor feasted in their houses, and presented their children at the baptismal font; and while he applauded his own popularity, he affected to blame the cold and stately reserve of his predecessors. The unnatural lusts which had degraded even the manhood of Nero, were banished from the world; yet the strength of Michael was consumed by the indulgence of love and intemperance. 1012 In his midnight revels, when his passions were inflamed by wine, he was provoked to issue the most sanguinary commands; and if any feelings of humanity were left, he was reduced, with the return of sense, to approve the salutary disobedience of his servants. But the most extraordinary feature in the character of Michael, is the profane mockery of the religion of his country. The superstition of the Greeks might indeed excite the smile of a philosopher; but his smile would have been rational and temperate, and he must have condemned the ignorant folly of a youth who insulted the objects of public veneration. A buffoon of the court was invested in the robes of the patriarch: his twelve metropolitans, among whom the emperor was ranked, assumed their ecclesiastical garments: they used or abused the sacred vessels of the altar; and in their bacchanalian feasts, the holy communion was administered in a nauseous compound of vinegar and mustard. Nor were these impious spectacles concealed from the eyes of the city. On the day of a solemn festival, the emperor, with his bishops or buffoons, rode on asses through the streets, encountered the true patriarch at the head of his clergy; and by their licentious shouts and obscene gestures, disordered the gravity of the Christian procession. The devotion of Michael appeared only in some offence to reason or piety: he received his theatrical crowns from the statue of the Virgin; and an Imperial tomb was violated for the sake of burning the bones of Constantine the Iconoclast. By this extravagant conduct, the son of Theophilus became as contemptible as he was odious: every citizen was impatient for the deliverance of his country; and even the favorites of the moment were apprehensive that a caprice might snatch away what a caprice had bestowed. In the thirtieth year of his age, and in the hour of intoxication and sleep, Michael the Third was murdered in his chamber by the founder of a new dynasty, whom the emperor had raised to an equality of rank and power.
俄罗斯人的政制与教制大半沿袭自希腊人,其中有一项奇特的制度,直到上个世纪仍保留于沙皇的婚配之中。他们并非(如某些虚妄而浪漫的想象所言)遍征各等级、各行省的处女,而是把主要贵族之女召集起来,让她们在宫中等候君主挑选。据说,塞奥菲鲁斯的婚礼也采用了类似的办法。他手持一枚金苹果,在两列争艳的美人之间缓步而行;伊卡西娅的姿容一时留住了他的目光,可初次示意,他窘迫无措,只憋出一句:世间种种祸端,多由女子而起;“陛下,”她伶牙俐齿地回道,“世间许多美事,同样因女子而生。”这般不合时宜的卖弄机锋惹恼了这位帝王求婚者,他厌恶地转过身去;伊卡西娅只得遁入修道院掩藏羞恼,而狄奥多拉的谦逊沉默却换来了那枚金苹果。她配得上夫君的宠爱,却也没能躲过他的严苛。一次他从宫苑望见一艘满载的商船正驶入港口;一查之下,船上那批叙利亚奢货竟是妻子的产业,他便下令将船付之一炬,并厉声斥责:她如此贪财,已把皇后的身份贬作了商贾。然而他临终的安排,还是把帝国与幼子米海尔一并托付给了她;米海尔丧父时年仅五岁。她重立圣像、彻底铲除圣像破坏者,因此在希腊人的虔诚记忆里留下了可亲的名声;不过,即便宗教热忱正炽,狄奥多拉对亡夫仍怀着一份感念,惦记着他的身后名与灵魂得救。她审慎节俭地执政十三年后,察觉到自己的权势正在衰落;但这第二个伊琳娜只效法了前一位伊琳娜的德行。她没有像伊琳娜那样谋害亲子的性命、篡夺其权柄,而是不加抗争地——尽管不无怨言——退隐于孤寂的私人生活,一面痛惜这不肖之子的忘恩、恶行以及注定的败亡。在尼禄与埃拉伽巴路斯的历代后继者中,我们至今还不曾见到有谁真去仿效他们的恶德——不曾见到哪位罗马君主竟以享乐为人生鹄的,反把德行视作享乐的仇敌。无论狄奥多拉在教养米海尔三世上倾注过多少慈母之心,她这可怜的儿子终究是先做了君王,才成人。这位野心勃勃的母亲纵然费尽心机去阻遏他理智的长进,却终究浇不灭他情欲的沸腾;她那自私的算计,到头来换来这倔强少年的轻蔑与忘恩,也是咎由自取。年方十八,他便甩开了母亲的管束,却丝毫不觉自己既治不了帝国,也管不住自己。狄奥多拉一走,庄重与智慧也随之从宫廷隐退,取而代之的是恶行与愚行轮番当道;此后想博取或保住皇帝的宠幸,就非得先丢掉世人的敬重不可。国库为公务积攒的千百万金银,全被他挥霍在一群最卑劣之徒身上——这些人一味迎合他的情欲,陪他寻欢作乐;结果在位十三年间,这位本是最富有的君主,竟落到要搜刮宫廷与教堂的珍贵陈设来度日。他像尼禄一样沉溺于剧场的消遣;有些技艺本该以擅长为耻,他却因技不如人而扼腕长叹。不过,尼禄好歹钻研过音乐与诗歌,多少显出一点高雅的趣味;塞奥菲鲁斯这个儿子所迷恋的技艺却更为卑下,无非是竞技场上的赛车而已。昔日曾搅乱都城安宁的四大党派,如今仍是京城闲人消遣的由头;皇帝亲自披上蓝队的号衣,把另外三种敌对的颜色分给宠臣,在这场下作却又激烈的角逐中,全然忘却了自身的尊严与领土的安危。一名信使赶来禀报敌军入侵,竟在赛事最紧要的关头扰了他的兴致,被他一声喝止;他还下令熄灭那些聒噪的烽火——正是这些烽火,动辄把警报从塔尔苏斯一路传到君士坦丁堡。技艺最精的驭手最得他信任器重,赏赐极为优渥;皇帝到他们家中赴宴,还在洗礼盆前充当他们孩子的教父;他一面自诩亲民得众望,一面又故作姿态,责怪历代前君那种冷淡而矜持的做派。那种连尼禄的男子气概都为之蒙羞的悖逆淫欲,此时已从世间绝迹;纵然如此,米海尔的精力仍消磨在恣意的情爱与酗酒无度之中。1012午夜狂欢时,酒酣情热,他往往激动之下发出最血腥的命令;倘若心中尚存一点人性,酒醒神清之后,也只好庆幸仆从们当初违命不从,反倒救了人命。而米海尔性情中最离奇的一点,莫过于他对本国宗教的亵渎与戏弄。希腊人的迷信固然可博哲人一笑,但哲人之笑理性而有节;他也定会谴责这少年,竟愚昧无知到去侮辱众人所敬奉之物。宫中一名弄臣披上牧首的法袍,皇帝本人也厕身其间,充作十二位都主教之一,一齐套上教士的圣衣;他们把祭坛上的圣器拿来乱用糟蹋,在纵酒的狂宴上,竟用醋与芥末调成的恶心混浆来行圣餐礼。这些亵渎的丑剧也并不避人耳目。某个庄严节庆之日,皇帝带着他那帮主教兼弄臣骑驴招摇过市,正撞上真正的牧首率领教士队伍;他们放浪的叫嚷与猥亵的举止,把这基督教行列的肃穆搅得一团糟。米海尔若说还有什么虔敬,那也只体现在对理性或虔诚的冒犯上:他戏台上的花冠是从童贞女圣像那里领受的;他还为焚烧圣像破坏者君士坦丁的遗骨,不惜掘开一座帝陵。塞奥菲鲁斯这个儿子如此荒唐,既招人厌恶,又惹人鄙夷;人人都盼着国家早日从他手中解脱;就连一时得宠者也惴惴不安,唯恐他一时兴起赐下的东西,又会因他一时兴起而收回。米海尔三世三十岁那年,在醉酒酣眠之际,于寝宫中被人杀害;凶手正是一个新王朝的开创者——此人本由皇帝一手提拔,得以与皇帝平起平坐、同掌权柄。
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The genealogy of Basil the Macedonian (if it be not the spurious offspring of pride and flattery) exhibits a genuine picture of the revolution of the most illustrious families. The Arsacides, the rivals of Rome, possessed the sceptre of the East near four hundred years: a younger branch of these Parthian kings continued to reign in Armenia; and their royal descendants survived the partition and servitude of that ancient monarchy. Two of these, Artabanus and Chlienes, escaped or retired to the court of Leo the First: his bounty seated them in a safe and hospitable exile, in the province of Macedonia: Adrianople was their final settlement. During several generations they maintained the dignity of their birth; and their Roman patriotism rejected the tempting offers of the Persian and Arabian powers, who recalled them to their native country. But their splendor was insensibly clouded by time and poverty; and the father of Basil was reduced to a small farm, which he cultivated with his own hands: yet he scorned to disgrace the blood of the Arsacides by a plebeian alliance: his wife, a widow of Adrianople, was pleased to count among her ancestors the great Constantine; and their royal infant was connected by some dark affinity of lineage or country with the Macedonian Alexander. No sooner was he born, than the cradle of Basil, his family, and his city, were swept away by an inundation of the Bulgarians: he was educated a slave in a foreign land; and in this severe discipline, he acquired the hardiness of body and flexibility of mind which promoted his future elevation. In the age of youth or manhood he shared the deliverance of the Roman captives, who generously broke their fetters, marched through Bulgaria to the shores of the Euxine, defeated two armies of Barbarians, embarked in the ships which had been stationed for their reception, and returned to Constantinople, from whence they were distributed to their respective homes. But the freedom of Basil was naked and destitute: his farm was ruined by the calamities of war: after his father’s death, his manual labor, or service, could no longer support a family of orphans and he resolved to seek a more conspicuous theatre, in which every virtue and every vice may lead to the paths of greatness. The first night of his arrival at Constantinople, without friends or money, the weary pilgrim slept on the steps of the church of St. Diomede: he was fed by the casual hospitality of a monk; and was introduced to the service of a cousin and namesake of the emperor Theophilus; who, though himself of a diminutive person, was always followed by a train of tall and handsome domestics. Basil attended his patron to the government of Peloponnesus; eclipsed, by his personal merit the birth and dignity of Theophilus, and formed a useful connection with a wealthy and charitable matron of Patras. Her spiritual or carnal love embraced the young adventurer, whom she adopted as her son. Danielis presented him with thirty slaves; and the produce of her bounty was expended in the support of his brothers, and the purchase of some large estates in Macedonia. His gratitude or ambition still attached him to the service of Theophilus; and a lucky accident recommended him to the notice of the court. A famous wrestler, in the train of the Bulgarian ambassadors, had defied, at the royal banquet, the boldest and most robust of the Greeks. The strength of Basil was praised; he accepted the challenge; and the Barbarian champion was overthrown at the first onset. A beautiful but vicious horse was condemned to be hamstrung: it was subdued by the dexterity and courage of the servant of Theophilus; and his conqueror was promoted to an honorable rank in the Imperial stables. But it was impossible to obtain the confidence of Michael, without complying with his vices; and his new favorite, the great chamberlain of the palace, was raised and supported by a disgraceful marriage with a royal concubine, and the dishonor of his sister, who succeeded to her place. The public administration had been abandoned to the Caesar Bardas, the brother and enemy of Theodora; but the arts of female influence persuaded Michael to hate and to fear his uncle: he was drawn from Constantinople, under the pretence of a Cretan expedition, and stabbed in the tent of audience, by the sword of the chamberlain, and in the presence of the emperor. About a month after this execution, Basil was invested with the title of Augustus and the government of the empire. He supported this unequal association till his influence was fortified by popular esteem. His life was endangered by the caprice of the emperor; and his dignity was profaned by a second colleague, who had rowed in the galleys. Yet the murder of his benefactor must be condemned as an act of ingratitude and treason; and the churches which he dedicated to the name of St. Michael were a poor and puerile expiation of his guilt. The different ages of Basil the First may be compared with those of Augustus. The situation of the Greek did not allow him in his earliest youth to lead an army against his country; or to proscribe the nobles of her sons; but his aspiring genius stooped to the arts of a slave; he dissembled his ambition and even his virtues, and grasped, with the bloody hand of an assassin, the empire which he ruled with the wisdom and tenderness of a parent.
巴西尔(人称马其顿人)的家谱——倘若那不是骄矜与谄媚捏造的赝品——倒真切地勾画出最显赫的家族如何盛衰更迭。阿尔撒息王朝曾是罗马的劲敌,执东方权柄近四百年;这些帕提亚君王的一支幼系继续在亚美尼亚为王,其王室后裔一直延续到那古老王国被瓜分、沦为臣属之后。其中两人——阿尔塔巴努斯与赫利埃内斯——逃亡或退隐到利奥一世的宫廷;蒙他慷慨相待,得以在马其顿行省安然侨居、备受款待,最终定居于阿德里安堡。一连几代人,他们都守着与生俱来的尊贵身份;波斯与阿拉伯诸邦曾以厚利招他们回归故土,他们却出于对罗马的忠爱,一一回绝。然而岁月与贫困渐渐使这份荣光黯淡下来;到巴西尔的父亲一代,家道已落到只剩一小片田产,全靠他亲手耕种;可即便如此,他仍不屑与平民联姻而辱没阿尔撒息的血脉。他的妻子是阿德里安堡的一位寡妇,很乐于把伟大的君士坦丁列为自己的祖先;而他们那位王裔婴孩,也凭着某种含糊的血缘或乡土渊源,攀上了马其顿的亚历山大。巴西尔一出世,一场保加利亚人的洪流便席卷而来,连他的摇篮、家人和城邦一并冲走;他在异乡以奴隶身份长大,正是在这般严酷的磨练中,练就了日后飞黄腾达所倚仗的强健体魄与圆通心性。到了少年或成年时,他随一批罗马俘虏一同获救:这些人毅然砸开枷锁,穿越保加利亚直抵黑海之滨,击败了两支蛮族军队,登上早已停泊在那里接应的船只,返回君士坦丁堡,再从那里各自遣返家乡。可巴西尔虽得自由,却一贫如洗、赤手空拳:田产早已毁于战祸;父亲死后,光凭他一双手做工帮佣,再也养不活一家失怙的弟妹。于是他决意另寻一处更引人注目的舞台——在那里,无论德行还是恶行,都可能通往显达之路。初到君士坦丁堡的头一夜,这疲惫的远行人既无亲友又无盘缠,便睡在圣狄俄墨得斯教堂的台阶上;一位修士偶施善心供他饭食,又把他引荐去侍奉塞奥菲鲁斯皇帝的一位堂亲——此人与皇帝同名,本人身材矮小,身边却总跟着一群高大俊美的家仆。巴西尔随主人前往伯罗奔尼撒赴任,凭着自身的才干,光彩盖过了主人塞奥菲鲁斯的门第与身份,还与帕特雷一位富有而乐善好施的贵妇结下了一段有用的交情。这贵妇出于精神或肉体上的爱慕,将这年轻的闯荡者揽入怀中,认他作义子。达尼埃利斯赠他三十名奴隶;她慷慨解囊,所得的进项一部分用来供养他的兄弟,一部分在马其顿购置了几处大庄园。无论出于感恩还是野心,他仍旧留在塞奥菲鲁斯门下效力;一桩幸运的意外,使他得以进入宫廷的视野。保加利亚使团随行中有一名著名的摔跤手,在御宴上向希腊人中最勇猛、最强健者下了战书。有人夸巴西尔力气过人,他便应了战;那蛮族勇士一交手就被掀翻在地。又有一匹貌美却性烈的骏马,本已被判要挑断脚筋处死;塞奥菲鲁斯这名仆从却以敏捷和胆识将它驯服,因此得擢升到皇家马厩里一个体面的职位。但要博得米海尔的信任,就非得迎合他的种种恶习不可;这位新宠如今贵为宫廷的内廷总管,其地位的抬升与稳固,全靠两桩丑事:一是他与皇帝的一名嬖妾结成了不光彩的婚姻,二是他妹妹的失贞——她顶替那嬖妾,成了皇帝的新欢。国政本已尽数交由恺撒巴尔达斯打理——此人是狄奥多拉的兄弟,却也是她的仇敌;然而妇人的手腕暗中挑唆,竟使米海尔对这位舅父又恨又怕:于是借口远征克里特,把他诓出君士坦丁堡,就在觐见的营帐之中、当着皇帝的面,被内廷总管一剑刺死。这场诛戮过后约一个月,巴西尔便获授奥古斯都之号,执掌了帝国政务。他一直忍受着这种并不对等的共治关系,直到自己的权势因深得民心而稳固下来。皇帝喜怒无常,几度危及他的性命;而他的尊位又遭一名共治者的玷辱——那人从前不过是划桨的桨手。然而,他谋杀恩主之举,终究是忘恩负义、大逆不道,理当受人谴责;他后来以圣米海尔之名兴建教堂来赎罪,实在既寒酸又幼稚,抵不过他的罪愆。巴西尔一世人生的不同阶段,堪与奥古斯都相比照。这希腊人所处的境遇,不容他像奥古斯都那样在少年时便率军对抗自己的国家,或把国中的贵族子弟列名剪除;但他那志在高位的天资甘于俯就奴仆的伎俩,掩起自己的野心,甚至掩起自己的德行,终以刺客沾血的手攫取了帝国——此后却以慈父般的睿智与温情来治理它。
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A private citizen may feel his interest repugnant to his duty; but it must be from a deficiency of sense or courage, that an absolute monarch can separate his happiness from his glory, or his glory from the public welfare. The life or panegyric of Basil has indeed been composed and published under the long reign of his descendants; but even their stability on the throne may be justly ascribed to the superior merit of their ancestor. In his character, his grandson Constantine has attempted to delineate a perfect image of royalty: but that feeble prince, unless he had copied a real model, could not easily have soared so high above the level of his own conduct or conceptions. But the most solid praise of Basil is drawn from the comparison of a ruined and a flourishing monarchy, that which he wrested from the dissolute Michael, and that which he bequeathed to the Mecedonian dynasty. The evils which had been sanctified by time and example, were corrected by his master-hand; and he revived, if not the national spirit, at least the order and majesty of the Roman empire. His application was indefatigable, his temper cool, his understanding vigorous and decisive; and in his practice he observed that rare and salutary moderation, which pursues each virtue, at an equal distance between the opposite vices. His military service had been confined to the palace: nor was the emperor endowed with the spirit or the talents of a warrior. Yet under his reign the Roman arms were again formidable to the Barbarians. As soon as he had formed a new army by discipline and exercise, he appeared in person on the banks of the Euphrates, curbed the pride of the Saracens, and suppressed the dangerous though just revolt of the Manichaeans. His indignation against a rebel who had long eluded his pursuit, provoked him to wish and to pray, that, by the grace of God, he might drive three arrows into the head of Chrysochir. That odious head, which had been obtained by treason rather than by valor, was suspended from a tree, and thrice exposed to the dexterity of the Imperial archer; a base revenge against the dead, more worthy of the times than of the character of Basil. But his principal merit was in the civil administration of the finances and of the laws. To replenish an exhausted treasury, it was proposed to resume the lavish and ill-placed gifts of his predecessor: his prudence abated one moiety of the restitution; and a sum of twelve hundred thousand pounds was instantly procured to answer the most pressing demands, and to allow some space for the mature operations of economy. Among the various schemes for the improvement of the revenue, a new mode was suggested of capitation, or tribute, which would have too much depended on the arbitrary discretion of the assessors. A sufficient list of honest and able agents was instantly produced by the minister; but on the more careful scrutiny of Basil himself, only two could be found, who might be safely intrusted with such dangerous powers; but they justified his esteem by declining his confidence. But the serious and successful diligence of the emperor established by degrees the equitable balance of property and payment, of receipt and expenditure; a peculiar fund was appropriated to each service; and a public method secured the interest of the prince and the property of the people. After reforming the luxury, he assigned two patrimonial estates to supply the decent plenty, of the Imperial table: the contributions of the subject were reserved for his defence; and the residue was employed in the embellishment of the capital and provinces. A taste for building, however costly, may deserve some praise and much excuse: from thence industry is fed, art is encouraged, and some object is attained of public emolument or pleasure: the use of a road, an aqueduct, or a hospital, is obvious and solid; and the hundred churches that arose by the command of Basil were consecrated to the devotion of the age. In the character of a judge he was assiduous and impartial; desirous to save, but not afraid to strike: the oppressors of the people were severely chastised; but his personal foes, whom it might be unsafe to pardon, were condemned, after the loss of their eyes, to a life of solitude and repentance. The change of language and manners demanded a revision of the obsolete jurisprudence of Justinian: the voluminous body of his Institutes, Pandects, Code, and Novels, was digested under forty titles, in the Greek idiom; and the Basilics, which were improved and completed by his son and grandson, must be referred to the original genius of the founder of their race. This glorious reign was terminated by an accident in the chase. A furious stag entangled his horns in the belt of Basil, and raised him from his horse: he was rescued by an attendant, who cut the belt and slew the animal; but the fall, or the fever, exhausted the strength of the aged monarch, and he expired in the palace amidst the tears of his family and people. If he struck off the head of the faithful servant for presuming to draw his sword against his sovereign, the pride of despotism, which had lain dormant in his life, revived in the last moments of despair, when he no longer wanted or valued the opinion of mankind.
一介平民或许会觉得自身利益与本分相抵触;可一位大权独揽的君主,若竟把个人的幸福与自身的荣耀割裂开来,或把自身的荣耀与公众的福祉割裂开来,那必定是由于他见识不足或胆气不够。诚然,为巴西尔立传(或者说颂扬)的文字,是在他子孙长久当政期间写成并刊行的;但他们之所以能安稳在位,也理应归功于这位先祖出众的功业。他的孙子君士坦丁曾借描摹他的品格,力图勾勒出一幅帝王的完美图像;但那位孱弱的君主,若非临摹了一个真实的范本,断然难以把笔下的形象抬举得远远超出他自己的行事与见识。不过,对巴西尔最扎实的褒扬,还是来自一破一兴两个王国的对照:一个是他从荒淫的米海尔手中夺来的残破之国,一个是他留给马其顿王朝的兴盛之邦。那些因年深日久、积习相沿而被视作天经地义的积弊,都经他一手革除;纵然唤不回民族的精神,他至少也重振了罗马帝国的秩序与威严。他勤勉不倦,性情沉稳,见识既强健又果决;行事之际,更恪守一种难能而有益的中道——追求每一种德行,都使它恰好停在两端相对的恶行之间、不偏不倚。他从军的经历不过局限于宫廷之内;这位皇帝也并未天生具备武人的胆魄或将才。然而在他治下,罗马的兵威重新令蛮族望而生畏。他一经操练整肃,练出一支新军,便亲赴幼发拉底河畔,压下了萨拉森人的骄气,又镇压了摩尼教徒那场虽属事出有因、却颇为凶险的叛乱。有个叛首长期逃脱他的追捕,令他恨得咬牙,竟至发愿祈祷:但求上帝开恩,让他把三支箭射进赫里索基尔的脑袋。那颗可憎的头颅,最终是靠人告密、而非凭他勇武取得的;它被吊在树上,任由这位帝王弓手一连三次施展箭术;如此向死者泄愤,卑劣至极,倒更像那个时代的做派,而不像巴西尔的为人。但他最主要的功绩,还在于财政与法制方面的民政治理。为填补空虚的国库,有人提议把前任君主滥赏错予的财物一概追回;出于审慎,他把追缴之数减去了一半;如此当即筹得一百二十万镑,既应付了最紧迫的开支,又为日后从容整顿财政留出了余地。在种种增收之策中,有人提出一种新的丁税(或曰贡赋)征法,但这法子过于依赖估税官的专断裁量。那位大臣当即开出一长串既清廉又干练的经办人名单;可经巴西尔亲自细加甄别,能放心托付这般危险权力的,竟只找出两人;而这两人偏偏婉拒了他的信任,反倒证明自己不负他的看重。但皇帝认真而卓有成效的勤勉,还是逐步在财产与赋税之间、在收与支之间确立了公平的平衡;每一项开支都拨有专款;一套公开的章程既保障了君主的收益,也守住了百姓的产业。他革除奢靡之后,划出两处祖产庄园供给御膳,使之丰足而不失体面;臣民缴纳的赋税则专留作帝国防务之费;剩余的收入,则用于修饰京城与各行省。一位君主爱好营建,纵然耗费浩大,也不无可嘉之处,且大有可谅之由:营建养活了工匠,鼓励了技艺,又多少成就了某种公益或民乐;一条道路、一道引水渠、一所医院,其用途一目了然、实实在在;而奉巴西尔之命建起的上百座教堂,则献给了那个时代的虔诚信仰。身为裁判者,他勤于听讼、秉公无私,既存宽宥之心,也不惮下手惩处:欺压百姓者遭到严惩;至于他那些私下的仇敌——赦免了恐留后患——则先被剜去双目,再判处终身幽居、悔过残生。语言与风俗既已变迁,查士丁尼那套过时的法学便有重加修订之必要:他卷帙浩繁的《法学阶梯》《学说汇纂》《法典》与《新律》,以希腊文提要钩玄,编为四十个篇目;而这部《巴西利卡法典》——后经其子、其孙增补完善——溯其本源,仍当归功于这一族开创者的独创之才。这段辉煌的统治,终结于一场狩猎中的意外。一头暴怒的雄鹿将鹿角挂进巴西尔的腰带,把他掀离了马背;一名侍从割断腰带、杀死那畜生,才把他救下;但这一摔,或是随之而来的高热,耗尽了这年迈君主的元气,他终在宫中溘然长逝,家人与臣民无不为之落泪。倘若他当真砍下了那忠仆的头颅,只因对方竟敢在君主面前拔剑——那么,专制者那份骄矜,一生潜伏不露,却在他绝望的临终一刻死灰复燃;因为此时他既不再需要、也不再看重世人的评断了。
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Of the four sons of the emperor, Constantine died before his father, whose grief and credulity were amused by a flattering impostor and a vain apparition. Stephen, the youngest, was content with the honors of a patriarch and a saint; both Leo and Alexander were alike invested with the purple, but the powers of government were solely exercised by the elder brother. The name of Leo the Sixth has been dignified with the title of philosopher; and the union of the prince and the sage, of the active and speculative virtues, would indeed constitute the perfection of human nature. But the claims of Leo are far short of this ideal excellence. Did he reduce his passions and appetites under the dominion of reason? His life was spent in the pomp of the palace, in the society of his wives and concubines; and even the clemency which he showed, and the peace which he strove to preserve, must be imputed to the softness and indolence of his character. Did he subdue his prejudices, and those of his subjects? His mind was tinged with the most puerile superstition; the influence of the clergy, and the errors of the people, were consecrated by his laws; and the oracles of Leo, which reveal, in prophetic style, the fates of the empire, are founded on the arts of astrology and divination. If we still inquire the reason of his sage appellation, it can only be replied, that the son of Basil was less ignorant than the greater part of his contemporaries in church and state; that his education had been directed by the learned Photius; and that several books of profane and ecclesiastical science were composed by the pen, or in the name, of the Imperial philosopher. But the reputation of his philosophy and religion was overthrown by a domestic vice, the repetition of his nuptials. The primitive ideas of the merit and holiness of celibacy were preached by the monks and entertained by the Greeks. Marriage was allowed as a necessary means for the propagation of mankind; after the death of either party, the survivor might satisfy, by a second union, the weakness or the strength of the flesh: but a third marriage was censured as a state of legal fornication; and a fourth was a sin or scandal as yet unknown to the Christians of the East. In the beginning of his reign, Leo himself had abolished the state of concubines, and condemned, without annulling, third marriages: but his patriotism and love soon compelled him to violate his own laws, and to incur the penance, which in a similar case he had imposed on his subjects. In his three first alliances, his nuptial bed was unfruitful; the emperor required a female companion, and the empire a legitimate heir. The beautiful Zoe was introduced into the palace as a concubine; and after a trial of her fecundity, and the birth of Constantine, her lover declared his intention of legitimating the mother and the child, by the celebration of his fourth nuptials. But the patriarch Nicholas refused his blessing: the Imperial baptism of the young prince was obtained by a promise of separation; and the contumacious husband of Zoe was excluded from the communion of the faithful. Neither the fear of exile, nor the desertion of his brethren, nor the authority of the Latin church, nor the danger of failure or doubt in the succession to the empire, could bend the spirit of the inflexible monk. After the death of Leo, he was recalled from exile to the civil and ecclesiastical administration; and the edict of union which was promulgated in the name of Constantine, condemned the future scandal of fourth marriages, and left a tacit imputation on his own birth. In the Greek language, purple and porphyry are the same word: and as the colors of nature are invariable, we may learn, that a dark deep red was the Tyrian dye which stained the purple of the ancients. An apartment of the Byzantine palace was lined with porphyry: it was reserved for the use of the pregnant empresses; and the royal birth of their children was expressed by the appellation of porphyrogenite, or born in the purple. Several of the Roman princes had been blessed with an heir; but this peculiar surname was first applied to Constantine the Seventh. His life and titular reign were of equal duration; but of fifty-four years, six had elapsed before his father’s death; and the son of Leo was ever the voluntary or reluctant subject of those who oppressed his weakness or abused his confidence. His uncle Alexander, who had long been invested with the title of Augustus, was the first colleague and governor of the young prince: but in a rapid career of vice and folly, the brother of Leo already emulated the reputation of Michael; and when he was extinguished by a timely death, he entertained a project of castrating his nephew, and leaving the empire to a worthless favorite. The succeeding years of the minority of Constantine were occupied by his mother Zoe, and a succession or council of seven regents, who pursued their interest, gratified their passions, abandoned the republic, supplanted each other, and finally vanished in the presence of a soldier. From an obscure origin, Romanus Lecapenus had raised himself to the command of the naval armies; and in the anarchy of the times, had deserved, or at least had obtained, the national esteem. With a victorious and affectionate fleet, he sailed from the mouth of the Danube into the harbor of Constantinople, and was hailed as the deliverer of the people, and the guardian of the prince. His supreme office was at first defined by the new appellation of father of the emperor; but Romanus soon disdained the subordinate powers of a minister, and assumed with the titles of Caesar and Augustus, the full independence of royalty, which he held near five-and-twenty years. His three sons, Christopher, Stephen, and Constantine were successively adorned with the same honors, and the lawful emperor was degraded from the first to the fifth rank in this college of princes. Yet, in the preservation of his life and crown, he might still applaud his own fortune and the clemency of the usurper. The examples of ancient and modern history would have excused the ambition of Romanus: the powers and the laws of the empire were in his hand; the spurious birth of Constantine would have justified his exclusion; and the grave or the monastery was open to receive the son of the concubine. But Lecapenus does not appear to have possessed either the virtues or the vices of a tyrant. The spirit and activity of his private life dissolved away in the sunshine of the throne; and in his licentious pleasures, he forgot the safety both of the republic and of his family. Of a mild and religious character, he respected the sanctity of oaths, the innocence of the youth, the memory of his parents, and the attachment of the people. The studious temper and retirement of Constantine disarmed the jealousy of power: his books and music, his pen and his pencil, were a constant source of amusement; and if he could improve a scanty allowance by the sale of his pictures, if their price was not enhanced by the name of the artist, he was endowed with a personal talent, which few princes could employ in the hour of adversity.
皇帝的四个儿子中,君士坦丁先于父亲去世;一个善于逢迎的骗子和一场虚妄的显灵,一度慰藉了这位老父的悲痛,也蒙骗了他的轻信。最小的斯蒂芬,则安于牧首与圣徒的尊荣;利奥与亚历山大同受紫袍之封,但治国之权却全操在兄长利奥一人手中。利奥六世的名号,曾被冠以“哲学家”的美称;君主与哲人合于一身,行动之德与思辨之德兼备,那诚然堪称人性的至境。可惜利奥离这种理想的完美,还差得很远。他可曾以理性驾驭自己的情欲与嗜好?他的一生消磨在宫廷的排场之中,厮混于妻妾之间;就连他所表现的宽仁、他极力维持的太平,也只能归因于他性情的绵软与慵懒。他可曾克服自己以及臣民的种种偏见?他的心智浸染着最幼稚的迷信;教士的影响、民众的谬见,都经他以法令加以圣化;而托名利奥的那些“神谕”,以预言的口吻揭示帝国的命运,其实无非建立在占星与卜筮的把戏之上。若还要追问他何以得享“智者”之名,那也只能这样回答:巴西尔这个儿子比起当时教俗两界的大多数人,究竟少些愚昧;他的学业曾由博学的佛提乌亲自督导;而且确有若干世俗与教会学问的著作,出自这位帝王哲学家的手笔,或至少托了他的名。然而,他在哲学与宗教上的声望,却因一桩私德上的过失而毁于一旦——那就是他一再续娶。独身守贞乃是功德与圣洁——这一古老的观念,僧侣们广为宣讲,希腊人也普遍信奉。婚姻之所以获准,是因它乃繁衍人类所不可少的手段;夫妇一方亡故后,在世者尚可借再婚一次来纾解肉体的软弱或旺盛;但第三次结婚就要遭到非议,被斥为一种合法外衣下的淫乱;至于第四次结婚,在东方的基督徒中更是闻所未闻的罪孽与丑闻。利奥在位之初,还曾亲手废除了纳妾之制,并谴责第三次婚姻——虽未宣布其无效。可他为江山计、又为情所困,不久便不得不违背自己订下的法令,去承受他先前在同类情形下加诸臣民的那份苦修补赎。头三次婚姻,他的婚床始终无所出;皇帝需要一位伴侣,帝国也需要一个合法的继承人。美貌的佐伊以妾侍身份入宫;待她证明确能生育、并诞下君士坦丁之后,她的情人便宣布要举行第四次婚礼,使这母子二人的名分归于正当。但牧首尼古拉拒绝为这桩婚事祝福;小皇子固然得以按皇室礼仪受洗,那也是拿分居的许诺换来的;而佐伊那位执拗不肯让步的丈夫,则被逐出了信徒的圣餐团契。无论是流放之忧,还是同门弟兄的背弃,抑或拉丁教会的权威,乃至帝国继统或将中断、生出疑云的危险,都无法使这位刚硬的修士回心转意。利奥死后,他从流放中被召回,重掌教俗两界的行政;而以君士坦丁名义颁布的那道“合一敕令”,一面谴责日后再有第四次婚姻的丑事,一面却也无形中给君士坦丁自己的出身留下了一层暗讽。在希腊语里,“紫”与“斑岩”本是同一个词;既然自然界的颜色古今不变,我们由此可知,古人用来染制紫袍的那种推罗紫,原是一种深暗的红色。拜占庭皇宫里有一间以斑岩砌壁的居室,专供临盆的皇后使用;她们所生子女的皇家出身,便以“生于紫室者”(即降生于紫室之人)这一称号来标示。罗马历代君主中不乏喜得继嗣者,但这一独特的称号,却是头一回加在君士坦丁七世身上。他的寿数与名义上的在位年数恰好相等;但这五十四年里,头六年是在父亲去世之前度过的;此后利奥这个儿子,无论出于自愿还是无奈,始终受制于人——那些人或欺他懦弱,或负他信任。他的叔父亚历山大早已获授奥古斯都称号,成了这位幼主的第一位共治者兼监护人;但利奥这位兄弟在一条恶行与荒唐的路上疾驰而下,其名声已直追当年的米海尔;所幸他死得及时——临死之前,他还盘算着要阉了侄儿,好把帝国留给一个不成器的宠臣。君士坦丁未成年的其后几年,先由母亲佐伊把持,继而是一个由七名摄政组成的班子(或者说接连更替的七位摄政):他们只顾谋一己之私、纵一己之欲,抛却国事,彼此倾轧排挤,最终在一名军人面前烟消云散。罗曼努斯·利卡佩努斯出身微贱,却一路擢升到统领海军的高位;在那乱世之中,他赢得了——或至少博得了——举国的敬重。他率领一支既屡战屡胜、又对他忠心拥戴的舰队,从多瑙河口驶入君士坦丁堡的港口,被众人欢呼为百姓的解救者、幼主的守护人。他起初执掌的最高职位,以一个新造的名号来界定,叫作“皇帝之父”;但罗曼努斯很快就瞧不上人臣那种从属的权力,索性连恺撒与奥古斯都的尊号一并揽下,攫取了完全独立的王权,一握就是将近二十五年。他的三个儿子——克里斯托弗、斯蒂芬和君士坦丁——也相继加封了同样的尊号;而那位合法的皇帝,在这个诸帝共治的班列里,竟由第一位降到了第五位。不过,他的性命与皇冠好歹都保住了,为此他倒还能庆幸自己的运气,也感念那篡权者的宽仁。无论古今,史上都不乏可为罗曼努斯的野心开脱的先例:帝国的权柄与律法都攥在他手里;君士坦丁出身不正,本足以成为将他废黜的理由;坟墓或修道院,也随时敞开着,等着收纳这个妾生之子。但利卡佩努斯这个人,似乎既无僭主的德行,也无僭主的恶行。他微贱时那股锐气与干劲,在御座的煦光里消融殆尽;沉湎于放纵的享乐之中,他把国家与家族的安危一并抛在了脑后。他生性温和而虔敬,敬重誓言的神圣、少主的清白无辜、双亲的遗念,也珍视民心的归附。君士坦丁好学的性情、与世无争的退隐,消解了当权者对他的猜忌:书籍与音乐、笔与画笔,是他源源不断的消遣;他甚至靠卖画来贴补那点微薄的用度——即便画价并未因作者的名头而抬高——足见他自有一技傍身,而这样的本事,处逆境时能派上用场的君主可谓寥寥。
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The fall of Romanus was occasioned by his own vices and those of his children. After the decease of Christopher, his eldest son, the two surviving brothers quarrelled with each other, and conspired against their father. At the hour of noon, when all strangers were regularly excluded from the palace, they entered his apartment with an armed force, and conveyed him, in the habit of a monk, to a small island in the Propontis, which was peopled by a religious community. The rumor of this domestic revolution excited a tumult in the city; but Porphyrogenitus alone, the true and lawful emperor, was the object of the public care; and the sons of Lecapenus were taught, by tardy experience, that they had achieved a guilty and perilous enterprise for the benefit of their rival. Their sister Helena, the wife of Constantine, revealed, or supposed, their treacherous design of assassinating her husband at the royal banquet. His loyal adherents were alarmed, and the two usurpers were prevented, seized, degraded from the purple, and embarked for the same island and monastery where their father had been so lately confined. Old Romanus met them on the beach with a sarcastic smile, and, after a just reproach of their folly and ingratitude, presented his Imperial colleagues with an equal share of his water and vegetable diet. In the fortieth year of his reign, Constantine the Seventh obtained the possession of the Eastern world, which he ruled or seemed to rule, near fifteen years. But he was devoid of that energy of character which could emerge into a life of action and glory; and the studies, which had amused and dignified his leisure, were incompatible with the serious duties of a sovereign. The emperor neglected the practice to instruct his son Romanus in the theory of government; while he indulged the habits of intemperance and sloth, he dropped the reins of the administration into the hands of Helena his wife; and, in the shifting scene of her favor and caprice, each minister was regretted in the promotion of a more worthless successor. Yet the birth and misfortunes of Constantine had endeared him to the Greeks; they excused his failings; they respected his learning, his innocence, and charity, his love of justice; and the ceremony of his funeral was mourned with the unfeigned tears of his subjects. The body, according to ancient custom, lay in state in the vestibule of the palace; and the civil and military officers, the patricians, the senate, and the clergy approached in due order to adore and kiss the inanimate corpse of their sovereign. Before the procession moved towards the Imperial sepulchre, a herald proclaimed this awful admonition: “Arise, O king of the world, and obey the summons of the King of kings!”
罗曼努斯的败亡,起因于他自己的恶行,也起因于他子女的恶行。长子克里斯托弗死后,尚在人世的两个儿子先是彼此争吵,继而合谋对付父亲。正午时分,宫中照例屏退一切外人,他们却带着武装闯入父亲的居室,给他换上修士的衣袍,押送到普罗庞提斯海中一座小岛上——岛上住着一个修道团体。这场宫廷内变的风声一传开,都城顿时骚动起来;然而万众所系的,唯有那位生于紫室者——真正合法的皇帝一人;利卡佩努斯的这两个儿子,直到吃了苦头才醒悟:自己干下这桩既有罪、又凶险的勾当,到头来不过是替对头做了嫁衣。他们的姐妹海伦娜——君士坦丁的妻子——揭发(或者说猜到)了他们的阴谋:要在御宴上行刺她的丈夫。君士坦丁的忠党大为警觉,抢先动手,将这两个僭夺者一举拿下,剥去紫袍,押上船,送往他们不久前囚禁父亲的那座小岛、那所修道院。老罗曼努斯在岸边迎接他们,脸上挂着讥诮的笑;他先把他们的愚蠢与忘恩痛责了一番——骂得也在理——然后请这两位共治的皇帝同他一道,均分他那份清水与素食。直到名义在位的第四十个年头,君士坦丁七世才真正得到了东方世界,此后他治理(或看似治理)这片天下将近十五年。但他性情中缺了那股能开创功业、成就荣名的劲头;那些曾为他闲暇增趣添彩的学问,与一位君主应尽的重责,终究扞格难容。这位皇帝疏于亲身理政,却热衷于把治国的理论传授给儿子罗曼努斯;他一味放纵于酗酒与怠惰,把朝政的缰绳撒手交到了妻子海伦娜手中;而在她那忽宠忽弃、变幻无常的把戏里,每提拔一个更不中用的继任者,人们便要为被撤换的前任惋惜一回。尽管如此,君士坦丁的出身与遭际却使他深得希腊人的喜爱:他们体谅他的缺失,敬重他的学问、他的天真无邪与仁厚、以及他对公道的挚爱;他葬礼之上,臣民无不真情落泪、为之志哀。依照古老的习俗,遗体停放在宫殿门厅中供人瞻仰;文武百官、贵族、元老院议员与教士们,按次第一一趋前,向君主那已无生息的遗体行礼、亲吻。送葬的队伍还未向皇陵启程,一名传令官便高声宣读了这句令人悚然的告诫:“起来吧,世界的君王,去应万王之王的召唤!”
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The death of Constantine was imputed to poison; and his son Romanus, who derived that name from his maternal grandfather, ascended the throne of Constantinople. A prince who, at the age of twenty, could be suspected of anticipating his inheritance, must have been already lost in the public esteem; yet Romanus was rather weak than wicked; and the largest share of the guilt was transferred to his wife, Theophano, a woman of base origin masculine spirit, and flagitious manners. The sense of personal glory and public happiness, the true pleasures of royalty, were unknown to the son of Constantine; and, while the two brothers, Nicephorus and Leo, triumphed over the Saracens, the hours which the emperor owed to his people were consumed in strenuous idleness. In the morning he visited the circus; at noon he feasted the senators; the greater part of the afternoon he spent in the sphoeristerium, or tennis-court, the only theatre of his victories; from thence he passed over to the Asiatic side of the Bosphorus, hunted and killed four wild boars of the largest size, and returned to the palace, proudly content with the labors of the day. In strength and beauty he was conspicuous above his equals: tall and straight as a young cypress, his complexion was fair and florid, his eyes sparkling, his shoulders broad, his nose long and aquiline. Yet even these perfections were insufficient to fix the love of Theophano; and, after a reign of four 1013 years, she mingled for her husband the same deadly draught which she had composed for his father.
君士坦丁之死,被归咎于毒杀;他的儿子罗曼努斯——这名字得自他的外祖父——登上了君士坦丁堡的皇位。一位年方二十的君主,竟会被人疑心迫不及待要提前接掌父业,可见他早已在世人心目中名声扫地;不过罗曼努斯与其说是恶,不如说是弱;这桩罪愆的大半,都被转嫁到了他妻子塞奥法诺头上——那是个出身卑贱、心性刚戾、行止淫邪的女人。个人的荣耀感、天下的安乐——这些帝王真正的乐趣,君士坦丁这个儿子却一概不解;当尼基弗鲁斯、利奥两兄弟正节节战胜萨拉森人时,这位皇帝本该献给臣民的光阴,却全耗在了忙忙碌碌的闲散之中。上午他去竞技场;正午设宴款待元老们;午后的大半时光,则消磨在球场(即网球场)上——那是他唯一能大获全胜的战场;打完球,他又渡到博斯普鲁斯海峡的亚洲一侧,猎杀了四头最大的野猪,然后回到宫中,为一天的“劳绩”洋洋自得。论体魄与相貌,他在同侪中都出类拔萃:身量修长挺拔,如一株幼柏;肤色白皙红润,双目炯炯有神,肩膀宽阔,鼻梁高长而如鹰钩。然而,纵有这般出众的仪表,也拴不住塞奥法诺的爱心;他在位四年1013之后,她便给丈夫调下了那杯致命的毒饮——正是她当年为其父所配的同一杯。
¶
By his marriage with this impious woman, Romanus the younger left two sons, Basil the Second and Constantine the Ninth, and two daughters, Theophano and Anne. The eldest sister was given to Otho the Second, emperor of the West; the younger became the wife of Wolodomir, great duke and apostle of russia, and by the marriage of her granddaughter with Henry the First, king of France, the blood of the Macedonians, and perhaps of the Arsacides, still flows in the veins of the Bourbon line. After the death of her husband, the empress aspired to reign in the name of her sons, the elder of whom was five, and the younger only two, years of age; but she soon felt the instability of a throne which was supported by a female who could not be esteemed, and two infants who could not be feared. Theophano looked around for a protector, and threw herself into the arms of the bravest soldier; her heart was capacious; but the deformity of the new favorite rendered it more than probable that interest was the motive and excuse of her love. Nicephorus Phocus united, in the popular opinion, the double merit of a hero and a saint. In the former character, his qualifications were genuine and splendid: the descendant of a race illustrious by their military exploits, he had displayed in every station and in every province the courage of a soldier and the conduct of a chief; and Nicephorus was crowned with recent laurels, from the important conquest of the Isle of Crete. His religion was of a more ambiguous cast; and his hair-cloth, his fasts, his pious idiom, and his wish to retire from the business of the world, were a convenient mask for his dark and dangerous ambition. Yet he imposed on a holy patriarch, by whose influence, and by a decree of the senate, he was intrusted, during the minority of the young princes, with the absolute and independent command of the Oriental armies. As soon as he had secured the leaders and the troops, he boldly marched to Constantinople, trampled on his enemies, avowed his correspondence with the empress, and without degrading her sons, assumed, with the title of Augustus, the preeminence of rank and the plenitude of power. But his marriage with Theophano was refused by the same patriarch who had placed the crown on his head: by his second nuptials he incurred a year of canonical penance; 1014 a bar of spiritual affinity was opposed to their celebration; and some evasion and perjury were required to silence the scruples of the clergy and people. The popularity of the emperor was lost in the purple: in a reign of six years he provoked the hatred of strangers and subjects: and the hypocrisy and avarice of the first Nicephorus were revived in his successor. Hypocrisy I shall never justify or palliate; but I will dare to observe, that the odious vice of avarice is of all others most hastily arraigned, and most unmercifully condemned. In a private citizen, our judgment seldom expects an accurate scrutiny into his fortune and expense; and in a steward of the public treasure, frugality is always a virtue, and the increase of taxes too often an indispensable duty. In the use of his patrimony, the generous temper of Nicephorus had been proved; and the revenue was strictly applied to the service of the state: each spring the emperor marched in person against the Saracens; and every Roman might compute the employment of his taxes in triumphs, conquests, and the security of the Eastern barrier. 1015
小罗曼努斯与这个恶妇结合,身后留下两子——巴西尔二世与君士坦丁九世——以及两女,塞奥法诺和安妮。长女嫁给了西部皇帝奥托二世;幼女则成了弗拉基米尔的妻子——此人是罗斯的大公,也是使罗斯皈依基督教的使徒;再由她的孙女与法兰西国王亨利一世联姻,马其顿人(或许还有阿尔撒息王朝)的血脉,至今仍流淌在波旁一系的血管里。丈夫死后,这位皇后一心想借两个儿子的名义临朝称制——长子年方五岁,幼子才不过两岁;但她很快便感到这御座何等不稳:撑持它的,不过是一个不足以令人敬重的女人,加上两个不足以令人畏惧的幼儿。塞奥法诺四下寻觅一个庇护者,最终投入了当世最骁勇的军人怀中;她的情怀本就宽纳不拘,但这位新宠相貌丑陋,便十有八九表明:利害才是她这段爱情的真正动机与托词。在世人眼中,尼基弗鲁斯·福卡斯集英雄与圣徒的双重美誉于一身。就英雄这一面而言,他的资望名副其实、光彩夺目:他出身于一个以赫赫武功著称的家族,无论身居何职、征战何方,都既有士兵的勇武,又有统帅的韬略;而且尼基弗鲁斯刚刚攻下克里特岛这一要地,正戴着新获的桂冠。至于他的宗教信仰,则要暧昧得多:他身着的粗毛苦衣、他的斋戒、他那套虔诚的言辞、以及他口口声声要退出尘世纷扰的心愿,全都不过是一层便利的假面,掩着他那阴暗而危险的野心。然而他却把一位圣洁的牧首蒙骗住了;仰仗这牧首的影响,又经元老院一纸敕令,他在两位幼主未成年期间,获得了对东方各军绝对而独立的统帅之权。一旦把将领与士卒都拢到手中,他便大胆挥师君士坦丁堡,踏平政敌,公然承认自己与皇后暗通款曲,并且——在不废黜她两个儿子的前提下——揽过奥古斯都的尊号,占尽了至高的名位与全备的权力。但当初把皇冠戴上他头顶的那位牧首,这回却拒绝为他与塞奥法诺的婚事成全;因这第二次结婚,他招来了教规所定的一年苦修补赎;1014又有属灵亲缘这道障碍横在他们的婚礼之前;结果还得靠一番遮掩与伪誓,才平息了教士与民众的疑虑。这位皇帝的人望,一披上紫袍便丧失殆尽:在位六年,他招来了外人与臣民的一致憎恨;当年头一位尼基弗鲁斯的伪善与贪婪,又在这位后继者身上死灰复燃。伪善,我绝不会为之辩解或开脱;但我斗胆指出:贪婪这桩可憎的恶德,在一切恶德中,偏偏是最容易遭人仓促指控、也最容易遭人无情谴责的。对一介平民,我们评判时,很少会去精查他的家财与用度;而对一位掌管公帑之人,节俭永远是美德,增税则往往是不得不尽的职责。尼基弗鲁斯用度自家祖产时,那份慷慨大方早已有目共睹;而国库的收入,他则严格地专用于国事:每年春天,皇帝都亲自出征讨伐萨拉森人;每个罗马人都能算清自己缴的税用在了何处——用在了一次次凯旋、一场场征服,以及东部边防的稳固之上。1015
Notes 注释
1012
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In a campaign against the Saracens, he betrayed both imbecility and cowardice. Genesius, c. iv. p. 94.—M.
在一次讨伐萨拉森人的战役中,他既暴露出无能,又暴露出怯懦。Genesius, c. iv. p. 94.—M.
1013
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Three years and five months. Leo Diaconus in Niebuhr. Byz p. 50—M.
实为三年零五个月。Leo Diaconus in Niebuhr. Byz p. 50—M.
1014
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The canonical objection to the marriage was his relation of Godfather sons. Leo Diac. p. 50.—M.
教规反对这桩婚事的理由,在于他与皇后诸子之间有教父的亲缘关系。Leo Diac. p. 50.—M.
1015
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He retook Antioch, and brought home as a trophy the sword of “the most unholy and impious Mahomet.” Leo Diac. p. 76.—M.
他收复了安条克,还带回一柄“最不虔诚、最亵渎的穆罕默德”的宝剑作为战利品。Leo Diac. p. 76.—M.