Chapter XLI: Conquests Of Justinian, Character Of Balisarius.—Part V. 第四十一章 查士丁尼的征服;贝利撒留的品格——第五节

As soon as Belisarius was delivered from his foreign and domestic enemies, he seriously applied his forces to the final reduction of Italy. In the siege of Osimo, the general was nearly transpierced with an arrow, if the mortal stroke had not been intercepted by one of his guards, who lost, in that pious office, the use of his hand. The Goths of Osimo, 1041 four thousand warriors, with those of Faesulae and the Cottian Alps, were among the last who maintained their independence; and their gallant resistance, which almost tired the patience, deserved the esteem, of the conqueror. His prudence refused to subscribe the safe conduct which they asked, to join their brethren of Ravenna; but they saved, by an honorable capitulation, one moiety at least of their wealth, with the free alternative of retiring peaceably to their estates, or enlisting to serve the emperor in his Persian wars. The multitudes which yet adhered to the standard of Vitiges far surpassed the number of the Roman troops; but neither prayers nor defiance, nor the extreme danger of his most faithful subjects, could tempt the Gothic king beyond the fortifications of Ravenna. These fortifications were, indeed, impregnable to the assaults of art or violence; and when Belisarius invested the capital, he was soon convinced that famine only could tame the stubborn spirit of the Barbarians. The sea, the land, and the channels of the Po, were guarded by the vigilance of the Roman general; and his morality extended the rights of war to the practice of poisoning the waters, 105 and secretly firing the granaries 106 of a besieged city. 107 While he pressed the blockade of Ravenna, he was surprised by the arrival of two ambassadors from Constantinople, with a treaty of peace, which Justinian had imprudently signed, without deigning to consult the author of his victory. By this disgraceful and precarious agreement, Italy and the Gothic treasure were divided, and the provinces beyond the Po were left with the regal title to the successor of Theodoric. The ambassadors were eager to accomplish their salutary commission; the captive Vitiges accepted, with transport, the unexpected offer of a crown; honor was less prevalent among the Goths, than the want and appetite of food; and the Roman chiefs, who murmured at the continuance of the war, professed implicit submission to the commands of the emperor. If Belisarius had possessed only the courage of a soldier, the laurel would have been snatched from his hand by timid and envious counsels; but in this decisive moment, he resolved, with the magnanimity of a statesman, to sustain alone the danger and merit of generous disobedience. Each of his officers gave a written opinion that the siege of Ravenna was impracticable and hopeless: the general then rejected the treaty of partition, and declared his own resolution of leading Vitiges in chains to the feet of Justinian. The Goths retired with doubt and dismay: this peremptory refusal deprived them of the only signature which they could trust, and filled their minds with a just apprehension, that a sagacious enemy had discovered the full extent of their deplorable state. They compared the fame and fortune of Belisarius with the weakness of their ill-fated king; and the comparison suggested an extraordinary project, to which Vitiges, with apparent resignation, was compelled to acquiesce. Partition would ruin the strength, exile would disgrace the honor, of the nation; but they offered their arms, their treasures, and the fortifications of Ravenna, if Belisarius would disclaim the authority of a master, accept the choice of the Goths, and assume, as he had deserved, the kingdom of Italy. If the false lustre of a diadem could have tempted the loyalty of a faithful subject, his prudence must have foreseen the inconstancy of the Barbarians, and his rational ambition would prefer the safe and honorable station of a Roman general. Even the patience and seeming satisfaction with which he entertained a proposal of treason, might be susceptible of a malignant interpretation. But the lieutenant of Justinian was conscious of his own rectitude; he entered into a dark and crooked path, as it might lead to the voluntary submission of the Goths; and his dexterous policy persuaded them that he was disposed to comply with their wishes, without engaging an oath or a promise for the performance of a treaty which he secretly abhorred. The day of the surrender of Ravenna was stipulated by the Gothic ambassadors: a fleet, laden with provisions, sailed as a welcome guest into the deepest recess of the harbor: the gates were opened to the fancied king of Italy; and Belisarius, without meeting an enemy, triumphantly marched through the streets of an impregnable city. 108 The Romans were astonished by their success; the multitudes of tall and robust Barbarians were confounded by the image of their own patience and the masculine females, spitting in the faces of their sons and husbands, most bitterly reproached them for betraying their dominion and freedom to these pygmies of the south, contemptible in their numbers, diminutive in their stature. Before the Goths could recover from the first surprise, and claim the accomplishment of their doubtful hopes, the victor established his power in Ravenna, beyond the danger of repentance and revolt.
贝利撒留一旦摆脱了外敌与内患,便集中全力,一意要彻底征服意大利。围攻奥西莫时,他险些被一支利箭洞穿,幸有一名卫士挺身挡下,那致命一击才没有射中;这名卫士也因这一忠勇之举而失去了一只手的功用。奥西莫的哥特人1041共四千名战士,连同法伊苏莱和科蒂安阿尔卑斯山一带的哥特人,是最后仍坚守独立的几支;他们抵抗得英勇顽强,几乎耗尽了征服者的耐心,却也赢得了他的敬重。他们请求发给通行凭证,好去与拉文纳的同胞会合,贝利撒留出于审慎,不肯签署;不过他们凭一纸体面的降约,至少保住了半数财产,并可自行抉择:或安然返回自家田产,或投效皇帝、随军征战波斯。仍旧聚集在维蒂吉斯旗下的人马,远远多过罗马军队;然而无论臣民的哀求、外敌的挑衅,还是最忠心之众所面临的危急存亡,都无法诱使这位哥特国王踏出拉文纳的城防一步。这些工事确实固若金汤,无论智取还是强攻都无从下手;贝利撒留围住这座都城后,很快便看清:唯有饥馑才能磨平蛮族那股倔强的锐气。海路、陆路以及波河的各条水道,都在这位罗马统帅的严密监视之下;而在他的道德尺度里,战争的权利竟可延及向被围之城的水源投毒105、暗中纵火焚其粮仓106之举。107正当他加紧封锁拉文纳之际,君士坦丁堡忽然来了两名使臣,令他大为意外:他们带来一纸和约,是查士丁尼草率签下的,事先竟不屑征询这位为他缔造胜利之人的意见。依这份既失体面又靠不住的协议,意大利与哥特人的国库要一分为二,波河以北诸行省连同王号,都留给狄奥多里克的这位继承者。两名使臣急于完成这桩他们看来大有裨益的使命;已成瓮中之鳖的维蒂吉斯,对这意外送上门来的王冠喜出望外,欣然领受;在哥特人心里,荣誉终究抵不过饥肠辘辘、对粮食的渴求;而那些原就对战事迟迟不休心怀怨言的罗马将领,也表示一切唯皇帝之命是从。倘若贝利撒留只有一介武夫的胆气,这顶桂冠早就被那些怯懦而嫉妒的献策者从他手中夺走了;然而值此紧要关头,他以政治家的恢宏气度决然拿定主意:宁可独自担下抗命的风险,也要独享这份出于大义的抗命所带来的功勋。麾下每位将领都递上书面意见,断言围攻拉文纳既难以为继、又全无希望;于是他断然回绝了那份瓜分协议,宣布自己已下定决心,要给维蒂吉斯戴上镣铐,押到查士丁尼脚下。哥特人满腹疑惧地退了回去:贝利撒留这一断然拒绝,等于抽掉了他们唯一敢信的那个签名,也让他们心生一种不无道理的忧惧——这个精明的对手已把他们凄惨处境的底细看得一清二楚。他们把贝利撒留的赫赫声名与好运,同自家那位命途多舛、软弱无能的国王两相对照,由此生出一个非同寻常的念头;维蒂吉斯只得表面上逆来顺受,勉强默许。瓜分疆土会毁掉整个民族的实力,流放异乡则会玷污全族的荣誉;于是他们提出:只要贝利撒留肯抛开那位主子的名分,接受哥特人的推举,凭他应得之功登上意大利的王位,他们便献上自己的武器、财宝,连同拉文纳的整套城防。即便一顶王冠那虚假的光彩当真能撼动一位忠臣的赤诚,他的审慎也必能预见蛮族的反复无常;何况以他清明的抱负,本就宁取罗马统帅那既稳妥又体面的位分。他听人提出这等背叛之议时,竟能耐着性子、还显出几分满意,单是这一点,也足以招来恶意的揣测。然而,身为查士丁尼麾下副帅的他,自问心地端正;他所以肯走这条阴晦曲折的路,只因它或可引哥特人自愿归降。凭着圆熟的手腕,他让对方相信自己有意顺遂其愿,却始终不曾为那份他暗中憎恶的协议许下一句誓言或承诺。哥特使者议定了拉文纳献城的日子:一支满载粮秣的船队,如受欢迎的贵客一般,径直驶入港湾最深处;城门向这位众人臆想中的意大利之王敞开;贝利撒留不曾遇到一个敌手,便凯旋般地穿行于这座固若金汤之城的街巷。108罗马人也为自己的得手惊诧不已;那成群高大魁梧的蛮族,眼看自己竟这般逆来顺受,一时目瞪口呆、羞愧难当;而那些性情刚烈的妇人,则朝儿子和丈夫的脸上啐唾沫,痛骂他们把祖辈的江山与自由,拱手让给了这些南方来的矮子——论人数少得可怜,论身量也矮小不堪。哥特人还没从最初的错愕中缓过神来、来得及索要那渺茫愿望的兑现,胜利者已在拉文纳站稳了脚跟,任对方再懊悔、再反叛也奈何不得了。
After the second victory of Belisarius, envy again whispered, Justinian listened, and the hero was recalled. “The remnant of the Gothic war was no longer worthy of his presence: a gracious sovereign was impatient to reward his services, and to consult his wisdom; and he alone was capable of defending the East against the innumerable armies of Persia.” Belisarius understood the suspicion, accepted the excuse, embarked at Ravenna his spoils and trophies; and proved, by his ready obedience, that such an abrupt removal from the government of Italy was not less unjust than it might have been indiscreet. The emperor received with honorable courtesy both Vitiges and his more noble consort; and as the king of the Goths conformed to the Athanasian faith, he obtained, with a rich inheritance of land in Asia, the rank of senator and patrician.110 Every spectator admired, without peril, the strength and stature of the young Barbarians: they adored the majesty of the throne, and promised to shed their blood in the service of their benefactor. Justinian deposited in the Byzantine palace the treasures of the Gothic monarchy. A flattering senate was sometime admitted to gaze on the magnificent spectacle; but it was enviously secluded from the public view: and the conqueror of Italy renounced, without a murmur, perhaps without a sigh, the well-earned honors of a second triumph. His glory was indeed exalted above all external pomp; and the faint and hollow praises of the court were supplied, even in a servile age, by the respect and admiration of his country. Whenever he appeared in the streets and public places of Constantinople, Belisarius attracted and satisfied the eyes of the people. His lofty stature and majestic countenance fulfilled their expectations of a hero; the meanest of his fellow-citizens were emboldened by his gentle and gracious demeanor; and the martial train which attended his footsteps left his person more accessible than in a day of battle. Seven thousand horsemen, matchless for beauty and valor, were maintained in the service, and at the private expense, of the general. 111 Their prowess was always conspicuous in single combats, or in the foremost ranks; and both parties confessed that in the siege of Rome, the guards of Belisarius had alone vanquished the Barbarian host. Their numbers were continually augmented by the bravest and most faithful of the enemy; and his fortunate captives, the Vandals, the Moors, and the Goths, emulated the attachment of his domestic followers. By the union of liberality and justice, he acquired the love of the soldiers, without alienating the affections of the people. The sick and wounded were relieved with medicines and money; and still more efficaciously, by the healing visits and smiles of their commander. The loss of a weapon or a horse was instantly repaired, and each deed of valor was rewarded by the rich and honorable gifts of a bracelet or a collar, which were rendered more precious by the judgment of Belisarius. He was endeared to the husbandmen by the peace and plenty which they enjoyed under the shadow of his standard. Instead of being injured, the country was enriched by the march of the Roman armies; and such was the rigid discipline of their camp, that not an apple was gathered from the tree, not a path could be traced in the fields of corn. Belisarius was chaste and sober. In the license of a military life, none could boast that they had seen him intoxicated with wine: the most beautiful captives of Gothic or Vandal race were offered to his embraces; but he turned aside from their charms, and the husband of Antonina was never suspected of violating the laws of conjugal fidelity. The spectator and historian of his exploits has observed, that amidst the perils of war, he was daring without rashness, prudent without fear, slow or rapid according to the exigencies of the moment; that in the deepest distress he was animated by real or apparent hope, but that he was modest and humble in the most prosperous fortune. By these virtues, he equalled or excelled the ancient masters of the military art. Victory, by sea and land, attended his arms. He subdued Africa, Italy, and the adjacent islands; led away captives the successors of Genseric and Theodoric; filled Constantinople with the spoils of their palaces; and in the space of six years recovered half the provinces of the Western empire. In his fame and merit, in wealth and power, he remained without a rival, the first of the Roman subjects; the voice of envy could only magnify his dangerous importance; and the emperor might applaud his own discerning spirit, which had discovered and raised the genius of Belisarius.
贝利撒留第二度奏凯之后,妒忌之声又在暗处窃窃私语,查士丁尼侧耳听信,于是这位英雄被召回。“哥特战事已近尾声,剩下那点残局不值得他亲自坐镇;仁厚的君主急于酬报他的功劳,也急于向他讨教方略;何况唯有他,才当得起抵御波斯无数大军、守卫东方的重任。”贝利撒留看穿了其中的猜忌,却领受了这套托词,在拉文纳把战利品与旌旗一并装船运走;他这般毫不迟疑地遵命,恰恰证明:如此仓促地解除他在意大利的治权,既失公道,也未必是明智之举。皇帝以隆重礼遇接待了维蒂吉斯及其出身更为高贵的王后;由于这位哥特国王皈依了阿塔纳修斯派信仰,他不但在亚细亚获赐大片田产,还得到了元老与大贵族的位分。110每一个旁观者都能安然无虞地赞叹这些年轻蛮族的健硕与身量;他们则对皇座的威严顶礼膜拜,誓言要为恩主效命疆场、抛洒热血。查士丁尼把哥特王国的珍宝尽数存入拜占庭的宫室。一班谄媚的元老偶尔获准入内,一饱眼福,观赏这煊赫的场面;可这些珍宝终究被人出于妒意深藏起来,不让世人得见。而这位征服意大利的功臣,则连一句怨言、乃至一声叹息都没有,便放弃了他本应享有的第二次凯旋之荣。他的荣光确乎超乎一切外在的排场;即便在那奴颜婢膝的年代,宫廷的颂词纵然苍白空洞,也自有举国上下的敬仰与钦慕为之补足。每当贝利撒留现身于君士坦丁堡的街巷与公众场所,万众的目光便都被他吸引,且看之不厌。他身材高大、仪容威严,正合众人心目中英雄的模样;即便最卑微的市民,见他举止温和亲切,也敢于趋前攀谈;而随行护卫的一队武士,反倒使他本人比战阵之日更平易近人。有七千名骑兵,论英姿论勇武都举世无双,全由这位统帅私人出资,豢养于麾下。111无论单打独斗,还是冲锋陷阵居于最前列,他们的骁勇都格外惹眼;交战双方都承认,在围攻罗马之役中,单凭贝利撒留的这支卫队,便击溃了蛮族的大军。敌方最勇猛、最忠诚的战士不断加入,使这支队伍日益壮大;那些落入他手、反倒因祸得福的俘虏——汪达尔人、摩尔人、哥特人——也争相效忠,其亲附之情不亚于他的本国部属。他慷慨与公正兼备,既赢得了士卒的爱戴,又不曾疏远百姓的情谊。伤病之士,他以药物与钱财加以周济;而更见奇效的,是主帅亲临探视、含笑抚慰。谁若折损了兵器或战马,立时便得到补给;每一桩英勇的战功,都以一副臂钏或一圈项饰这般贵重而荣耀的赏赐相酬——经贝利撒留亲自品评颁赐,这些物件便愈发显得珍贵。农人们在他的旗荫之下安享太平与丰足,因而对他倍加爱戴。罗马大军过境,非但不曾祸害地方,反倒使田野愈见富庶;军营纪律之严明,竟到了树上不摘一颗苹果、麦田里踏不出一条小径的地步。贝利撒留为人贞洁而有节制。军旅生活素来放纵无度,却没有一个人能夸口说见过他醉酒;哥特或汪达尔族中最美貌的女俘曾被送到他怀中,他却对其姿色不为所动;身为安东尼娜的丈夫,他从不曾被人疑心逾越过夫妻忠贞的界限。那位亲眼目睹并记述其功业的史家曾评说:临战之际,他勇而不莽,审慎而无所畏惧,或缓或急,全视当下情势而定;身陷绝境,总有希望——无论真切还是佯装——在激励着他,而当命运最为得意之时,他反倒谦逊自守。凭着这些德行,他堪与古代兵法大家比肩,甚或过之。水陆之战,胜利始终追随着他的旌旗。他征服了阿非利加、意大利以及附近的岛屿,把盖萨里克与狄奥多里克的继承者掳为阶下囚,又将他们宫中的珍宝运回,堆满了君士坦丁堡;短短六年之间,便收复了西部帝国半数的行省。论声名功业,论财富权势,他都无人能及,堪称罗马臣民中的第一人;妒忌之声反倒只会把他那令人生畏的分量越衬越重;至于皇帝,或许正为自己的慧眼而自得——毕竟是他发掘并擢拔了贝利撒留这样的将才。
It was the custom of the Roman triumphs, that a slave should be placed behind the chariot to remind the conqueror of the instability of fortune, and the infirmities of human nature. Procopius, in his Anecdotes, has assumed that servile and ungrateful office. The generous reader may cast away the libel, but the evidence of facts will adhere to his memory; and he will reluctantly confess, that the fame, and even the virtue, of Belisarius, were polluted by the lust and cruelty of his wife; and that hero deserved an appellation which may not drop from the pen of the decent historian. The mother of Antonina 112 was a theatrical prostitute, and both her father and grandfather exercised, at Thessalonica and Constantinople, the vile, though lucrative, profession of charioteers. In the various situations of their fortune she became the companion, the enemy, the servant, and the favorite of the empress Theodora: these loose and ambitious females had been connected by similar pleasures; they were separated by the jealousy of vice, and at length reconciled by the partnership of guilt. Before her marriage with Belisarius, Antonina had one husband and many lovers: Photius, the son of her former nuptials, was of an age to distinguish himself at the siege of Naples; and it was not till the autumn of her age and beauty 113 that she indulged a scandalous attachment to a Thracian youth. Theodosius had been educated in the Eunomian heresy; the African voyage was consecrated by the baptism and auspicious name of the first soldier who embarked; and the proselyte was adopted into the family of his spiritual parents, 114 Belisarius and Antonina. Before they touched the shores of Africa, this holy kindred degenerated into sensual love: and as Antonina soon overleaped the bounds of modesty and caution, the Roman general was alone ignorant of his own dishonor. During their residence at Carthage, he surprised the two lovers in a subterraneous chamber, solitary, warm, and almost naked. Anger flashed from his eyes. “With the help of this young man,” said the unblushing Antonina, “I was secreting our most precious effects from the knowledge of Justinian.” The youth resumed his garments, and the pious husband consented to disbelieve the evidence of his own senses. From this pleasing and perhaps voluntary delusion, Belisarius was awakened at Syracuse, by the officious information of Macedonia; and that female attendant, after requiring an oath for her security, produced two chamberlains, who, like herself, had often beheld the adulteries of Antonina. A hasty flight into Asia saved Theodosius from the justice of an injured husband, who had signified to one of his guards the order of his death; but the tears of Antonina, and her artful seductions, assured the credulous hero of her innocence: and he stooped, against his faith and judgment, to abandon those imprudent friends, who had presumed to accuse or doubt the chastity of his wife. The revenge of a guilty woman is implacable and bloody: the unfortunate Macedonia, with the two witnesses, were secretly arrested by the minister of her cruelty; their tongues were cut out, their bodies were hacked into small pieces, and their remains were cast into the Sea of Syracuse. A rash though judicious saying of Constantine, “I would sooner have punished the adulteress than the boy,” was deeply remembered by Antonina; and two years afterwards, when despair had armed that officer against his general, her sanguinary advice decided and hastened his execution. Even the indignation of Photius was not forgiven by his mother; the exile of her son prepared the recall of her lover; and Theodosius condescended to accept the pressing and humble invitation of the conqueror of Italy. In the absolute direction of his household, and in the important commissions of peace and war, 115 the favorite youth most rapidly acquired a fortune of four hundred thousand pounds sterling; and after their return to Constantinople, the passion of Antonina, at least, continued ardent and unabated. But fear, devotion, and lassitude perhaps, inspired Theodosius with more serious thoughts. He dreaded the busy scandal of the capital, and the indiscreet fondness of the wife of Belisarius; escaped from her embraces, and retiring to Ephesus, shaved his head, and took refuge in the sanctuary of a monastic life. The despair of the new Ariadne could scarcely have been excused by the death of her husband. She wept, she tore her hair, she filled the palace with her cries; “she had lost the dearest of friends, a tender, a faithful, a laborious friend!” But her warm entreaties, fortified by the prayers of Belisarius, were insufficient to draw the holy monk from the solitude of Ephesus. It was not till the general moved forward for the Persian war, that Theodosius could be tempted to return to Constantinople; and the short interval before the departure of Antonina herself was boldly devoted to love and pleasure.
按罗马凯旋式的旧例,总要在凯旋战车之后安置一名奴隶,好提醒得胜者:命运无常,人性也难免脆弱。普罗柯比在其《秘史》中,便自愿充当了这个卑下而不讨好的角色。宽厚的读者尽可把这篇谤书弃置一旁,可那些事实的凭据却会牢牢留在他记忆里;他终将不情愿地承认:贝利撒留的声名,乃至他的德行,都被其妻的淫欲与残忍所玷污;而这位英雄,也当得起一个正派史家羞于形诸笔端的名号。安东尼娜的母亲112是个卖身的戏子,她的父亲与祖父则在塞萨洛尼卡和君士坦丁堡,以驾驭赛车为业——这行当虽然低贱,却颇能牟利。随着境遇几度浮沉,她先后做过狄奥多拉皇后的闺伴、仇敌、婢仆,末了又成了宠幸之人:这两个放荡而热衷权势的女人,本因声色之好而相投,又因恶行相妒而反目,最终却因狼狈为奸而重归于好。嫁给贝利撒留之前,安东尼娜有过一个丈夫,却有过许多情人:佛提乌便是她前一段婚姻所生之子,年纪已长到能在围攻那不勒斯之役中崭露头角;而直到她年华与姿色都已入秋之际113,她才纵情迷恋上一个色雷斯青年,闹出丑闻。这青年名叫狄奥多西,自幼受欧诺米乌派异端的教养;远征阿非利加的船队启航时,头一个登船的士兵受洗归正、获赐吉祥的教名,为这次航程祈福;这位新皈依者便被收为其教父教母114贝利撒留与安东尼娜的义子。还没等船队靠上阿非利加的海岸,这份神圣的亲缘便堕落成了肉欲之爱;安东尼娜很快就把持不住,越过了廉耻与谨慎的界限,以致自家蒙受的羞辱,唯独身为丈夫的罗马统帅一人蒙在鼓里。旅居迦太基期间,他曾撞见这对情人待在一间地下密室里,四下无人,室内温热,两人几近赤身。他双目怒火迸射。“我正靠这年轻人帮忙,”安东尼娜面不改色地说,“把咱们最贵重的财物藏起来,不让查士丁尼知晓。”那青年重新穿上衣裳,而这位虔诚的丈夫竟甘愿否认自己亲眼所见的证据。这场令人受用、或许还是他自甘沉溺的迷梦,直到在叙拉古,才因一名叫马其顿尼娅的女侍多事的告发而惊醒;这女侍先讨得一句保她安全的誓言,才带出两名寝宫侍从,二人与她一样,屡屡目睹过安东尼娜通奸的丑事。狄奥多西仓皇逃往亚细亚,才躲过这位含冤丈夫的惩处——贝利撒留已向一名卫士下达了处死他的命令;然而安东尼娜的眼泪,加上她工于心计的百般勾引,竟让这位轻信的英雄相信她清白无辜;他违背了自己的信念与判断,屈从下来,抛弃了那几个不知轻重的朋友——他们竟敢指控、乃至怀疑他妻子的贞操。一个有罪的女人报起仇来,既不肯罢休,又血腥狠毒:可怜的马其顿尼娅连同那两名证人,被她豢养的爪牙秘密逮捕;他们的舌头被割去,身躯被砍成碎块,残骸尽数抛入叙拉古的海中。部将君士坦丁曾说过一句话,虽鲁莽却也在理:“换作是我,宁可惩治那奸妇,也不去动那小子。”安东尼娜将这句话牢记在心;两年之后,这名军官因绝望而举兵反叛主帅,她那嗜血的进言便促成并加速了他的处决。便是佛提乌一时的义愤,也得不到母亲的宽宥;她把儿子逐走,正是为召回情人铺路;狄奥多西这才屈尊纡贵,接受了这位意大利征服者殷切而谦卑的相邀。这位得宠的青年既总揽了贝利撒留全部家务,又经手了和战两方面的要务115,转眼便敛聚起一笔四十万英镑的家私;待他们回到君士坦丁堡,至少在安东尼娜这一头,那份痴情依旧炽烈如故、丝毫未减。然而,或出于畏惧,或出于虔信,又或出于几分厌倦,狄奥多西心里生出了更为郑重的念头。他惧怕都城里沸沸扬扬的流言,也惧怕贝利撒留之妻那不知避讳的痴缠;于是挣脱她的怀抱,退隐到以弗所,剃去须发,躲进修道生活的庇护所中。这位俨然又一个阿里阿德涅的女子,其绝望之状,纵是丈夫身死也未必说得过去。她哭泣,她扯乱头发,她的哭喊声响彻整座宫室:“她失去了最亲爱的友人,一个温柔、忠实、任劳任怨的友人!”然而她苦苦的哀求,纵有贝利撒留的祈请为之助力,也不足以把这位圣洁的修士从以弗所的清修中拉回。直到这位统帅出师波斯,狄奥多西才被引诱着回到君士坦丁堡;而在安东尼娜本人动身之前那短短一段时日里,她也肆无忌惮地纵情于欢爱与逸乐。
A philosopher may pity and forgive the infirmities of female nature, from which he receives no real injury: but contemptible is the husband who feels, and yet endures, his own infamy in that of his wife. Antonina pursued her son with implacable hatred; and the gallant Photius 116 was exposed to her secret persecutions in the camp beyond the Tigris. Enraged by his own wrongs, and by the dishonor of his blood, he cast away in his turn the sentiments of nature, and revealed to Belisarius the turpitude of a woman who had violated all the duties of a mother and a wife. From the surprise and indignation of the Roman general, his former credulity appears to have been sincere: he embraced the knees of the son of Antonina, adjured him to remember his obligations rather than his birth, and confirmed at the altar their holy vows of revenge and mutual defence. The dominion of Antonina was impaired by absence; and when she met her husband, on his return from the Persian confines, Belisarius, in his first and transient emotions, confined her person, and threatened her life. Photius was more resolved to punish, and less prompt to pardon: he flew to Ephesus; extorted from a trusty eunuch of his mother the full confession of her guilt; arrested Theodosius and his treasures in the church of St. John the Apostle, and concealed his captives, whose execution was only delayed, in a secure and sequestered fortress of Cilicia. Such a daring outrage against public justice could not pass with impunity; and the cause of Antonina was espoused by the empress, whose favor she had deserved by the recent services of the disgrace of a præfect, and the exile and murder of a pope. At the end of the campaign, Belisarius was recalled; he complied, as usual, with the Imperial mandate. His mind was not prepared for rebellion: his obedience, however adverse to the dictates of honor, was consonant to the wishes of his heart; and when he embraced his wife, at the command, and perhaps in the presence, of the empress, the tender husband was disposed to forgive or to be forgiven. The bounty of Theodora reserved for her companion a more precious favor. “I have found,” she said, “my dearest patrician, a pearl of inestimable value; it has not yet been viewed by any mortal eye; but the sight and the possession of this jewel are destined for my friend.” 1161 As soon as the curiosity and impatience of Antonina were kindled, the door of a bed-chamber was thrown open, and she beheld her lover, whom the diligence of the eunuchs had discovered in his secret prison. Her silent wonder burst into passionate exclamations of gratitude and joy, and she named Theodora her queen, her benefactress, and her savior. The monk of Ephesus was nourished in the palace with luxury and ambition; but instead of assuming, as he was promised, the command of the Roman armies, Theodosius expired in the first fatigues of an amorous interview. 1162 The grief of Antonina could only be assuaged by the sufferings of her son. A youth of consular rank, and a sickly constitution, was punished, without a trial, like a malefactor and a slave: yet such was the constancy of his mind, that Photius sustained the tortures of the scourge and the rack, 1163 without violating the faith which he had sworn to Belisarius. After this fruitless cruelty, the son of Antonina, while his mother feasted with the empress, was buried in her subterraneous prisons, which admitted not the distinction of night and day. He twice escaped to the most venerable sanctuaries of Constantinople, the churches of St. Sophia, and of the Virgin: but his tyrants were insensible of religion as of pity; and the helpless youth, amidst the clamors of the clergy and people, was twice dragged from the altar to the dungeon. His third attempt was more successful. At the end of three years, the prophet Zachariah, or some mortal friend, indicated the means of an escape: he eluded the spies and guards of the empress, reached the holy sepulchre of Jerusalem, embraced the profession of a monk; and the abbot Photius was employed, after the death of Justinian, to reconcile and regulate the churches of Egypt. The son of Antonina suffered all that an enemy can inflict: her patient husband imposed on himself the more exquisite misery of violating his promise and deserting his friend.
一位哲人尽可怜悯并宽宥女性天性中的弱点,反正这弱点于他并无实质的伤害;可是,一个丈夫既已感到、却仍隐忍自己因妻子的丑名而蒙受的耻辱,那便是可鄙的了。安东尼娜对亲生儿子怀着不共戴天的仇恨,穷追不舍;英勇的佛提乌116远在底格里斯河彼岸的军营里,也逃不过她暗中的百般迫害。佛提乌既为自己所受的冤屈、也为血亲蒙受的羞辱而怒火中烧,索性也抛开骨肉之情,向贝利撒留揭发了这个女人的种种丑行——她既失为母之道,又失为妻之节。从这位罗马统帅那份惊愕与义愤来看,他从前的轻信确是出于真心:他抱住安东尼娜之子的双膝,恳求他念及彼此的恩义、而非顾念血亲之情,二人遂在祭坛前立下神圣的誓约,要同仇敌忾、彼此扶持。安东尼娜一旦不在身边,她那份掌控之力便打了折扣;待她与自波斯边境归来的丈夫相见时,贝利撒留一时激愤(尽管这激愤转瞬即逝),竟将她拘禁起来,还扬言要取她性命。佛提乌则一心要惩治,绝不肯轻易宽赦:他疾驰赶往以弗所,从母亲一名心腹宦官口中逼出了她全部罪行的供词,又在使徒圣约翰教堂里拿住了狄奥多西连同他的财宝,把这些俘获之人押到奇里乞亚一座隐秘牢固的堡垒里关押起来——对他们的处决,也不过是暂缓罢了。这般公然践踏国法的暴行,断不能逍遥法外;何况皇后出面袒护安东尼娜——安东尼娜新近立下的功劳,正配得上这份恩宠:她曾使一位禁卫军长官身败名裂,又促成了一位教宗的放逐与被害。战事结束时,贝利撒留被召回;他一如既往,遵从了皇帝的敕令。他从未有过反叛之心:他的顺从,虽有悖于荣誉的准绳,却与他内心的意愿相合;当他遵照皇后之命、或许还当着皇后的面拥抱妻子时,这位温情的丈夫早已准备好去宽恕,或是求得宽恕。狄奥多拉的慷慨,还为她这位闺伴留着一份更为难得的恩赐。“我最亲爱的大贵人,”她说,“我寻得了一颗价值连城的明珠;凡人之眼还不曾见过它;然而这颗珍宝,注定要让我的挚友一睹芳容、并据为己有。”1161安东尼娜的好奇与急切刚被撩起,一间寝室的门便豁然打开,她一眼看见了自己的情人——是宦官们四处搜寻,才把他从那隐秘的囚牢中找了出来。她先是默然惊愕,继而迸出一连串感激与狂喜的呼喊,口口声声称狄奥多拉是她的女王、她的恩主、她的救星。这位以弗所的修士,在宫中养尊处优、野心渐长;然而,他并未如所许诺的那般执掌罗马大军的兵权,狄奥多西便在一场缱绻幽会的劳顿之初一命呜呼。1162安东尼娜的悲恸,唯有靠亲生儿子所受的苦楚才得以稍解。这个身居执政官品级、体质又孱弱的青年,未经审讯,便像重犯与奴隶一般受了刑罚;然而佛提乌意志之坚定,竟使他熬过了鞭笞与拷架的种种酷刑1163,始终不曾背弃他对贝利撒留立下的誓言。这番残忍终究一无所获;此后,趁着他母亲与皇后欢宴取乐,安东尼娜之子被投入她那暗无天日、不辨昼夜的地下牢狱。他两度逃入君士坦丁堡最庄严神圣的避难所——圣索菲亚教堂与童贞女教堂;无奈折磨他的人既无怜悯之心,也全然不顾宗教的神圣;于是在教士与民众的一片喧哗抗议声中,这无助的青年两次被人从祭坛前拖回地牢。他第三次出逃,总算较为顺遂。三年将尽之时,是先知撒迦利亚、抑或某位凡间友人,为他指点了脱身之法:他避开皇后布下的密探与卫兵,一路抵达耶路撒冷的圣墓,做了修士;后来,查士丁尼驾崩之后,这位佛提乌修院院长还奉命去调解并整饬埃及的诸教会。安东尼娜之子所受的,是仇敌所能加诸的一切苦难;而她那逆来顺受的丈夫,却给自己招来一种更为锥心的痛楚——背弃诺言、抛下挚友。
In the succeeding campaign, Belisarius was again sent against the Persians: he saved the East, but he offended Theodora, and perhaps the emperor himself. The malady of Justinian had countenanced the rumor of his death; and the Roman general, on the supposition of that probable event spoke the free language of a citizen and a soldier. His colleague Buzes, who concurred in the same sentiments, lost his rank, his liberty, and his health, by the persecution of the empress: but the disgrace of Belisarius was alleviated by the dignity of his own character, and the influence of his wife, who might wish to humble, but could not desire to ruin, the partner of her fortunes. Even his removal was colored by the assurance, that the sinking state of Italy would be retrieved by the single presence of its conqueror.
接下来的战事中,贝利撒留再度奉命出征波斯:他保全了东方,却触怒了狄奥多拉,或许连皇帝本人也一并得罪了。查士丁尼一场重病,使他驾崩的传言不胫而走;这位罗马统帅料想此事十有八九为真,便以一个公民、一名军人的口吻,直言无忌地说了些话。与他持相同看法的同僚布泽斯,在皇后的迫害之下,丢了官阶、失了自由,连身子骨也垮了;至于贝利撒留所受的羞辱,则因他自身品格的尊严、以及妻子的从中斡旋而有所减轻——毕竟这位妻子固然想挫一挫这位与她共命运的夫君,却断不愿把他彻底毁掉。就连解除他的职务,也被粉饰上一层堂皇的说辞:意大利江河日下的局面,单凭其征服者一人的到场便能挽回。
But no sooner had he returned, alone and defenceless, than a hostile commission was sent to the East, to seize his treasures and criminate his actions; the guards and veterans, who followed his private banner, were distributed among the chiefs of the army, and even the eunuchs presumed to cast lots for the partition of his martial domestics. When he passed with a small and sordid retinue through the streets of Constantinople, his forlorn appearance excited the amazement and compassion of the people. Justinian and Theodora received him with cold ingratitude; the servile crowd, with insolence and contempt; and in the evening he retired with trembling steps to his deserted palace. An indisposition, feigned or real, had confined Antonina to her apartment; and she walked disdainfully silent in the adjacent portico, while Belisarius threw himself on his bed, and expected, in an agony of grief and terror, the death which he had so often braved under the walls of Rome. Long after sunset a messenger was announced from the empress: he opened, with anxious curiosity, the letter which contained the sentence of his fate. “You cannot be ignorant how much you have deserved my displeasure. I am not insensible of the services of Antonina. To her merits and intercession I have granted your life, and permit you to retain a part of your treasures, which might be justly forfeited to the state. Let your gratitude, where it is due, be displayed, not in words, but in your future behavior.” I know not how to believe or to relate the transports with which the hero is said to have received this ignominious pardon. He fell prostrate before his wife, he kissed the feet of his savior, and he devoutly promised to live the grateful and submissive slave of Antonina. A fine of one hundred and twenty thousand pounds sterling was levied on the fortunes of Belisarius; and with the office of count, or master of the royal stables, he accepted the conduct of the Italian war. At his departure from Constantinople, his friends, and even the public, were persuaded that as soon as he regained his freedom, he would renounce his dissimulation, and that his wife, Theodora, and perhaps the emperor himself, would be sacrificed to the just revenge of a virtuous rebel. Their hopes were deceived; and the unconquerable patience and loyalty of Belisarius appear either below or above the character of a man. 117
可他孤身一人、毫无凭恃地一回来,一个满怀敌意的专使团便被派往东方,去查抄他的财宝、罗织他的罪名;那些追随其私人旗号的卫队与老兵,被分拨给了军中各位将领,甚至连宦官都敢来抓阄,瓜分他那些骁勇的家仆。当他带着一小队寒酸的随从穿过君士坦丁堡的街道时,那副落魄凄凉的模样,引得民众既惊诧又怜悯。查士丁尼与狄奥多拉待他冷淡而寡恩;那班奴颜婢膝的人群则对他傲慢而轻蔑;入夜时分,他脚步颤颤地退回自己那座冷清空落的府邸。安东尼娜托称身体不适——真也罢假也罢——把自己关在内室;她在相邻的廊庑间踱步,鄙夷地一言不发,任凭贝利撒留一头栽倒在床上,在悲恸与惊惧的煎熬中,等候着死亡——这死亡,他曾在罗马城下屡屡无惧地直面。日落已久,忽报皇后遣使前来:他怀着焦灼而好奇的心情,拆开了那封裁定他命运的信函。“你不会不知道,自己是何等地招我不快。安东尼娜的功劳,我也并非无动于衷。看在她的功绩与代为求情的份上,我饶你一命,并准你保留一部分财宝——这些本可名正言顺地充公。你若心存感激,就该把它用在该用的地方,不是靠嘴上说,而是靠日后的行止。”据说这位英雄接到这道屈辱的赦令时,竟欣喜若狂,那情形我实在不知该如何采信、又如何叙述。他匍匐拜倒在妻子面前,亲吻这位救命恩人的双脚,还虔诚地起誓:往后甘做安东尼娜感恩戴德、俯首帖耳的奴仆。官府从贝利撒留的家产中课去了一笔十二万英镑的罚金;他随即受任为御厩伯,即皇家马厩总管,并领受了意大利战事的指挥之权。他离开君士坦丁堡之际,友人们、乃至一般公众,都深信:他一旦重获自由,便会撕去这层伪装;而他的妻子、狄奥多拉、或许连皇帝本人,都将成为这位大义反叛者正当复仇的祭品。他们的指望落了空;贝利撒留那份无可摧折的隐忍与忠诚,若非低于常人的品格,便是高出常人的品格。117

Notes 注释

1041
Auximum, p. 175.—M.
即奥克西穆姆(Auximum),见第 175 页。—M
105
In the siege of Auximum, he first labored to demolish an old aqueduct, and then cast into the stream, 1. dead bodies; 2. mischievous herbs; and 3. quicklime. (says Procopius, l. ii. c. 27) Yet both words are used as synonymous in Galen, Dioscorides, and Lucian, (Hen. Steph. Thesaur. Ling. Graec. tom. iii. p. 748.)
普罗柯比(Procopius, l. ii. c. 27)说:围攻奥西莫(Auximum)时,他先是费力拆毁一条旧引水渠,继而往水中投入:一、尸体;二、有毒草木;三、生石灰。然而在盖伦、迪奥斯科里德斯与琉善笔下,这两个词却当作同义词使用(Hen. Steph. Thesaur. Ling. Graec. tom. iii. p. 748)。
106
The Goths suspected Mathasuintha as an accomplice in the mischief, which perhaps was occasioned by accidental lightning.
哥特人怀疑玛塔苏恩塔是这场祸事的同谋,而这祸事或许不过是偶然的雷电所致。
107
In strict philosophy, a limitation of the rights of war seems to imply nonsense and contradiction. Grotius himself is lost in an idle distinction between the jus naturae and the jus gentium, between poison and infection. He balances in one scale the passages of Homer (Odyss. A 259, &c.) and Florus, (l. ii. c. 20, No. 7, ult.;) and in the other, the examples of Solon (Pausanias, l. x. c. 37) and Belisarius. See his great work De Jure Belli et Pacis, (l. iii. c. 4, s. 15, 16, 17, and in Barbeyrac’s version, tom. ii. p. 257, &c.) Yet I can understand the benefit and validity of an agreement, tacit or express, mutually to abstain from certain modes of hostility. See the Amphictyonic oath in Aeschines, de falsa Legatione.
若按严格的哲理推究,为战争的权利设限,似乎本身便是无稽而自相矛盾的。就连格劳秀斯本人,也在自然法(jus naturae)与万民法(jus gentium)之别、毒杀与污染之别这类无谓的区分里陷入迷惘。他在天平的一端摆上荷马(Odyss. A 259, &c.)与弗洛鲁斯(Florus, l. ii. c. 20, No. 7, ult.)的段落,另一端则摆上梭伦(Pausanias, l. x. c. 37)与贝利撒留的先例。参见其巨著《战争与和平法》(De Jure Belli et Pacis, l. iii. c. 4, s. 15, 16, 17;巴尔贝拉克译本 tom. ii. p. 257, &c.)。不过,交战双方以默契或明约彼此相约、避用某些交战手段,其益处与效力,我倒是能够理解的。参见埃斯基涅斯《论使团之欺》(de falsa Legatione)中所载的近邻同盟誓言。
108
Ravenna was taken, not in the year 540, but in the latter end of 539; and Pagi (tom. ii. p. 569) is rectified by Muratori. (Annali d’Italia, tom. v. p. 62,) who proves from an original act on papyrus, (Antiquit. Italiae Medii Aevi, tom. ii. dissert. xxxii. p. 999—1007,) Maffei, (Istoria Diplomat. p. 155-160,) that before the third of January, 540, peace and free correspondence were restored between Ravenna and Faenza.] Vitiges, who perhaps had attempted to escape, was honorably guarded in his palace; 109 the flower of the Gothic youth was selected for the service of the emperor; the remainder of the people was dismissed to their peaceful habitations in the southern provinces; and a colony of Italians was invited to replenish the depopulated city. The submission of the capital was imitated in the towns and villages of Italy, which had not been subdued, or even visited, by the Romans; and the independent Goths, who remained in arms at Pavia and Verona, were ambitious only to become the subjects of Belisarius. But his inflexible loyalty rejected, except as the substitute of Justinian, their oaths of allegiance; and he was not offended by the reproach of their deputies, that he rather chose to be a slave than a king.
拉文纳并非在 540 年、而是在 539 年年末被攻取的;帕吉(tom. ii. p. 569)的说法已由穆拉托里(Annali d’Italia, tom. v. p. 62)加以订正。穆拉托里依据一份莎草纸原始文书(Antiquit. Italiae Medii Aevi, tom. ii. dissert. xxxii. p. 999—1007)以及马费伊(Istoria Diplomat. p. 155-160)的考证,证明早在 540 年 1 月 3 日之前,拉文纳与法恩扎之间便已恢复了和平与自由通信。]维蒂吉斯或许曾图谋脱逃,此时被体面地看管在自己的宫中;109哥特青年中的精华被选出,供皇帝驱使;其余民众则被遣散,回到南方各行省安居度日;同时又招来一批意大利移民,以充实这座人口凋敝的城市。都城既已归顺,意大利各处未曾被罗马人征服、甚至未曾涉足的城镇乡村也纷纷效仿;仍在帕维亚和维罗纳据守顽抗的独立哥特人,则一心只想成为贝利撒留的臣民。但贝利撒留忠贞不渝,除非以查士丁尼代理人的身份,否则一概拒绝接受他们效忠的誓言;对方使者责怪他宁可为奴、不肯称王,他也丝毫不以为忤。
109
He was seized by John the Sanguinary, but an oath or sacrament was pledged for his safety in the Basilica Julii, (Hist. Miscell. l. xvii. in Muratori, tom. i. p. 107.) Anastasius (in Vit. Pont. p. 40) gives a dark but probable account. Montfaucon is quoted by Mascou (Hist. of the Germans, xii. 21) for a votive shield representing the captivity of Vitiges and now in the collection of Signor Landi at Rome.
他是被嗜血者约翰擒获的,不过对方曾在尤利乌斯圣殿(Basilica Julii)以誓言或圣礼担保他的安全(Hist. Miscell. l. xvii. in Muratori, tom. i. p. 107)。阿纳斯塔修斯(in Vit. Pont. p. 40)给出的记载虽然晦暗,却大致可信。蒙福孔为马斯科夫(《日耳曼人史》,xii. 21)所征引,说是有一面还愿盾,上面绘着维蒂吉斯被俘的情形,如今藏于罗马兰迪先生的收藏之中。
110
Vitiges lived two years at Constantinople, and imperatoris in affectû convictus (or conjunctus) rebus excessit humanis. His widow Mathasuenta, the wife and mother of the patricians, the elder and younger Germanus, united the streams of Anician and Amali blood, (Jornandes, c. 60, p. 221, in Muratori, tom. i.)
维蒂吉斯在君士坦丁堡生活了两年,imperatoris in affectû convictus(或作 conjunctus)rebus excessit humanis(意即:他备受皇帝眷宠,而后辞世)。他的遗孀 Mathasuenta(玛塔苏恩塔),身为两位大贵族——老日耳曼努斯与小日耳曼努斯——的妻子与母亲,将阿尼奇家族与阿马利家族的血脉汇于一身(Jornandes, c. 60, p. 221, in Muratori, tom. i)。
111
Procopius, Goth. l. iii. c. 1. Aimoin, a French monk of the xith century, who had obtained, and has disfigured, some authentic information of Belisarius, mentions, in his name, 12,000, pueri or slaves—quos propriis alimus stipendiis—besides 18,000 soldiers, (Historians of France, tom. iii. De Gestis Franc. l. ii. c. 6, p. 48.)
普罗柯比,Goth. l. iii. c. 1。埃莫因是十一世纪的一位法国修士,他掌握了有关贝利撒留的某些真实史料,却又加以歪曲;据他所述,贝利撒留麾下有一万二千名 pueri(童仆或奴隶)——quos propriis alimus stipendiis(意即:由我们自费供养者)——此外还有一万八千名士兵(Historians of France, tom. iii. De Gestis Franc. l. ii. c. 6, p. 48)。
112
The diligence of Alemannus could add but little to the four first and most curious chapters of the Anecdotes. Of these strange Anecdotes, a part may be true, because probable—and a part true, because improbable. Procopius must have known the former, and the latter he could scarcely invent. Note: The malice of court scandal is proverbially inventive; and of such scandal the “Anecdota” may be an embellished record.—M.
阿莱曼努斯虽勤于考订,却也难以为《秘史》最初那四章、也是最耐人寻味的四章增补多少。这部离奇的《秘史》,一部分或许是真的,因为合乎情理;另一部分也是真的,恰恰因为不合情理——前一类事普罗柯比必定知情,后一类事他也断难凭空杜撰。编者按:宫廷丑闻的恶意向来善于捏造,此乃尽人皆知;而《秘史》所载的这类丑闻,或许不过是一份经过润饰的记录罢了。—M
113
Procopius intimates (Anecdot. c. 4) that when Belisarius returned to Italy, (A.D. 543,) Antonina was sixty years of age. A forced, but more polite construction, which refers that date to the moment when he was writing, (A.D. 559,) would be compatible with the manhood of Photius, (Gothic. l. i. c. 10) in 536.
普罗柯比暗示(Anecdot. c. 4),贝利撒留于公元 543 年重返意大利时,安东尼娜已年届六十。若作一种牵强、却更为得体的解读,把这一岁数系于他执笔之时(公元 559 年),那便与佛提乌在 536 年已届成年(Gothic. l. i. c. 10)相吻合了。
114
Gompare the Vandalic War (l. i. c. 12) with the Anecdotes (c. i.) and Alemannus, (p. 2, 3.) This mode of baptismal adoption was revived by Leo the philosopher.
试将《汪达尔战记》(l. i. c. 12)与《秘史》(c. i.)及阿莱曼努斯(p. 2, 3)相对照。这种借洗礼收养义子的做法,后来又被哲人利奥重新拾起。
115
In November, 537, Photius arrested the pope, (Liberat. Brev. c. 22. Pagi, tom. ii. p. 562) About the end of 539, Belisarius sent Theodosius on an important and lucrative commission to Ravenna, (Goth. l. ii. c. 18.)
537 年 11 月,佛提乌逮捕了教宗(Liberat. Brev. c. 22;Pagi, tom. ii. p. 562)。约在 539 年年底,贝利撒留派狄奥多西赴拉文纳,办理一桩既重要又有利可图的差事(Goth. l. ii. c. 18)。
116
Theophanes (Chronograph. p. 204) styles him Photinus, the son-in-law of Belisarius; and he is copied by the Historia Miscella and Anastasius.
塞奥法尼斯(Chronograph. p. 204)称他为佛提努斯,说他是贝利撒留的女婿;《杂史》(Historia Miscella)与阿纳斯塔修斯也沿袭了这一说法。
1161
This and much of the private scandal in the “Anecdota” is liable to serious doubt. Who reported all these private conversations, and how did they reach the ears of Procopius?—M.
这一段、连同《秘史》中许多涉及私生活的丑闻,都大可存疑。这些私密的对话,究竟是谁传出来的,又是如何传到普罗柯比耳中的呢?—M
1162
This is a strange misrepresentation—he died of a dysentery; nor does it appear that it was immediately after this scene. Antonina proposed to raise him to the generalship of the army. Procop. Anecd. p. 14. The sudden change from the abstemious diet of a monk to the luxury of the court is a much more probable cause of his death.—M.
这是一处离奇的曲解——他其实死于痢疾,而且看不出是紧接着这一幕之后就死的。安东尼娜曾提议擢升他统领全军(Procop. Anecd. p. 14)。从修士清淡的饮食骤然转为宫廷的奢靡,才更像是他致死的缘由。—M
1163
The expression of Procopius does not appear to me to mean this kind of torture. Ibid.—M.
在我看来,普罗柯比的原话所指,并非这一种酷刑。同前。—M
117
The continuator of the Chronicle of Marcellinus gives, in a few decent words, the substance of the Anecdotes: Belisarius de Oriente evocatus, in offensam periculumque incurrens grave, et invidiae subeacens rursus remittitur in Italiam, (p. 54.)
马尔切利努斯《编年史》的续编者,以寥寥几句得体的话概括了《秘史》的大意:Belisarius de Oriente evocatus, in offensam periculumque incurrens grave, et invidiae subeacens rursus remittitur in Italiam(意即:贝利撒留自东方被召回,因触怒当局而身陷重大危难,又遭嫉恨,遂再度被遣往意大利)(p. 54)。