Chapter XLI: Conquests Of Justinian, Character Of Balisarius.—Part IV. 第四十一章 查士丁尼的征服;贝利撒留的品格——第四节

From the moment that Belisarius had determined to sustain a siege, his assiduous care provided Rome against the danger of famine, more dreadful than the Gothic arms. An extraordinary supply of corn was imported from Sicily: the harvests of Campania and Tuscany were forcibly swept for the use of the city; and the rights of private property were infringed by the strong plea of the public safety. It might easily be foreseen that the enemy would intercept the aqueducts; and the cessation of the water-mills was the first inconvenience, which was speedily removed by mooring large vessels, and fixing mill-stones in the current of the river. The stream was soon embarrassed by the trunks of trees, and polluted with dead bodies; yet so effectual were the precautions of the Roman general, that the waters of the Tyber still continued to give motion to the mills and drink to the inhabitants: the more distant quarters were supplied from domestic wells; and a besieged city might support, without impatience, the privation of her public baths. A large portion of Rome, from the Praenestine gate to the church of St. Paul, was never invested by the Goths; their excursions were restrained by the activity of the Moorish troops: the navigation of the Tyber, and the Latin, Appian, and Ostian ways, were left free and unmolested for the introduction of corn and cattle, or the retreat of the inhabitants, who sought refuge in Campania or Sicily. Anxious to relieve himself from a useless and devouring multitude, Belisarius issued his peremptory orders for the instant departure of the women, the children, and slaves; required his soldiers to dismiss their male and female attendants, and regulated their allowance that one moiety should be given in provisions, and the other in money. His foresight was justified by the increase of the public distress, as soon as the Goths had occupied two important posts in the neighborhood of Rome. By the loss of the port, or, as it is now called, the city of Porto, he was deprived of the country on the right of the Tyber, and the best communication with the sea; and he reflected, with grief and anger, that three hundred men, could he have spared such a feeble band, might have defended its impregnable works. Seven miles from the capital, between the Appian and the Latin ways, two principal aqueducts crossing, and again crossing each other: enclosed within their solid and lofty arches a fortified space, 87 where Vitiges established a camp of seven thousand Goths to intercept the convoy of Sicily and Campania. The granaries of Rome were insensibly exhausted, the adjacent country had been wasted with fire and sword; such scanty supplies as might yet be obtained by hasty excursions were the reward of valor, and the purchase of wealth: the forage of the horses, and the bread of the soldiers, never failed: but in the last months of the siege, the people were exposed to the miseries of scarcity, unwholesome food, 88 and contagious disorders. Belisarius saw and pitied their sufferings; but he had foreseen, and he watched the decay of their loyalty, and the progress of their discontent. Adversity had awakened the Romans from the dreams of grandeur and freedom, and taught them the humiliating lesson, that it was of small moment to their real happiness, whether the name of their master was derived from the Gothic or the Latin language. The lieutenant of Justinian listened to their just complaints, but he rejected with disdain the idea of flight or capitulation; repressed their clamorous impatience for battle; amused them with the prospect of a sure and speedy relief; and secured himself and the city from the effects of their despair or treachery. Twice in each month he changed the station of the officers to whom the custody of the gates was committed: the various precautions of patroles, watch words, lights, and music, were repeatedly employed to discover whatever passed on the ramparts; out-guards were posted beyond the ditch, and the trusty vigilance of dogs supplied the more doubtful fidelity of mankind. A letter was intercepted, which assured the king of the Goths that the Asinarian gate, adjoining to the Lateran church, should be secretly opened to his troops. On the proof or suspicion of treason, several senators were banished, and the pope Sylverius was summoned to attend the representative of his sovereign, at his head-quarters in the Pincian palace. 89 The ecclesiastics, who followed their bishop, were detained in the first or second apartment, 90 and he alone was admitted to the presence of Belisarius. The conqueror of Rome and Carthage was modestly seated at the feet of Antonina, who reclined on a stately couch: the general was silent, but the voice of reproach and menace issued from the mouth of his imperious wife. Accused by credible witnesses, and the evidence of his own subscription, the successor of St. Peter was despoiled of his pontifical ornaments, clad in the mean habit of a monk, and embarked, without delay, for a distant exile in the East. 9011 At the emperor’s command, the clergy of Rome proceeded to the choice of a new bishop; and after a solemn invocation of the Holy Ghost, elected the deacon Vigilius, who had purchased the papal throne by a bribe of two hundred pounds of gold. The profit, and consequently the guilt, of this simony, was imputed to Belisarius: but the hero obeyed the orders of his wife; Antonina served the passions of the empress; and Theodora lavished her treasures, in the vain hope of obtaining a pontiff hostile or indifferent to the council of Chalcedon. 91
贝利撒留一旦决意固守待围,便日夜筹划,防备罗马陷入饥荒——那比哥特人的刀兵更为可怕。他自西西里额外调运大批谷物,又强征坎帕尼亚与托斯卡纳的收成,尽数运入城中充用;为了公众安危这一堂皇理由,私产之权也只得受侵。敌军必会切断输水道,这不难预料;水磨停转乃是随之而来的第一桩难处,然而他很快便有对策:将大船系泊于河中,就着湍急的水流架起磨石,以船为磨。不久,敌人又向河中投下树干阻塞水道、抛入尸体污染水源;然而罗马主帅防范周密,台伯河水依旧推转磨轮、供居民饮用。较远的城区则取水于自家水井;至于公共浴场停用之苦,一座被围之城尽可安然忍受,不必焦躁。罗马城内有一大片地带——自普莱内斯特门直到圣保罗教堂——始终未落入哥特人的包围;摩尔军队往来驰突,遏住了敌人的出没。台伯河的航道以及拉丁大道、阿庇亚大道、奥斯提亚大道皆通行无阻,既可运入粮谷牲畜,也供居民出城,逃往坎帕尼亚或西西里避难。城中有一大群无用而耗粮的人口,贝利撒留急欲摆脱这一累赘,遂下严令:妇孺与奴隶一律即刻离城;又命士兵遣散男女仆从,并规定其给养一半发给实物、一半折成钱币。哥特人一旦占据罗马近郊两处要地,全城的困厄骤增,这才印证了他的先见之明。其一是失去了那座港口——即今日所称的波尔图城——他因此丧失了台伯河右岸的乡野,也断了通往海上的最佳孔道;那里的工事本坚不可摧,倘他当初能匀出区区三百人驻守,便足以守住,念及于此,他既痛且怒。其二在都城七英里外、阿庇亚大道与拉丁大道之间:两条主输水道彼此交叉,又再度交错,那高峻厚实的拱券之间围出一块可资设防的地带,87 维蒂吉斯便在此扎下一座七千哥特人的营寨,专为截断来自西西里与坎帕尼亚的运粮队。罗马的粮仓在不知不觉间见了底,四邻的乡野早被兵火蹂躏殆尽;偶尔仓促出击尚能夺得些许口粮,那却是勇武换来的犒赏、财帛购得的货财。战马的草料、士兵的口粮从未匮乏;然而到围城的最后几个月,百姓却陷入食不果腹之苦,只得以不洁之物充饥,88 疫病也随之流行。贝利撒留目睹民众受苦,心生怜悯;但他早已料到这一步,正冷眼看着他们的忠诚一天天消磨、怨愤一层层滋长。患难把罗马人从昔日荣光与自由的迷梦中惊醒,教给他们一个屈辱的道理:主子的名号出自哥特语也好、出自拉丁语也罢,于他们的实际祸福其实无足轻重。查士丁尼的这位副帅倾听他们的合理怨言,却不屑地驳回了弃城逃走或开门乞降之议;他压下众人吵嚷着要出战的浮躁,又以援兵必至、且指日可待的前景抚慰众心;同时严加防范,使自己与全城不致因民众的绝望或叛卖而受害。他每月两度调换守门军官的岗位;巡逻、口令、灯火、号乐等种种戒备手段反复施用,以察知城墙上下的一切动静;壕沟之外另设前哨,还养了警觉可靠的犬只,以补人心难测、忠诚可疑之不足。一封书信被截获,信中向哥特王保证:紧邻拉特兰教堂的阿西纳里亚门将暗中为其军队开启。或据实证、或凭疑心,数名元老被流放;教宗西尔维里乌斯也被传唤,前往皇帝代表设于平奇安宫的大本营。89 随主教同来的教士们被留在第一、二进厅室之内,90 唯有他一人获准入见贝利撒留。这位征服了罗马与迦太基的统帅,此刻却谦卑地坐在安东尼娜脚边,而她斜倚在华贵的卧榻上;将军默然不语,斥责与恫吓之词尽出自他那专横妻子之口。有可信的证人指控,又有他本人亲笔署名为凭,这位圣彼得的继承者被剥去教宗的法衣冠冕,换上寒素的修士粗袍,即刻押上船,发往东方,远谪他乡。9011 奉皇帝之命,罗马教士着手推选新主教;他们庄严祈求圣灵启示之后,选出了执事维吉利乌斯——此人以二百磅黄金的贿赂买得了教宗宝座。这桩买卖圣职的勾当,其得利之处(因而罪责所在)被归到贝利撒留头上;然而这位英雄不过是听命于妻子,安东尼娜是在替皇后了却心愿,而狄奥多拉挥霍库藏,无非妄想扶植一位敌视或漠视卡尔西顿公会议的教宗罢了。91
The epistle of Belisarius to the emperor announced his victory, his danger, and his resolution. “According to your commands, we have entered the dominions of the Goths, and reduced to your obedience Sicily, Campania, and the city of Rome; but the loss of these conquests will be more disgraceful than their acquisition was glorious. Hitherto we have successfully fought against the multitudes of the Barbarians, but their multitudes may finally prevail. Victory is the gift of Providence, but the reputation of kings and generals depends on the success or the failure of their designs. Permit me to speak with freedom: if you wish that we should live, send us subsistence; if you desire that we should conquer, send us arms, horses, and men. The Romans have received us as friends and deliverers: but in our present distress, they will be either betrayed by their confidence, or we shall be oppressed by their treachery and hatred. For myself, my life is consecrated to your service: it is yours to reflect, whether my death in this situation will contribute to the glory and prosperity of your reign.” Perhaps that reign would have been equally prosperous if the peaceful master of the East had abstained from the conquest of Africa and Italy: but as Justinian was ambitious of fame, he made some efforts (they were feeble and languid) to support and rescue his victorious general. A reenforcement of sixteen hundred Sclavonians and Huns was led by Martin and Valerian; and as they reposed during the winter season in the harbors of Greece, the strength of the men and horses was not impaired by the fatigues of a sea-voyage; and they distinguished their valor in the first sally against the besiegers. About the time of the summer solstice, Euthalius landed at Terracina with large sums of money for the payment of the troops: he cautiously proceeded along the Appian way, and this convoy entered Rome through the gate Capena, 92 while Belisarius, on the other side, diverted the attention of the Goths by a vigorous and successful skirmish. These seasonable aids, the use and reputation of which were dexterously managed by the Roman general, revived the courage, or at least the hopes, of the soldiers and people. The historian Procopius was despatched with an important commission to collect the troops and provisions which Campania could furnish, or Constantinople had sent; and the secretary of Belisarius was soon followed by Antonina herself, 93 who boldly traversed the posts of the enemy, and returned with the Oriental succors to the relief of her husband and the besieged city. A fleet of three thousand Isaurians cast anchor in the Bay of Naples and afterwards at Ostia. Above two thousand horse, of whom a part were Thracians, landed at Tarentum; and, after the junction of five hundred soldiers of Campania, and a train of wagons laden with wine and flour, they directed their march on the Appian way, from Capua to the neighborhood of Rome. The forces that arrived by land and sea were united at the mouth of the Tyber. Antonina convened a council of war: it was resolved to surmount, with sails and oars, the adverse stream of the river; and the Goths were apprehensive of disturbing, by any rash hostilities, the negotiation to which Belisarius had craftily listened. They credulously believed that they saw no more than the vanguard of a fleet and army, which already covered the Ionian Sea and the plains of Campania; and the illusion was supported by the haughty language of the Roman general, when he gave audience to the ambassadors of Vitiges. After a specious discourse to vindicate the justice of his cause, they declared, that, for the sake of peace, they were disposed to renounce the possession of Sicily. “The emperor is not less generous,” replied his lieutenant, with a disdainful smile, “in return for a gift which you no longer possess: he presents you with an ancient province of the empire; he resigns to the Goths the sovereignty of the British island.” Belisarius rejected with equal firmness and contempt the offer of a tribute; but he allowed the Gothic ambassadors to seek their fate from the mouth of Justinian himself; and consented, with seeming reluctance, to a truce of three months, from the winter solstice to the equinox of spring. Prudence might not safely trust either the oaths or hostages of the Barbarians, and the conscious superiority of the Roman chief was expressed in the distribution of his troops. As soon as fear or hunger compelled the Goths to evacuate Alba, Porto, and Centumcellae, their place was instantly supplied; the garrisons of Narni, Spoleto, and Perusia, were reenforced, and the seven camps of the besiegers were gradually encompassed with the calamities of a siege. The prayers and pilgrimage of Datius, bishop of Milan, were not without effect; and he obtained one thousand Thracians and Isaurians, to assist the revolt of Liguria against her Arian tyrant. At the same time, John the Sanguinary, 94 the nephew of Vitalian, was detached with two thousand chosen horse, first to Alba, on the Fucine Lake, and afterwards to the frontiers of Picenum, on the Hadriatic Sea. “In the province,” said Belisarius, “the Goths have deposited their families and treasures, without a guard or the suspicion of danger. Doubtless they will violate the truce: let them feel your presence, before they hear of your motions. Spare the Italians; suffer not any fortified places to remain hostile in your rear; and faithfully reserve the spoil for an equal and common partition. It would not be reasonable,” he added with a laugh, “that whilst we are toiling to the destruction of the drones, our more fortunate brethren should rifle and enjoy the honey.”
贝利撒留呈给皇帝的书信,通报了他的胜绩、他的危局,以及他的决心。“臣遵陛下之命,已进入哥特人的领土,使西西里、坎帕尼亚与罗马城归顺陛下;然而这些征服之地一旦失守,其耻辱将远甚于当初攻取之荣耀。迄今我军力克蛮族大军,屡战屡胜,但敌众势大,终或占得上风。胜负乃天意所赐,然而君王与将帅的声名,却系于其谋划之成败。容臣直言:陛下若愿我等存活,请赐以粮秣;若望我等制胜,请增遣兵器、战马与士卒。罗马人当初以友邦、以救主待我等;然值此困厄,或是他们的信赖终遭辜负,或是我等反受其反叛与仇恨之累。至于臣本人,此身早已献于陛下驱使;臣若殒命于此,是否有裨于陛下御宇的荣光与昌盛,则请陛下自行斟酌。”倘若这位东方的太平之主当初不曾染指阿非利加与意大利,他的治世或许照样昌盛;然而查士丁尼贪慕虚名,终究还是做出了几分努力——尽管软弱而迟缓——以支援并解救他这位屡建战功的大将。一支一千六百人的援军由斯拉夫人与匈人组成,交马丁与瓦勒良统率;他们于冬季在希腊各港口休整,人马的气力未因航海劳顿而受损,遂在首次出击围城之敌时大显勇武。约在夏至前后,欧塔利乌斯携大笔军饷在特拉奇纳登陆;他沿阿庇亚大道小心行进,这支运款队伍经卡佩纳门进入罗马,92 与此同时,贝利撒留在另一侧发动一场凌厉而得手的小战,引开了哥特人的注意。这些及时的援助经罗马主帅巧妙运用、又善加张扬,重新鼓起了军民的勇气,至少也重燃了他们的希望。史家普罗柯比奉派担一重任,去征集坎帕尼亚所能供应、或君士坦丁堡业已运来的兵员与给养;这位贝利撒留的秘书出发不久,安东尼娜本人也随之而行,93 她大胆穿越敌军的哨卡,带着来自东方的援兵折返,以救援丈夫与这座被围之城。一支载有三千伊苏里亚人的舰队在那不勒斯湾抛锚,随后又停泊于奥斯提亚。两千余名骑兵——其中一部分是色雷斯人——在塔兰图姆登陆;他们又会合了五百名坎帕尼亚士兵,以及一列满载酒与面粉的车队,便沿阿庇亚大道,从卡普亚向罗马近郊进发。由陆路与海路抵达的各支人马,在台伯河口会师。安东尼娜召集军事会议,议定张帆摇桨、逆流而上,冲破河水的阻拦;哥特人则唯恐一时鲁莽启衅,会搅乱正在进行的谈判——而这场谈判,贝利撒留正狡黠地佯作倾听。他们轻信地以为,眼前所见不过是一支大舰队、一支大军的先锋,而其主力已布满爱奥尼亚海与坎帕尼亚平原;贝利撒留接见维蒂吉斯的使节时那番傲慢的言辞,又为这一错觉推波助澜。使节们先发一通冠冕堂皇之词,为己方立场辩其公正,继而声明:为了和平,他们愿意放弃对西西里的占有。“皇帝的慷慨也不逊于此,”这位副帅带着轻蔑的微笑答道,“为报答你们这份早已不归你们所有的馈赠,他也回赠帝国一处古老的行省:他把不列颠岛的主权让与哥特人。”对于纳贡之议,贝利撒留同样既坚决又轻蔑地一口回绝;但他允许哥特使节亲赴查士丁尼本人处,由皇帝之口来定其命运;又佯作勉强,答应了一场为期三个月的休战,自冬至起至春分止。蛮族的誓言也好、人质也罢,谨慎起见都不可轻信;而罗马主帅那份稳操胜券的自信,则显露在他调度兵力的方式上。哥特人一旦因惧怕或饥饿而放弃阿尔巴、波尔图和琴图姆凯莱,其空缺立即由罗马人填补;纳尔尼、斯波莱托、佩鲁西亚的守军得到增援,围城者的七座营寨反倒渐渐被围城之苦所笼罩。米兰主教达提乌斯的祈求与奔走并非全无成效:他求得一千名色雷斯人与伊苏里亚人,以助利古里亚起而反抗其阿里乌斯派暴君。与此同时,维塔利安之侄、“嗜血者”约翰 94 率两千精锐骑兵分道而出,先赴富奇诺湖畔的阿尔巴,后抵亚得里亚海之滨的皮凯努姆边境。“在那个行省里,”贝利撒留说,“哥特人存放着家眷与财宝,既无守卫,也全然不虞有变。他们必会撕毁休战:要让他们先感到你已兵临,再听到你的动向。善待意大利人;莫让身后留下任何与我为敌的设防之地;所获战利品须如实保全,留待日后均分共享。若是我等辛苦剿灭雄蜂,倒让运气更好的弟兄们劫走并独享蜂蜜,”他笑着补上一句,“那可太不公道了。”
The whole nation of the Ostrogoths had been assembled for the attack, and was almost entirely consumed in the siege of Rome. If any credit be due to an intelligent spectator, one third at least of their enormous host was destroyed, in frequent and bloody combats under the walls of the city. The bad fame and pernicious qualities of the summer air might already be imputed to the decay of agriculture and population; and the evils of famine and pestilence were aggravated by their own licentiousness, and the unfriendly disposition of the country. While Vitiges struggled with his fortune, while he hesitated between shame and ruin, his retreat was hastened by domestic alarms. The king of the Goths was informed by trembling messengers, that John the Sanguinary spread the devastations of war from the Apennine to the Hadriatic; that the rich spoils and innumerable captives of Picenum were lodged in the fortifications of Rimini; and that this formidable chief had defeated his uncle, insulted his capital, and seduced, by secret correspondence, the fidelity of his wife, the imperious daughter of Amalasontha. Yet, before he retired, Vitiges made a last effort, either to storm or to surprise the city. A secret passage was discovered in one of the aqueducts; two citizens of the Vatican were tempted by bribes to intoxicate the guards of the Aurelian gate; an attack was meditated on the walls beyond the Tyber, in a place which was not fortified with towers; and the Barbarians advanced, with torches and scaling-ladders, to the assault of the Pincian gate. But every attempt was defeated by the intrepid vigilance of Belisarius and his band of veterans, who, in the most perilous moments, did not regret the absence of their companions; and the Goths, alike destitute of hope and subsistence, clamorously urged their departure before the truce should expire, and the Roman cavalry should again be united. One year and nine days after the commencement of the siege, an army, so lately strong and triumphant, burnt their tents, and tumultuously repassed the Milvian bridge. They repassed not with impunity: their thronging multitudes, oppressed in a narrow passage, were driven headlong into the Tyber, by their own fears and the pursuit of the enemy; and the Roman general, sallying from the Pincian gate, inflicted a severe and disgraceful wound on their retreat. The slow length of a sickly and desponding host was heavily dragged along the Flaminian way; from whence the Barbarians were sometimes compelled to deviate, lest they should encounter the hostile garrisons that guarded the high road to Rimini and Ravenna. Yet so powerful was this flying army, that Vitiges spared ten thousand men for the defence of the cities which he was most solicitous to preserve, and detached his nephew Uraias, with an adequate force, for the chastisement of rebellious Milan. At the head of his principal army, he besieged Rimini, only thirty-three miles distant from the Gothic capital. A feeble rampart, and a shallow ditch, were maintained by the skill and valor of John the Sanguinary, who shared the danger and fatigue of the meanest soldier, and emulated, on a theatre less illustrious, the military virtues of his great commander. The towers and battering-engines of the Barbarians were rendered useless; their attacks were repulsed; and the tedious blockade, which reduced the garrison to the last extremity of hunger, afforded time for the union and march of the Roman forces. A fleet, which had surprised Ancona, sailed along the coast of the Hadriatic, to the relief of the besieged city. The eunuch Narses landed in Picenum with two thousand Heruli and five thousand of the bravest troops of the East. The rock of the Apennine was forced; ten thousand veterans moved round the foot of the mountains, under the command of Belisarius himself; and a new army, whose encampment blazed with innumerable lights, appeared to advance along the Flaminian way. Overwhelmed with astonishment and despair, the Goths abandoned the siege of Rimini, their tents, their standards, and their leaders; and Vitiges, who gave or followed the example of flight, never halted till he found a shelter within the walls and morasses of Ravenna. To these walls, and to some fortresses destitute of any mutual support, the Gothic monarchy was now reduced. The provinces of Italy had embraced the party of the emperor and his army, gradually recruited to the number of twenty thousand men, must have achieved an easy and rapid conquest, if their invincible powers had not been weakened by the discord of the Roman chiefs. Before the end of the siege, an act of blood, ambiguous and indiscreet, sullied the fair fame of Belisarius. Presidius, a loyal Italian, as he fled from Ravenna to Rome, was rudely stopped by Constantine, the military governor of Spoleto, and despoiled, even in a church, of two daggers richly inlaid with gold and precious stones. As soon as the public danger had subsided, Presidius complained of the loss and injury: his complaint was heard, but the order of restitution was disobeyed by the pride and avarice of the offender. Exasperated by the delay, Presidius boldly arrested the general’s horse as he passed through the forum; and, with the spirit of a citizen, demanded the common benefit of the Roman laws. The honor of Belisarius was engaged; he summoned a council; claimed the obedience of his subordinate officer; and was provoked, by an insolent reply, to call hastily for the presence of his guards. Constantine, viewing their entrance as the signal of death, drew his sword, and rushed on the general, who nimbly eluded the stroke, and was protected by his friends; while the desperate assassin was disarmed, dragged into a neighboring chamber, and executed, or rather murdered, by the guards, at the arbitrary command of Belisarius. 95 In this hasty act of violence, the guilt of Constantine was no longer remembered; the despair and death of that valiant officer were secretly imputed to the revenge of Antonina; and each of his colleagues, conscious of the same rapine, was apprehensive of the same fate. The fear of a common enemy suspended the effects of their envy and discontent; but in the confidence of approaching victory, they instigated a powerful rival to oppose the conqueror of Rome and Africa. From the domestic service of the palace, and the administration of the private revenue, Narses the eunuch was suddenly exalted to the head of an army; and the spirit of a hero, who afterwards equalled the merit and glory of Belisarius, served only to perplex the operations of the Gothic war. To his prudent counsels, the relief of Rimini was ascribed by the leaders of the discontented faction, who exhorted Narses to assume an independent and separate command. The epistle of Justinian had indeed enjoined his obedience to the general; but the dangerous exception, “as far as may be advantageous to the public service,” reserved some freedom of judgment to the discreet favorite, who had so lately departed from the sacred and familiar conversation of his sovereign. In the exercise of this doubtful right, the eunuch perpetually dissented from the opinions of Belisarius; and, after yielding with reluctance to the siege of Urbino, he deserted his colleague in the night, and marched away to the conquest of the Aemilian province. The fierce and formidable bands of the Heruli were attached to the person of Narses; 96 ten thousand Romans and confederates were persuaded to march under his banners; every malcontent embraced the fair opportunity of revenging his private or imaginary wrongs; and the remaining troops of Belisarius were divided and dispersed from the garrisons of Sicily to the shores of the Hadriatic. His skill and perseverance overcame every obstacle: Urbino was taken, the sieges of Faesulae Orvieto, and Auximum, were undertaken and vigorously prosecuted; and the eunuch Narses was at length recalled to the domestic cares of the palace. All dissensions were healed, and all opposition was subdued, by the temperate authority of the Roman general, to whom his enemies could not refuse their esteem; and Belisarius inculcated the salutary lesson that the forces of the state should compose one body, and be animated by one soul. But in the interval of discord, the Goths were permitted to breathe; an important season was lost, Milan was destroyed, and the northern provinces of Italy were afflicted by an inundation of the Franks.
东哥特人举族聚兵前来攻城,结果几乎在这场围攻罗马之役中损耗殆尽。若那位见识明达的目击者所言可信,则在城下频繁而血腥的鏖战中,这支庞大军队至少折损了三分之一。夏日的空气素来恶名在外、于人有害,这或许已可归咎于农事荒废、人口凋零;而饥馑与瘟疫之祸,又因哥特人自身的放纵以及当地民情的敌视而愈演愈烈。维蒂吉斯正与命运苦苦相搏,在耻辱与覆灭之间踌躇不决,后方传来的告急却催他加紧撤退。战栗的信使向哥特王禀报:“嗜血者”约翰把战火与荼毒从亚平宁山一直蔓延到亚得里亚海;皮凯努姆的丰厚战利品与无数俘虏,如今都囤在里米尼的工事之内;这位可畏的将领已击败国王的叔父、羞辱其都城,更以密信勾引国王之妻——那位阿马拉逊塔专横的女儿——使她的忠贞为之动摇。然而在撤退之前,维蒂吉斯仍做了最后一搏,或强攻、或偷袭,总要拿下这座城。他们在一条输水道里发现了暗道;又以贿赂诱使梵蒂冈城区的两名居民灌醉奥勒良门的守卒;还谋划攻打台伯河对岸一段未筑塔楼的城墙;蛮族更举着火把、扛着云梯,直扑平奇安门。但贝利撒留和他那队老兵警觉无畏,一一挫败了这些图谋;即便在最凶险的关头,他们也不曾因同伴不在身边而心生遗憾。哥特人既无指望、又断了口粮,便吵嚷着要趁休战期未满、罗马骑兵尚未重新集结之前赶紧撤走。围城开始一年零九天之后,这支不久前还兵强势盛、耀武扬威的大军,烧掉自己的营帐,乱哄哄地重新退过米尔维安大桥。这一退却却未能全身而退:人马挤作一团,壅塞在狭窄的桥道上,又因自身的惊惧与敌军的追击,纷纷一头栽进台伯河;贝利撒留自平奇安门杀出,给他们的败退狠狠添上一道惨重而耻辱的创伤。这支病弱沮丧的队伍拖着长长的行列,沿弗拉米尼亚大道缓缓挪动、举步维艰;途中蛮族有时还不得不绕道而行,以免撞上扼守通往里米尼与拉文纳大道的敌方守军。然而这支溃逃之师仍旧势力不小:维蒂吉斯竟还能分出一万人去守卫他最急于保全的几座城池,又派侄儿乌拉伊阿斯率一支足用的兵力,前去惩治叛乱的米兰。他亲率主力围攻里米尼——那里距哥特都城不过三十三英里。城墙单薄、壕沟又浅,全靠“嗜血者”约翰的智勇加以支撑;他与最低微的士兵同甘共苦、同担危难,在一处不那么显赫的舞台上,追摹着他那位伟大主帅的武德。蛮族的攻城塔与撞城槌都成了废物,一次次进攻皆被击退;这场旷日持久的围困虽将守军逼到饥馁的绝境,却也为罗马各路人马会合、进军赢得了时间。一支舰队奇袭了安科纳,随即沿亚得里亚海岸航行,前去救援这座被围之城。宦官纳尔塞斯率两千赫鲁利人和五千名东方最骁勇的士卒,在皮凯努姆登陆。亚平宁的山岩天险被强行突破;一万名老兵在贝利撒留亲自统率下绕山脚而行;另有一支新军,营地里灯火万点、熊熊照天,看来正沿弗拉米尼亚大道逼近。哥特人惊骇绝望、不知所措,遂丢下里米尼的围攻,连营帐、军旗、将领一并弃之不顾;维蒂吉斯或是带头逃跑、或是随众而逃,一路不停,直到躲进拉文纳的城墙与沼泽之间才敢喘息。到头来,哥特王国所剩者,不过是这几道城墙,以及几座彼此孤立、无从呼应的堡垒罢了。意大利各行省纷纷投向皇帝一方,而他的军队也逐渐扩充到两万之众;倘若这支所向无敌的力量不曾因罗马将领之间的不和而削弱,本可轻而易举、迅速地大功告成。就在围城将了之际,一桩暧昧而失当的血案,玷污了贝利撒留的清誉。忠于皇帝的意大利人普雷西迪乌斯自拉文纳逃往罗马,途中被斯波莱托军事总督君士坦丁粗暴拦下,甚至在一座教堂之内,被夺去两柄镶满黄金与宝石的华贵匕首。待公众的危难一平息,普雷西迪乌斯便就这一损失与冤屈提出申诉;申诉获准受理,然而那作恶者却因骄横贪婪,拒不遵从归还之令。拖延日久,普雷西迪乌斯忍无可忍,竟趁大将策马经过广场时大胆拦住马头;他以一个公民的气概,要求享有罗马法律赋予人人的那份保护。事关贝利撒留的颜面,他召集了一次会议,责令这名下属军官服从;不料对方出言无礼,激得他匆忙唤来卫兵。君士坦丁见卫兵进来,以为是取他性命的信号,便拔剑扑向主帅;贝利撒留敏捷地闪过一击,又得友人护住;那走投无路的行凶者被夺下兵器,拖进邻近一间屋子,依贝利撒留一声专断之令,遭卫兵处死——说是处死,不如说是谋杀。95 在这仓促的暴行之下,君士坦丁本身的罪过反倒无人再提;这位骁勇军官的绝望与死亡,私下里被人归咎于安东尼娜的报复;而他那些同僚,个个都干过同样的劫掠勾当,便都惴惴然唯恐落得同样的下场。对共同之敌的畏惧暂时压住了他们的嫉恨与不满;然而,眼看胜利在望、心中笃定,他们便怂恿一位强有力的对手,去与这位征服了罗马和阿非利加的英雄分庭抗礼。宦官纳尔塞斯本是宫廷内侍、掌管内帑的官员,却骤然被擢升为一军统帅;此人日后的功业与荣名竟可与贝利撒留比肩,然而眼下他那份英雄气概,却只是把哥特战事搅得更加纷乱。心怀不满那一派的头目们,把里米尼的解围归功于纳尔塞斯的老成谋划,并极力怂恿他自立门户、另掌一支独立的兵权。查士丁尼的诏书确曾命他听从大将节制;但其中“以有利于公务为限”这一危险的但书,却给这位素来谨慎的宠臣留下了几分自作主张的余地——他不久前还与君主亲密无间、日夕晤谈。这位宦官借着这项含糊的权柄,处处与贝利撒留的主张唱反调;他勉强同意围攻乌尔比诺之后,竟趁夜撇下同僚,拔营而去,自往征讨埃米利亚行省。那支凶悍可畏的赫鲁利人队伍只效忠纳尔塞斯本人;96 又有一万名罗马人及其盟军被说动,归于他的旗下;凡心怀怨望者,无不趁此良机去洗刷自己或真或假的委屈;于是贝利撒留麾下所余的兵力被分割、驱散,自西西里的驻防之地一直散布到亚得里亚海之滨。凭着才干与坚忍,他克服了重重障碍:乌尔比诺被攻克,对法伊苏莱、奥尔维耶托、奥克西穆姆的围攻也一一发动、雷厉推进;而宦官纳尔塞斯终究被召回,重理宫廷内务。罗马主帅以其温和而不失威重的权威,弥合了一切纷争、压服了一切反对;连他的仇敌也不能不对他心存敬意。贝利撒留由此谆谆申明一条有益的道理:国家的武力当合为一体,同受一个灵魂的驱使。然而正是在这内讧的间隙里,哥特人得以喘息;一段宝贵的时机白白错过,米兰惨遭毁灭,意大利北部各行省更饱受法兰克人如洪水般涌入之苦。
When Justinian first meditated the conquest of Italy, he sent ambassadors to the kings of the Franks, and adjured them, by the common ties of alliance and religion, to join in the holy enterprise against the Arians. The Goths, as their wants were more urgent, employed a more effectual mode of persuasion, and vainly strove, by the gift of lands and money, to purchase the friendship, or at least the neutrality, of a light and perfidious nation.97 But the arms of Belisarius, and the revolt of the Italians, had no sooner shaken the Gothic monarchy, than Theodebert of Austrasia, the most powerful and warlike of the Merovingian kings, was persuaded to succor their distress by an indirect and seasonable aid. Without expecting the consent of their sovereign, ten thousand Burgundians, his recent subjects, descended from the Alps, and joined the troops which Vitiges had sent to chastise the revolt of Milan. After an obstinate siege, the capital of Liguria was reduced by famine; but no capitulation could be obtained, except for the safe retreat of the Roman garrison. Datius, the orthodox bishop, who had seduced his countrymen to rebellion 98 and ruin, escaped to the luxury and honors of the Byzantine court; 99 but the clergy, perhaps the Arian clergy, were slaughtered at the foot of their own altars by the defenders of the Catholic faith. Three hundred thousand males were reported to be slain; 100 the female sex, and the more precious spoil, was resigned to the Burgundians; and the houses, or at least the walls, of Milan, were levelled with the ground. The Goths, in their last moments, were revenged by the destruction of a city, second only to Rome in size and opulence, in the splendor of its buildings, or the number of its inhabitants; and Belisarius sympathized alone in the fate of his deserted and devoted friends. Encouraged by this successful inroad, Theodebert himself, in the ensuing spring, invaded the plains of Italy with an army of one hundred thousand Barbarians. 101 The king, and some chosen followers, were mounted on horseback, and armed with lances; the infantry, without bows or spears, were satisfied with a shield, a sword, and a double-edged battle-axe, which, in their hands, became a deadly and unerring weapon. Italy trembled at the march of the Franks; and both the Gothic prince and the Roman general, alike ignorant of their designs, solicited, with hope and terror, the friendship of these dangerous allies. Till he had secured the passage of the Po on the bridge of Pavia, the grandson of Clovis dissembled his intentions, which he at length declared, by assaulting, almost at the same instant, the hostile camps of the Romans and Goths. Instead of uniting their arms, they fled with equal precipitation; and the fertile, though desolate provinces of Liguria and Aemilia, were abandoned to a licentious host of Barbarians, whose rage was not mitigated by any thoughts of settlement or conquest. Among the cities which they ruined, Genoa, not yet constructed of marble, is particularly enumerated; and the deaths of thousands, according to the regular practice of war, appear to have excited less horror than some idolatrous sacrifices of women and children, which were performed with impunity in the camp of the most Christian king. If it were not a melancholy truth, that the first and most cruel sufferings must be the lot of the innocent and helpless, history might exult in the misery of the conquerors, who, in the midst of riches, were left destitute of bread or wine, reduced to drink the waters of the Po, and to feed on the flesh of distempered cattle. The dysentery swept away one third of their army; and the clamors of his subjects, who were impatient to pass the Alps, disposed Theodebert to listen with respect to the mild exhortations of Belisarius. The memory of this inglorious and destructive warfare was perpetuated on the medals of Gaul; and Justinian, without unsheathing his sword, assumed the title of conqueror of the Franks. The Merovingian prince was offended by the vanity of the emperor; he affected to pity the fallen fortunes of the Goths; and his insidious offer of a federal union was fortified by the promise or menace of descending from the Alps at the head of five hundred thousand men. His plans of conquest were boundless, and perhaps chimerical. The king of Austrasia threatened to chastise Justinian, and to march to the gates of Constantinople: 102 he was overthrown and slain 103 by a wild bull, 104 as he hunted in the Belgic or German forests.
查士丁尼当初筹划征服意大利时,曾遣使前往法兰克诸王处,以同盟与共同信仰的情谊相恳,请他们一同投身这场讨伐阿里乌斯派的圣战。哥特人处境更为急迫,便使出更为管用的劝诱手段:他们以土地和金钱相赠,妄图收买这个轻浮而背信的民族的友谊,至少也求其保持中立——然而终归徒劳。97 然而,贝利撒留的兵威加上意大利人的反叛,刚一动摇哥特王国的根基,墨洛温诸王中最强悍好战的奥斯特拉西亚之王狄奥德贝尔特,便被说动,以间接而及时的援助来纾解哥特人的困厄。一万名勃艮第人——他们新近才归他统治——未及等候君主首肯,便越过阿尔卑斯山而下,与维蒂吉斯派去镇压米兰叛乱的军队会合。经过一场顽强的围困,利古里亚的首府终因饥荒而陷落;然而除了容罗马守军安然撤走这一条外,再无别的受降条件可言。正统派主教达提乌斯当初曾煽动同胞起而反叛、98 终致覆亡,如今却逃往拜占庭宫廷去享那里的荣华与尊荣;99 而那些教士——或许是阿里乌斯派的教士——却被大公信仰的捍卫者杀死在自家祭坛脚下。据称有三十万男丁被杀;100 妇女以及更值钱的战利品则悉数交给勃艮第人;米兰的房舍——至少那些城墙——被夷为平地。哥特人在其末路穷途之际,以毁灭这座城市来泄愤——论规模与富庶、论建筑之壮丽、论居民之众多,此城仅次于罗马;而对于这些被抛弃、在劫难逃的友人所遭的厄运,唯有贝利撒留一人深表同情。这次入侵得手,狄奥德贝尔特深受鼓舞,遂于次年春天亲率十万蛮族大军侵入意大利平原。101 国王与少数精选的扈从骑马而行、持长矛为兵;步兵既无弓也无枪,只带一面盾、一柄剑,外加一把双刃战斧——这斧头一到他们手里,便成了百发百中、置人死地的利器。法兰克人一路进军,意大利为之战栗;哥特君主与罗马主帅同样摸不透他们的意图,便怀着又指望又惊惧的心情,争相拉拢这些危险的盟友。这位克洛维之孙在稳稳控制帕维亚大桥、扼住波河渡口之前,一直隐藏着自己的真实意图;直到最后,他几乎同时袭击了罗马人与哥特人两方的营地,这才把真意和盘托出。两方不但没有联手御敌,反倒争先恐后地一同溃逃;于是利古里亚与埃米利亚——这两处虽已荒残、却依旧肥沃的行省——被拱手让给一群放纵无度的蛮族,而这群人既无意定居、也无心占据,其凶暴之气因此丝毫不减。在他们所摧毁的城市中,尤以尚未用大理石修筑的热那亚为人所提及;按照战争的惯常做法,成千人的死亡似乎还不及另一桩事叫人骇然——那便是在这位“最虔诚的基督教国王”营中,竟公然举行以妇孺为祭的偶像献祭而无人过问。无辜而无助之人总是最先、也最惨地承受苦难——若不是这一可悲的实情,史家原本大可为这群征服者的悲惨而称快:他们坐拥财货,却既缺面包又缺酒,落到只能饮波河之水、以病牛之肉果腹的地步。痢疾夺去了他们三分之一的兵员;而部众急于翻越阿尔卑斯山、鼓噪不休,这才使狄奥德贝尔特愿意恭敬地聆听贝利撒留那番温和的规劝。这场既不光彩、又极具破坏性的战事,其记忆被镌刻在高卢的钱币上流传下来;而查士丁尼未曾出鞘一剑,便自封为“法兰克征服者”。皇帝这份虚荣触怒了这位墨洛温君主;他假意怜悯哥特人的没落,又提出结成联盟的阴险建议,并以率五十万大军越阿尔卑斯山而下的许诺——或曰恫吓——为这建议撑腰。他的征服之志漫无边际,或许只是痴人说梦。这位奥斯特拉西亚之王扬言要惩罚查士丁尼,并进军直抵君士坦丁堡城下;102 可就在他于贝尔吉卡或日耳曼的森林中行猎时,竟被掀翻在地、当场毙命,103 而下此毒手的,是一头野牛。104

Notes 注释

87
Procopius (Goth. l. ii. c. 3) has forgot to name these aqueducts nor can such a double intersection, at such a distance from Rome, be clearly ascertained from the writings of Frontinus, Fabretti, and Eschinard, de Aquis and de Agro Romano, or from the local maps of Lameti and Cingolani. Seven or eight miles from the city, (50 stadia,) on the road to Albano, between the Latin and Appian ways, I discern the remains of an aqueduct, (probably the Septimian,) a series (630 paces) of arches twenty-five feet high.
普罗柯比(Goth. l. ii. c. 3)忘了写出这两条输水道的名字;而像这样双重交叉、又远离罗马的构造,无论从弗龙蒂努斯、法布雷蒂、埃斯基纳尔诸人的著作(de Aquis 与 de Agro Romano),还是从拉梅提与钦戈拉尼所绘的地方图上,都无从确指。在距城七八英里(五十斯塔迪亚)、通往阿尔巴诺的路上、拉丁大道与阿庇亚大道之间,我辨认出一段输水道的遗迹(大概就是塞普提米安水道):那是一列(长六百三十步)、高二十五英尺的拱券。
88
They made sausages of mule’s flesh; unwholesome, if the animals had died of the plague. Otherwise, the famous Bologna sausages are said to be made of ass flesh, (Voyages de Labat, tom. ii. p. 218.)
他们用骡肉做香肠;倘若那些牲口是死于疫病,肉便有害。此外,据说著名的博洛尼亚香肠是用驴肉做的(Voyages de Labat, tom. ii. p. 218)。
89
The name of the palace, the hill, and the adjoining gate, were all derived from the senator Pincius. Some recent vestiges of temples and churches are now smoothed in the garden of the Minims of the Trinita del Monte, (Nardini, l. iv. c. 7, p. 196. Eschinard, p. 209, 210, the old plan of Buffalino, and the great plan of Nolli.) Belisarius had fixed his station between the Pincian and Salarian gates, (Procop. Goth. l. i. c. 15.)
那座宫殿、那座山冈以及邻近的城门,名字都出自元老平奇乌斯。若干近代尚存的神庙与教堂遗迹,如今已被夷平,并入了山上圣三一堂至简会士的园囿之中(Nardini, l. iv. c. 7, p. 196;Eschinard, p. 209, 210;布法利诺的旧图,以及诺利的大图)。贝利撒留曾把自己的驻所设在平奇安门与萨拉里亚门之间(Procop. Goth. l. i. c. 15)。
90
From the mention of the primum et secundum velum, it should seem that Belisarius, even in a siege, represented the emperor, and maintained the proud ceremonial of the Byzantine palace.
从文中提到的 primum et secundum velum(第一道与第二道帷幕)来看,贝利撒留即便身处围城之中,似乎仍代表着皇帝,依旧维持着拜占庭宫廷那套骄矜的礼仪。
9011
De Beau, as a good Catholic, makes the Pope the victim of a dark intrigue. Lord Mahon, (p. 225.) with whom I concur, summed up against him.—M.
勒博身为虔诚的天主教徒,把教宗说成一场阴谋诡计的牺牲品。而马洪勋爵(p. 225)则作出不利于教宗的裁断,断定其有罪,我也赞同他的看法。—M
91
Of this act of sacrilege, Procopius (Goth. l. i. c. 25) is a dry and reluctant witness. The narratives of Liberatus (Breviarium, c. 22) and Anastasius (de Vit. Pont. p. 39) are characteristic, but passionate. Hear the execrations of Cardinal Baronius, (A.D. 536, No. 123 A.D. 538, No. 4—20:) portentum, facinus omni execratione dignum.
对于这桩渎圣之举,普罗柯比(Goth. l. i. c. 25)是个语气干涩、不情不愿的见证人。利贝拉图斯(Breviarium, c. 22)与阿纳斯塔修斯(de Vit. Pont. p. 39)的记述则各具特色,却失于激愤。且听巴罗尼乌斯枢机主教的咒骂(公元 536 年,第 123 条;公元 538 年,第 4—20 条):portentum, facinus omni execratione dignum(怪事一桩,一件罪该万人唾骂的恶行)。
92
The old Capena was removed by Aurelian to, or near, the modern gate of St. Sebastian, (see Nolli’s plan.) That memorable spot has been consecrated by the Egerian grove, the memory of Numa two umphal arches, the sepulchres of the Scipios, Metelli, &c.
古老的卡佩纳门被奥勒良迁到了今日圣塞巴斯蒂安门所在或邻近之处(见诺利的地图)。这一令人追怀的所在,曾因埃格里亚圣林、努马的遗迹、两座凯旋门,以及西庇阿家族、梅特卢斯家族等人的陵墓而显得神圣。
93
The expression of Procopius has an invidious cast, (Goth. l. ii. c. 4.) Yet he is speaking of a woman.
普罗柯比的措辞带着几分刻薄的意味(Goth. l. ii. c. 4);然而他所谈论的毕竟是一位女子。
94
Anastasius (p. 40) has preserved this epithet of Sanguinarius which might do honor to a tiger.
阿纳斯塔修斯(p. 40)保留下“嗜血者”(Sanguinarius)这一诨名——这名号用在一头老虎身上倒也相称。
95
This transaction is related in the public history (Goth. l. ii. c. 8) with candor or caution; in the Anecdotes (c. 7) with malevolence or freedom; but Marcellinus, or rather his continuator, (in Chron.,) casts a shade of premeditated assassination over the death of Constantine. He had performed good service at Rome and Spoleto, (Procop. Goth l. i. c. 7, 14;) but Alemannus confounds him with a Constantianus comes stabuli.
这桩事,在公开的史著(Goth. l. ii. c. 8)中记述得或坦诚、或谨慎;在《秘史》(c. 7)里则记得或恶毒、或放言无忌;而马尔切利努斯——或者不如说是他的续写者——(in Chron.)却给君士坦丁之死蒙上一层蓄意谋杀的疑影。此人曾在罗马与斯波莱托立下功劳(Procop. Goth l. i. c. 7, 14),但阿莱曼努斯把他与一位御马伯君士坦提阿努斯(Constantianus comes stabuli)混为一谈了。
96
They refused to serve after his departure; sold their captives and cattle to the Goths; and swore never to fight against them. Procopius introduces a curious digression on the manners and adventures of this wandering nation, a part of whom finally emigrated to Thule or Scandinavia. (Goth. l. ii. c. 14, 15.)
他离去之后,他们便拒绝再效力;把俘虏与牲畜卖给哥特人,还发誓永不与哥特人为敌。普罗柯比就此插入一段有趣的题外话,谈到这个流浪民族的习俗与经历——其中一部分人最终迁往图勒或斯堪的纳维亚(Goth. l. ii. c. 14, 15)。
97
This national reproach of perfidy (Procop. Goth. l. ii. c. 25) offends the ear of La Mothe le Vayer, (tom. viii. p. 163—165,) who criticizes, as if he had not read, the Greek historian.
这种指斥整个民族背信的说法(Procop. Goth. l. ii. c. 25),听在拉莫特·勒瓦耶(tom. viii. p. 163—165)耳中甚是刺耳,他对这位希腊史家横加批评,倒像是根本没读过其书似的。
98
Baronius applauds his treason, and justifies the Catholic bishops—qui ne sub heretico principe degant omnem lapidem movent—a useful caution. The more rational Muratori (Annali d’Italia, tom. v. p. 54) hints at the guilt of perjury, and blames at least the imprudence of Datius.
巴罗尼乌斯为他的背叛喝彩,并为大公教主教们辩护——qui ne sub heretico principe degant omnem lapidem movent(他们为免生活在异端君主治下而无所不用其极)——真是一句有用的告诫。较为通达的穆拉托里(Annali d’Italia, tom. v. p. 54)则暗示此中有背誓之罪,至少也责怪达提乌斯行事不智。
99
St. Datius was more successful against devils than against Barbarians. He travelled with a numerons retinue, and occupied at Corinth a large house. (Baronius, A.D. 538, No. 89, A.D. 539, No. 20.)
圣达提乌斯对付魔鬼比对付蛮族更为得手。他出行时随从众多,在科林斯占了一所大宅(Baronius, A.D. 538, No. 89, A.D. 539, No. 20)。
100
(Compare Procopius, Goth. l. ii. c. 7, 21.) Yet such population is incredible; and the second or third city of Italy need not repine if we only decimate the numbers of the present text Both Milan and Genoa revived in less than thirty years, (Paul Diacon de Gestis Langobard. l. ii. c. 38.) Note: Procopius says distinctly that Milan was the second city of the West. Which did Gibbon suppose could compete with it, Ravenna or Naples; the next page he calls it the second.—M.
(可对照普罗柯比,Goth. l. ii. c. 7, 21。)然而如此人口之数实在难以置信;倘若我们把本文的数字只取其十分之一,这座意大利第二或第三大城也不必因此抱屈。米兰与热那亚都在不到三十年间重获生机(Paul Diacon de Gestis Langobard. l. ii. c. 38)。按:普罗柯比明白无误地说,米兰是西部第二大城。吉本以为还有哪座城能与之相争呢,拉文纳,还是那不勒斯?——下一页他又径称米兰为第二大城。—M
101
Besides Procopius, perhaps too Roman, see the Chronicles of Marius and Marcellinus, Jornandes, (in Success. Regn. in Muratori, tom. i. p. 241,) and Gregory of Tours, (l. iii. c. 32, in tom. ii. of the Historians of France.) Gregory supposes a defeat of Belisarius, who, in Aimoin, (de Gestis Franc. l. ii. c. 23, in tom. iii. p. 59,) is slain by the Franks.
除了普罗柯比(他或许过于偏袒罗马),还可参看马略与马尔切利努斯的编年史、约达尼斯(in Success. Regn.,见穆拉托里 tom. i. p. 241),以及图尔的格雷戈里(l. iii. c. 32,见《法兰西史家丛编》tom. ii)。格雷戈里以为贝利撒留吃了败仗;而在埃莫因笔下(de Gestis Franc. l. ii. c. 23,见 tom. iii. p. 59),贝利撒留竟是被法兰克人所杀。
102
Agathias, l. i. p. 14, 15. Could he have seduced or subdued the Gepidae or Lombards of Pannonia, the Greek historian is confident that he must have been destroyed in Thrace.
阿加提亚斯,l. i. p. 14, 15。这位希腊史家断言:即便他能拉拢或制服潘诺尼亚的格皮德人或伦巴第人,也终必在色雷斯覆灭。
103
The king pointed his spear—the bull overturned a tree on his head—he expired the same day. Such is the story of Agathias; but the original historians of France (tom. ii. p. 202, 403, 558, 667) impute his death to a fever.
国王挺矛相向——野牛却撞倒一棵树、压在他头上——当天他便气绝身亡。阿加提亚斯的说法如此;但法兰西本国的原始史家(tom. ii. p. 202, 403, 558, 667)则把他的死因归于一场热病。
104
Without losing myself in a labyrinth of species and names—the aurochs, urus, bisons, bubalus, bonasus, buffalo, &c., (Buffon. Hist. Nat. tom. xi., and Supplement, tom. iii. vi.,) it is certain, that in the sixth century a large wild species of horned cattle was hunted in the great forests of the Vosges in Lorraine, and the Ardennes, (Greg. Turon. tom. ii. l. x. c. 10, p. 369.)
我不打算陷进物种与名目的迷宫——什么 aurochs、urus、bison、bubalus、bonasus、buffalo 之类(Buffon. Hist. Nat. tom. xi. 及《补编》tom. iii、vi)——但可以确定的是:六世纪时,洛林的孚日以及阿登的莽莽森林里,确曾有人猎取一种体型硕大的野生有角牛(Greg. Turon. tom. ii. l. x. c. 10, p. 369)。