Chapter XLI: Conquests Of Justinian, Character Of Balisarius.—Part III. 第四十一章 查士丁尼的征服;贝利撒留的品格——第三节
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Although Theodatus descended from a race of heroes, he was ignorant of the art, and averse to the dangers, of war. Although he had studied the writings of Plato and Tully, philosophy was incapable of purifying his mind from the basest passions, avarice and fear. He had purchased a sceptre by ingratitude and murder: at the first menace of an enemy, he degraded his own majesty and that of a nation, which already disdained their unworthy sovereign. Astonished by the recent example of Gelimer, he saw himself dragged in chains through the streets of Constantinople: the terrors which Belisarius inspired were heightened by the eloquence of Peter, the Byzantine ambassador; and that bold and subtle advocate persuaded him to sign a treaty, too ignominious to become the foundation of a lasting peace. It was stipulated, that in the acclamations of the Roman people, the name of the emperor should be always proclaimed before that of the Gothic king; and that as often as the statue of Theodatus was erected in brass on marble, the divine image of Justinian should be placed on its right hand. Instead of conferring, the king of Italy was reduced to solicit, the honors of the senate; and the consent of the emperor was made indispensable before he could execute, against a priest or senator, the sentence either of death or confiscation. The feeble monarch resigned the possession of Sicily; offered, as the annual mark of his dependence, a crown of gold of the weight of three hundred pounds; and promised to supply, at the requisition of his sovereign, three thousand Gothic auxiliaries, for the service of the empire. Satisfied with these extraordinary concessions, the successful agent of Justinian hastened his journey to Constantinople; but no sooner had he reached the Alban villa, 60 than he was recalled by the anxiety of Theodatus; and the dialogue which passed between the king and the ambassador deserves to be represented in its original simplicity. “Are you of opinion that the emperor will ratify this treaty? Perhaps. If he refuses, what consequence will ensue? War. Will such a war, be just or reasonable? Most assuredly: every to his character. What is your meaning? You are a philosopher—Justinian is emperor of the Romans: it would all become the disciple of Plato to shed the blood of thousands in his private quarrel: the successor of Augustus should vindicate his rights, and recover by arms the ancient provinces of his empire.” This reasoning might not convince, but it was sufficient to alarm and subdue the weakness of Theodatus; and he soon descended to his last offer, that for the poor equivalent of a pension of forty-eight thousand pounds sterling, he would resign the kingdom of the Goths and Italians, and spend the remainder of his days in the innocent pleasures of philosophy and agriculture.
狄奥达图斯虽出身英雄世家,却全然不谙用兵之道,且畏惧战阵之险。他虽研读过柏拉图与西塞罗的著作,哲学却终究无力涤净他心中最卑下的两种情欲——贪婪与怯懦。他曾以负恩与谋杀换来王权;如今强敌稍一威逼,他便自贬其尊,连带辱没了整个民族的尊严,而这个民族早已鄙夷这位不配为君的君主。盖利默新近的下场令他心惊胆战,他仿佛已看见自己戴着镣铐被拖过君士坦丁堡的街市。贝利撒留本已令他闻之丧胆,拜占庭使节彼得又以雄辩之才推波助澜;这位大胆而机敏的说客终于说动他签下一纸条约,其条款之屈辱,绝不足以成为持久和平的根基。条约规定:罗马人民欢呼颂扬之时,必先呼皇帝之名,然后才及哥特国王;凡为狄奥达图斯铸铜像或立大理石像之处,必于其右侧安放查士丁尼的神圣尊容。身为意大利国王,本应是赐人以元老院荣衔之人,如今却沦落到反须向元老院求取此等荣衔;他若要对某位教士或元老处以死刑或没收其财产,非先得皇帝首肯不可。这位懦弱的君主放弃了西西里的领地,又献上一顶重达三百磅的金冠,作为年年臣属的标志,并许诺一旦其主上征调,即提供三千哥特辅军,供帝国驱使。查士丁尼这位得手的使者对这般非同寻常的让步深感满意,便匆匆启程返回君士坦丁堡;不料他刚抵达阿尔巴别墅 60,便被忧惧不安的狄奥达图斯召了回去。国王与使节之间的这番对话,值得依其本来的质朴照录如下:“你以为皇帝会批准这纸条约么?”——“或许会吧。”——“他若拒绝,又会招致什么后果?”——“战争。”——“这样一场战争,可算得正当合理?”——“千真万确:因为人人都依其本性行事。”——“此话怎讲?”——“你是一位哲人,查士丁尼却是罗马人的皇帝:身为柏拉图的门徒,为一己私怨而令千万人血流成河,殊为不宜;而奥古斯都的继承者,理应伸张自己的权利,以武力收复帝国昔日的行省。”这番道理未必令人信服,却足以惊动并制伏狄奥达图斯懦弱的心;他很快便退到最后一步,提出:只要每年给他区区四万八千英镑的年金作为交换,他便情愿交出哥特人与意大利人的王国,在哲学与农事的清白之乐中安度余生。
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Both treaties were intrusted to the hands of the ambassador, on the frail security of an oath not to produce the second till the first had been positively rejected. The event may be easily foreseen: Justinian required and accepted the abdication of the Gothic king. His indefatigable agent returned from Constantinople to Ravenna, with ample instructions; and a fair epistle, which praised the wisdom and generosity of the royal philosopher, granted his pension, with the assurance of such honors as a subject and a Catholic might enjoy; and wisely referred the final execution of the treaty to the presence and authority of Belisarius. But in the interval of suspense, two Roman generals, who had entered the province of Dalmatia, were defeated and slain by the Gothic troops. From blind and abject despair, Theodatus capriciously rose to groundless and fatal presumption, 61 and dared to receive, with menace and contempt, the ambassador of Justinian; who claimed his promise, solicited the allegiance of his subjects, and boldly asserted the inviolable privilege of his own character. The march of Belisarius dispelled this visionary pride; and as the first campaign 62 was employed in the reduction of Sicily, the invasion of Italy is applied by Procopius to the second year of the Gothic war. 63
两纸条约都交到了使节手中,唯一的凭据不过是一句脆弱的誓言:非到第一纸被断然拒绝,绝不出示第二纸。结局不难预料:查士丁尼索要并接受了哥特国王的逊位。他那不知疲倦的使者带着周详的训令,从君士坦丁堡返回拉文纳,还带来一封措辞得体的书信:信中称颂这位王者哲人的睿智与慷慨,允准了他的年金,并保证他将享有一名臣民、一名大公教徒所能享有的种种荣宠;至于条约的最终履行,则明智地交由贝利撒留亲临主持、凭其权威办理。然而就在这悬而未决的间隙,两名罗马将领已挺进达尔马提亚行省,却被哥特军队击败杀死。狄奥达图斯本已陷于盲目而卑怯的绝望,此时却又反复无常地转为毫无根据、终致杀身的狂妄 61,竟敢以威胁与轻蔑的态度接待查士丁尼的使节——那使节则要他兑现诺言,招纳其臣民效忠,并大胆申明自己使节身份神圣不可侵犯的特权。贝利撒留大军一动,这份虚妄的骄矜便烟消云散。由于第一个战季 62 用于攻取西西里,普罗柯比遂将进犯意大利之事系于哥特战争的第二年 63。
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After Belisarius had left sufficient garrisons in Palermo and Syracuse, he embarked his troops at Messina, and landed them, without resistance, on the opposite shores of Rhegium. A Gothic prince, who had married the daughter of Theodatus, was stationed with an army to guard the entrance of Italy; but he imitated, without scruple, the example of a sovereign faithless to his public and private duties. The perfidious Ebermor deserted with his followers to the Roman camp, and was dismissed to enjoy the servile honors of the Byzantine court. 64 From Rhegium to Naples, the fleet and army of Belisarius, almost always in view of each other, advanced near three hundred miles along the sea-coast. The people of Bruttium, Lucania, and Campania, who abhorred the name and religion of the Goths, embraced the specious excuse, that their ruined walls were incapable of defence: the soldiers paid a just equivalent for a plentiful market; and curiosity alone interrupted the peaceful occupations of the husbandman or artificer. Naples, which has swelled to a great and populous capital, long cherished the language and manners of a Grecian colony; 65 and the choice of Virgil had ennobled this elegant retreat, which attracted the lovers of repose and study, from the noise, the smoke, and the laborious opulence of Rome.66 As soon as the place was invested by sea and land, Belisarius gave audience to the deputies of the people, who exhorted him to disregard a conquest unworthy of his arms, to seek the Gothic king in a field of battle, and, after his victory, to claim, as the sovereign of Rome, the allegiance of the dependent cities. “When I treat with my enemies,” replied the Roman chief, with a haughty smile, “I am more accustomed to give than to receive counsel; but I hold in one hand inevitable ruin, and in the other peace and freedom, such as Sicily now enjoys.” The impatience of delay urged him to grant the most liberal terms; his honor secured their performance: but Naples was divided into two factions; and the Greek democracy was inflamed by their orators, who, with much spirit and some truth, represented to the multitude that the Goths would punish their defection, and that Belisarius himself must esteem their loyalty and valor. Their deliberations, however, were not perfectly free: the city was commanded by eight hundred Barbarians, whose wives and children were detained at Ravenna as the pledge of their fidelity; and even the Jews, who were rich and numerous, resisted, with desperate enthusiasm, the intolerant laws of Justinian. In a much later period, the circumference of Naples 67 measured only two thousand three hundred and sixty three paces: 68 the fortifications were defended by precipices or the sea; when the aqueducts were intercepted, a supply of water might be drawn from wells and fountains; and the stock of provisions was sufficient to consume the patience of the besiegers. At the end of twenty days, that of Belisarius was almost exhausted, and he had reconciled himself to the disgrace of abandoning the siege, that he might march, before the winter season, against Rome and the Gothic king. But his anxiety was relieved by the bold curiosity of an Isaurian, who explored the dry channel of an aqueduct, and secretly reported, that a passage might be perforated to introduce a file of armed soldiers into the heart of the city. When the work had been silently executed, the humane general risked the discovery of his secret by a last and fruitless admonition of the impending danger. In the darkness of the night, four hundred Romans entered the aqueduct, raised themselves by a rope, which they fastened to an olive-tree, into the house or garden of a solitary matron, sounded their trumpets, surprised the sentinels, and gave admittance to their companions, who on all sides scaled the walls, and burst open the gates of the city. Every crime which is punished by social justice was practised as the rights of war; the Huns were distinguished by cruelty and sacrilege, and Belisarius alone appeared in the streets and churches of Naples to moderate the calamities which he predicted. “The gold and silver,” he repeatedly exclaimed, “are the just rewards of your valor. But spare the inhabitants; they are Christians, they are suppliants, they are now your fellow-subjects. Restore the children to their parents, the wives to their husbands; and show them by your generosity of what friends they have obstinately deprived themselves.” The city was saved by the virtue and authority of its conqueror; 69 and when the Neapolitans returned to their houses, they found some consolation in the secret enjoyment of their hidden treasures. The Barbarian garrison enlisted in the service of the emperor; Apulia and Calabria, delivered from the odious presence of the Goths, acknowledged his dominion; and the tusks of the Calydonian boar, which were still shown at Beneventum, are curiously described by the historian of Belisarius. 70
贝利撒留在巴勒莫与叙拉古留下足够的守军后,便在墨西拿让部队登船,未遇任何抵抗,就将他们送上了对岸雷吉乌姆的海滩。一位哥特王子娶了狄奥达图斯之女,本率一军驻守此处、扼守意大利门户;可他毫不迟疑,竟效法起那位于公于私皆失信义的君主来。背信弃义的埃贝尔莫尔带着部众投奔了罗马营垒,后被打发去拜占庭宫廷享那份奴颜婢膝的荣华 64。从雷吉乌姆到那不勒斯,贝利撒留的舰队与陆军几乎始终彼此相望,沿海岸线推进了近三百英里。布鲁提乌姆、卢卡尼亚与坎帕尼亚的居民,素来厌恶哥特人的名号与信仰,此刻便顺水推舟,以城墙残破、无从守御为堂皇的借口,不加抵抗;士兵们在货源充足的市集上照价付款;农夫与工匠平静的营生,也不过因人们的好奇张望而偶尔被打断罢了。那不勒斯后来膨胀为一座人烟稠密的大都会,却长久保留着一处希腊殖民城邦的语言与风习 65;维吉尔当年择居于此,更为这处雅致的幽栖之地增添了荣光——它吸引着爱好闲适与治学之人,逃离罗马的喧嚣、烟尘与劳碌营求的繁华 66。海陆两面刚一合围,贝利撒留便接见了市民派来的代表。他们劝他不必看重这么一座不值得动其兵威的小城,而应到战场上去寻哥特国王决战;待到得胜之后,再以罗马之主的身份,向诸附庸城市索取效忠。“我与敌人交涉之时,”这位罗马统帅傲然一笑,答道,“惯于施予忠告,而非领受忠告。眼下我一手握着在劫难逃的毁灭,另一手握着西西里如今所享的那般和平与自由。”他急于避免拖延,便许下最优渥的条件,又以自己的信誉担保必将履约;然而那不勒斯城内分作两派,希腊式的民众政治被一班演说家煽动起来。这些人慷慨激昂,其中不无几分道理,向民众陈说:哥特人日后必会惩罚他们的叛离,而贝利撒留本人也定会敬重他们的忠诚与勇武。不过,他们的商议并非全然出于自主:城中另有八百名蛮族把守,这些人的妻儿都被扣在拉文纳,作为其效忠的人质;而城内为数众多、家资丰厚的犹太人,也怀着孤注一掷的狂热,抗拒查士丁尼那些不容异己的律法。即便到了晚近的时代,那不勒斯的周长 67 也不过两千三百六十三步 68;其城防或凭峭壁、或凭大海为屏障;纵使输水的渠道被切断,尚可从井泉汲水应急;城中储粮之充足,足以把围城者的耐心耗尽。二十天下来,贝利撒留的耐心也几近告罄,他已打算忍下撤围的耻辱,好赶在冬季来临之前,挥师直取罗马与哥特国王。所幸一名伊苏里亚人以大胆的好奇心为他解了忧:此人探查了一条干涸的输水暗渠,暗中回报说,只要凿开一处通道,便可让一列武装士兵直插城心。待到这项工程悄然完成,这位宅心仁厚的统帅仍不惜冒着泄密的风险,最后一次徒劳地警告城中人:大祸将至。趁着夜色,四百名罗马兵钻入水渠,用一根拴在橄榄树上的绳索攀援而上,进了一位独居妇人的宅院;他们吹响号角,突袭哨兵,放同伴入城。众人于是四面登墙,撞开了城门。凡是社会法度所惩治的罪行,此刻都被当作战争的权利而肆意施为;其中匈人尤以残暴与亵渎神圣著称。唯有贝利撒留一人奔走于那不勒斯的街巷与教堂之间,力图减轻他早已预言的这场浩劫。“金银财宝,”他一再高呼,“是对你们勇武的应得酬劳。可是要饶过这里的居民:他们是基督徒,是乞降者,如今更是你们的同胞臣民。把孩子还给父母,把妻子还给丈夫;用你们的宽仁让他们看清,他们冥顽不化,究竟是把怎样的朋友拒之门外了。”这座城市终因征服者的德行与威望而得以保全 69;那不勒斯人重返家园时,尚能暗自享用先前藏匿的财物,聊以自慰。那支蛮族守军转而投入皇帝麾下;阿普利亚与卡拉布里亚既已摆脱哥特人可憎的盘踞,也承认了皇帝的统治。至于那对卡吕冬野猪的獠牙,当时仍在贝内文图姆供人观瞻,贝利撒留的那位史家还曾饶有兴致地加以描述 70。
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The faithful soldiers and citizens of Naples had expected their deliverance from a prince, who remained the inactive and almost indifferent spectator of their ruin. Theodatus secured his person within the walls of Rome, whilst his cavalry advanced forty miles on the Appian way, and encamped in the Pomptine marshes; which, by a canal of nineteen miles in length, had been recently drained and converted into excellent pastures. 71 But the principal forces of the Goths were dispersed in Dalmatia, Venetia, and Gaul; and the feeble mind of their king was confounded by the unsuccessful event of a divination, which seemed to presage the downfall of his empire. 72 The most abject slaves have arraigned the guilt or weakness of an unfortunate master. The character of Theodatus was rigorously scrutinized by a free and idle camp of Barbarians, conscious of their privilege and power: he was declared unworthy of his race, his nation, and his throne; and their general Vitiges, whose valor had been signalized in the Illyrian war, was raised with unanimous applause on the bucklers of his companions. On the first rumor, the abdicated monarch fled from the justice of his country; but he was pursued by private revenge. A Goth, whom he had injured in his love, overtook Theodatus on the Flaminian way, and, regardless of his unmanly cries, slaughtered him, as he lay, prostrate on the ground, like a victim (says the historian) at the foot of the altar. The choice of the people is the best and purest title to reign over them; yet such is the prejudice of every age, that Vitiges impatiently wished to return to Ravenna, where he might seize, with the reluctant hand of the daughter of Amalasontha, some faint shadow of hereditary right. A national council was immediately held, and the new monarch reconciled the impatient spirit of the Barbarians to a measure of disgrace, which the misconduct of his predecessor rendered wise and indispensable. The Goths consented to retreat in the presence of a victorious enemy; to delay till the next spring the operations of offensive war; to summon their scattered forces; to relinquish their distant possessions, and to trust even Rome itself to the faith of its inhabitants. Leuderis, an ancient warrior, was left in the capital with four thousand soldiers; a feeble garrison, which might have seconded the zeal, though it was incapable of opposing the wishes, of the Romans. But a momentary enthusiasm of religion and patriotism was kindled in their minds. They furiously exclaimed, that the apostolic throne should no longer be profaned by the triumph or toleration of Arianism; that the tombs of the Caesars should no longer be trampled by the savages of the North; and, without reflecting, that Italy must sink into a province of Constantinople, they fondly hailed the restoration of a Roman emperor as a new aera of freedom and prosperity. The deputies of the pope and clergy, of the senate and people, invited the lieutenant of Justinian to accept their voluntary allegiance, and to enter the city, whose gates would be thrown open for his reception. As soon as Belisarius had fortified his new conquests, Naples and Cumae, he advanced about twenty miles to the banks of the Vulturnus, contemplated the decayed grandeur of Capua, and halted at the separation of the Latin and Appian ways. The work of the censor, after the incessant use of nine centuries, still preserved its primaeval beauty, and not a flaw could be discovered in the large polished stones, of which that solid, though narrow road, was so firmly compacted. 73 Belisarius, however, preferred the Latin way, which, at a distance from the sea and the marshes, skirted in a space of one hundred and twenty miles along the foot of the mountains. His enemies had disappeared: when he made his entrance through the Asinarian gate, the garrison departed without molestation along the Flaminian way; and the city, after sixty years’ servitude, was delivered from the yoke of the Barbarians. Leuderis alone, from a motive of pride or discontent, refused to accompany the fugitives; and the Gothic chief, himself a trophy of the victory, was sent with the keys of Rome to the throne of the emperor Justinian. 74
那不勒斯忠诚的士兵与市民,本指望一位君主前来解救,谁知这位君主始终按兵不动,对他们的覆亡几乎冷眼旁观。狄奥达图斯把自己安顿在罗马城墙之内以保周全,只派骑兵沿阿庇亚大道前出四十英里,扎营于蓬蒂内沼泽。这片沼泽新近借一条长十九英里的运河排干了积水,已辟为上好的牧场 71。然而哥特人的主力此时分散在达尔马提亚、威尼提亚与高卢各地;而国王本就懦弱的心智,又被一次占卜的凶兆搅得惶惑不安——那卦象似乎预示着他这个王国的覆灭 72。即便最卑贱的奴仆,也会声讨一位倒霉主人的罪愆或懦弱。一座自由而闲散的蛮族营垒,自恃享有特权、手握强力,如今严苛地审量起狄奥达图斯的品性来:他们断言此人有辱其家世、其民族、其王位;他们的将领维蒂吉斯曾在伊利里亚战争中以骁勇著称,于是众人一致喝彩,把他高举于同袍的盾牌之上,拥立为王。风声一起,这位已然逊位的君主便仓皇出逃,躲避本国的公道裁处;却终究没能逃过私仇的追索。一个曾被他夺爱、蒙受其害的哥特人,在弗拉米尼亚大道上追上了狄奥达图斯,全然不顾他那毫无男子气概的哀号,趁他伏倒在地,一刀将他宰了——史家说,其状恰如祭坛脚下待宰的牺牲。由民众推举而登位,本是治理万民最正当、最纯粹的名分;然而世代相沿的偏见竟如此根深蒂固,以致维蒂吉斯仍迫不及待地想赶回拉文纳,好攥住阿马拉逊塔之女那只不情愿的手,借这门婚事攀附上一点世袭权利的微弱影子。一场全民大会随即召开;新君说服了性情急躁的蛮族人接受一项举措:此举看似丢脸,却因前任的胡作非为而显得明智,且势在必行。哥特人同意:当着得胜之敌的面撤退;把进攻的战事推迟到来年春天;召集分散各地的兵力;放弃边远的领地;甚至把罗马本城也托付给城中居民的忠信。老将莱乌德里斯带着四千士兵留守都城;这支守军过于单薄,纵能助长罗马人的热忱,却无力违拗罗马人的意愿。而此刻,一股宗教与爱国的热忱在罗马人心中骤然燃起。他们激愤地疾呼:使徒的圣座绝不容阿里乌斯派再耀武扬威、再被姑息纵容而蒙受亵渎;诸恺撒的陵寝绝不容北方的蛮子再肆意践踏。他们却没有想到,意大利从此将沦为君士坦丁堡的一个行省;只一味满心欢喜地把罗马皇帝的复位,当作自由与繁荣的新纪元来欢呼。教宗与教士、元老院与民众推派的代表,恳请查士丁尼这位统帅接受他们自愿的效忠,进入这座城市——城门将为迎他而洞开。贝利撒留一巩固好新征服的那不勒斯与库迈,便前进约二十英里,抵达沃尔图尔努斯河畔,凭吊了卡普亚昔日已然凋敝的辉煌,随后在拉丁大道与阿庇亚大道的分岔处驻足。这条监察官督造的大道,历经九个世纪不间断的使用,依旧保持着当初的美观;那一块块磨光的大石,把这条虽窄却坚实的道路夯筑得严丝合缝,竟寻不出半点瑕疵 73。贝利撒留却选了拉丁大道;这条路远离海滨与沼泽,沿山脚绵延一百二十英里。敌军早已不见踪影:当他从阿西纳里亚门进城之时,哥特守军也正沿弗拉米尼亚大道安然撤离,无人拦阻;这座城市在受奴役六十年之后,终于挣脱了蛮族的枷锁。唯有莱乌德里斯出于骄傲抑或愤懑,不肯随败军而去;这位哥特酋帅本人便成了此番胜利的一件战利品,连同罗马的城门钥匙,一并被送往查士丁尼皇帝的御座之前 74。
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The first days, which coincided with the old Saturnalia, were devoted to mutual congratulation and the public joy; and the Catholics prepared to celebrate, without a rival, the approaching festival of the nativity of Christ. In the familiar conversation of a hero, the Romans acquired some notion of the virtues which history ascribed to their ancestors; they were edified by the apparent respect of Belisarius for the successor of St. Peter, and his rigid discipline secured in the midst of war the blessings of tranquillity and justice. They applauded the rapid success of his arms, which overran the adjacent country, as far as Narni, Perusia, and Spoleto; but they trembled, the senate, the clergy, and the unwarlike people, as soon as they understood that he had resolved, and would speedily be reduced, to sustain a siege against the powers of the Gothic monarchy. The designs of Vitiges were executed, during the winter season, with diligence and effect. From their rustic habitations, from their distant garrisons, the Goths assembled at Ravenna for the defence of their country; and such were their numbers, that, after an army had been detached for the relief of Dalmatia, one hundred and fifty thousand fighting men marched under the royal standard. According to the degrees of rank or merit, the Gothic king distributed arms and horses, rich gifts, and liberal promises; he moved along the Flaminian way, declined the useless sieges of Perusia and Spoleto, respected he impregnable rock of Narni, and arrived within two miles of Rome at the foot of the Milvian bridge. The narrow passage was fortified with a tower, and Belisarius had computed the value of the twenty days which must be lost in the construction of another bridge. But the consternation of the soldiers of the tower, who either fled or deserted, disappointed his hopes, and betrayed his person into the most imminent danger. At the head of one thousand horse, the Roman general sallied from the Flaminian gate to mark the ground of an advantageous position, and to survey the camp of the Barbarians; but while he still believed them on the other side of the Tyber, he was suddenly encompassed and assaulted by their numerous squadrons. The fate of Italy depended on his life; and the deserters pointed to the conspicuous horse a bay, 75 with a white face, which he rode on that memorable day. “Aim at the bay horse,” was the universal cry. Every bow was bent, every javelin was directed, against that fatal object, and the command was repeated and obeyed by thousands who were ignorant of its real motive. The bolder Barbarians advanced to the more honorable combat of swords and spears; and the praise of an enemy has graced the fall of Visandus, the standard-bearer, 76 who maintained his foremost station, till he was pierced with thirteen wounds, perhaps by the hand of Belisarius himself. The Roman general was strong, active, and dexterous; on every side he discharged his weighty and mortal strokes: his faithful guards imitated his valor, and defended his person; and the Goths, after the loss of a thousand men, fled before the arms of a hero. They were rashly pursued to their camp; and the Romans, oppressed by multitudes, made a gradual, and at length a precipitate retreat to the gates of the city: the gates were shut against the fugitives; and the public terror was increased, by the report that Belisarius was slain. His countenance was indeed disfigured by sweat, dust, and blood; his voice was hoarse, his strength was almost exhausted; but his unconquerable spirit still remained; he imparted that spirit to his desponding companions; and their last desperate charge was felt by the flying Barbarians, as if a new army, vigorous and entire, had been poured from the city. The Flaminian gate was thrown open to a real triumph; but it was not before Belisarius had visited every post, and provided for the public safety, that he could be persuaded, by his wife and friends, to taste the needful refreshments of food and sleep. In the more improved state of the art of war, a general is seldom required, or even permitted to display the personal prowess of a soldier; and the example of Belisarius may be added to the rare examples of Henry IV., of Pyrrhus, and of Alexander.
最初的几天恰逢古时的农神节,人们相互道贺,举城欢腾;大公教徒也着手筹备即将到来的基督诞辰之节,此番再无对手与之争衡。在与这位英雄的日常交谈中,罗马人多少领略到史书归于其祖先的种种美德;贝利撒留对圣彼得继承人所表现出的敬重令他们深受教化,而他严明的军纪,更在战火之中为他们保住了安宁与公道的福祉。他的军队势如破竹,横扫邻近乡野,一直打到纳尔尼、佩鲁西亚与斯波莱托,人们无不喝彩;然而元老院、教士与不谙武事的民众,一旦得知他已下定决心、且不久就将被迫独力抵御哥特王国倾国之兵的围攻,便都战栗起来。整个冬季,维蒂吉斯的谋划都推行得勤勉而有力。哥特人从乡间的居所、从边远的戍所纷纷赶来,齐集拉文纳,为保卫家国而战;其人数之众,以致在分出一军去救援达尔马提亚之后,仍有十五万战士在王旗之下开拔。哥特国王按爵秩高下、功劳大小,分赐兵器战马、丰厚的赏赐与慷慨的许诺;他沿弗拉米尼亚大道进军,撇开佩鲁西亚与斯波莱托这两处徒劳无益的围攻,对纳尔尼那座固若金汤的岩城敬而远之,直抵距罗马仅两英里的米尔维安桥下。这处狭窄的通道筑有一座塔楼扼守;贝利撒留早已盘算过:敌军若要另建一桥,势必耗去二十天,而这二十天何等宝贵。不料守塔的士兵惊慌失措,或逃或降,令他的指望落了空,也把他本人推入了万分凶险的境地。这位罗马统帅亲率一千骑兵,从弗拉米尼亚门出击,本想勘定一处有利的地形、察看蛮族的营盘;不料他还以为敌军尚在台伯河对岸,就突然被对方成群结队的骑兵团团围住、猛攻起来。意大利的命运系于他一人之生死;那些降卒指认出他那日所骑的坐骑——一匹格外醒目的枣红马 75,生着一张白脸。“瞄准那匹枣红马!”这喊声四下响成一片。张张弓弩、支支标枪,都对准了这个致命的目标;这道号令被成千上万人反复传呼、遵行,他们却压根不知其中的真意。胆气更壮的蛮族则挺身上前,来一场更为光彩的刀矛肉搏;掌旗官维桑杜斯 76 力守最前之位,直到身中十三处创伤才倒下——那致命一击,或许正出自贝利撒留本人之手;连敌方的赞誉也为他的阵亡增光。这位罗马统帅身强体健,敏捷而娴熟,向四面八方挥出沉重而致命的劈击;他忠心的卫士效法其勇武,拼死护住他的身躯;哥特人折损千人之后,终于在这位英雄的兵锋之前溃退。罗马人一路莽撞追杀,直逼敌营;却被人数占优的敌军反压过来,只得步步后撤,最后仓皇逃回城门下。城门却对这些逃兵紧闭不开;又有传言说贝利撒留已经阵亡,举城的恐慌于是愈演愈烈。他的面容确已被汗水、尘土与血污弄得难以辨认,嗓音嘶哑,气力将尽;然而那不可征服的斗志犹在。他把这股斗志灌注给沮丧的同伴;他们孤注一掷的最后一冲,落在溃逃的蛮族身上,恍如又有一支完整的生力军从城中倾泻而出。弗拉米尼亚门这才为一场货真价实的凯旋而洞开;然而,直到贝利撒留巡遍每一处岗哨、把全城的安危都安排妥当之后,他的妻子与友人才劝得动他去用一点必需的饮食、稍事歇息。在兵法日臻精进的时代,一位统帅极少需要、甚至不被容许亲逞一介士卒的武勇;贝利撒留此举,尽可与亨利四世、皮洛士和亚历山大等寥寥数例并列。
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After this first and unsuccessful trial of their enemies, the whole army of the Goths passed the Tyber, and formed the siege of the city, which continued above a year, till their final departure. Whatever fancy may conceive, the severe compass of the geographer defines the circumference of Rome within a line of twelve miles and three hundred and forty-five paces; and that circumference, except in the Vatican, has invariably been the same from the triumph of Aurelian to the peaceful but obscure reign of the modern popes. 77 But in the day of her greatness, the space within her walls was crowded with habitations and inhabitants; and the populous suburbs, that stretched along the public roads, were darted like so many rays from one common centre. Adversity swept away these extraneous ornaments, and left naked and desolate a considerable part even of the seven hills. Yet Rome in its present state could send into the field about thirty thousand males of a military age; 78 and, notwithstanding the want of discipline and exercise, the far greater part, inured to the hardships of poverty, might be capable of bearing arms for the defence of their country and religion. The prudence of Belisarius did not neglect this important resource. His soldiers were relieved by the zeal and diligence of the people, who watched while they slept, and labored while they reposed: he accepted the voluntary service of the bravest and most indigent of the Roman youth; and the companies of townsmen sometimes represented, in a vacant post, the presence of the troops which had been drawn away to more essential duties. But his just confidence was placed in the veterans who had fought under his banner in the Persian and African wars; and although that gallant band was reduced to five thousand men, he undertook, with such contemptible numbers, to defend a circle of twelve miles, against an army of one hundred and fifty thousand Barbarians. In the walls of Rome, which Belisarius constructed or restored, the materials of ancient architecture may be discerned; 79 and the whole fortification was completed, except in a chasm still extant between the Pincian and Flaminian gates, which the prejudices of the Goths and Romans left under the effectual guard of St. Peter the apostle. 80
哥特人初次与敌交锋失利之后,全军渡过台伯河,摆开架势围攻此城;这场围困持续了一年有余,直到他们最终撤走。无论人们如何凭空想象,地理学家严谨的圆规量定:罗马城的周长不过十二英里又三百四十五步;而这一周长,除梵蒂冈一带外,自奥勒良的凯旋直到近世诸教宗那平静而暗淡的治世,始终未曾改变 77。然而在她鼎盛之日,城墙以内屋舍林立、人烟稠密;而沿各条大道铺展开去、人丁兴旺的近郊,则如自同一中心射出的道道光芒。时运不济,把这些外围的装点一扫而空,甚至连那七座山丘也有大片地方变得赤裸而荒凉。即便如此,此时的罗马仍能派出约三万名适役年龄的男丁 78;这些人纵然缺乏训练与操演,其中绝大多数却因久经贫苦的磨砺,尚堪拿起武器,为保卫家国与信仰而战。贝利撒留素来审慎,并未忽视这一重要的兵源。民众满怀热忱、勤勉不辍,为他的士兵分担了许多:兵士安睡之时由他们守望,兵士歇息之时由他们操劳。他接纳了罗马青年中最勇敢也最贫寒者的自愿从军;有时某处岗位一旦空缺,便由这些市民队顶上,冒充那些已被调往更要紧任务的正规军。不过,他真正信赖的,是那些曾在波斯与阿非利加的历次战争中随他征战的老兵;这支骁勇之师虽已锐减至五千人,他却甘愿凭这么一点微不足道的兵力,去守卫一道十二英里的城垣,抵御十五万蛮族大军。在贝利撒留新建或修复的罗马城墙里,仍可辨认出古代建筑的材料 79;整道防御工事都已竣工,唯独平奇安门与弗拉米尼亚门之间尚留着一道至今仍在的豁口——哥特人与罗马人各怀成见,都情愿把这段城墙交由使徒圣彼得来切实守护 80。
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The battlements or bastions were shaped in sharp angles; a ditch, broad and deep, protected the foot of the rampart; and the archers on the rampart were assisted by military engines; the balistri, a powerful cross-bow, which darted short but massy arrows; the onagri, or wild asses, which, on the principle of a sling, threw stones and bullets of an enormous size. 81 A chain was drawn across the Tyber; the arches of the aqueducts were made impervious, and the mole or sepulchre of Hadrian 82 was converted, for the first time, to the uses of a citadel. That venerable structure, which contained the ashes of the Antonines, was a circular turret rising from a quadrangular basis; it was covered with the white marble of Paros, and decorated by the statues of gods and heroes; and the lover of the arts must read with a sigh, that the works of Praxiteles or Lysippus were torn from their lofty pedestals, and hurled into the ditch on the heads of the besiegers. 83 To each of his lieutenants Belisarius assigned the defence of a gate, with the wise and peremptory instruction, that, whatever might be the alarm, they should steadily adhere to their respective posts, and trust their general for the safety of Rome. The formidable host of the Goths was insufficient to embrace the ample measure of the city, of the fourteen gates, seven only were invested from the Proenestine to the Flaminian way; and Vitiges divided his troops into six camps, each of which was fortified with a ditch and rampart. On the Tuscan side of the river, a seventh encampment was formed in the field or circus of the Vatican, for the important purpose of commanding the Milvian bridge and the course of the Tyber; but they approached with devotion the adjacent church of St. Peter; and the threshold of the holy apostles was respected during the siege by a Christian enemy. In the ages of victory, as often as the senate decreed some distant conquest, the consul denounced hostilities, by unbarring, in solemn pomp, the gates of the temple of Janus. 84 Domestic war now rendered the admonition superfluous, and the ceremony was superseded by the establishment of a new religion. But the brazen temple of Janus was left standing in the forum; of a size sufficient only to contain the statue of the god, five cubits in height, of a human form, but with two faces directed to the east and west. The double gates were likewise of brass; and a fruitless effort to turn them on their rusty hinges revealed the scandalous secret that some Romans were still attached to the superstition of their ancestors.
城头的雉堞与棱堡都砌成尖锐的棱角;一道又宽又深的壕沟护住墙基;城墙上的弓弩手还有各种军械相助:一种叫作 balistri 的强弩,能射出短小却沉重的箭矢;一种叫作 onagri、即“野驴”的抛石机,则依投石索的原理,抛掷出体积惊人的巨石与弹丸 81。一道铁链横锁台伯河面;输水渠的一座座拱洞都被堵死;哈德良的陵墓——那座巨大的陵寝 82——也头一次被改作城堡之用。这座庄严的建筑安放着安敦尼诸帝的骨灰,是一座方形基座之上耸起的圆形塔楼,通体覆以帕罗斯的白色大理石,饰以诸神与英雄的雕像;然而,爱好艺术之人读到下文,怕是只能扼腕长叹:普拉克西特利斯与利西波斯的杰作,竟被人从高高的基座上生生扯下,朝着城下围攻者的头顶掷入壕沟 83。贝利撒留给每位副将都分派了一座城门的防务,并下了一道既明智又不容违抗的命令:无论警报何等紧急,各人都须坚守本位,罗马全城的安危,尽可交托给他这位主帅。哥特人的大军虽声势浩大,却仍不足以合围这座幅员广阔的城市:十四座城门中,只有从普莱内斯特大道到弗拉米尼亚大道之间的七座受到围攻。维蒂吉斯把部队分作六座营寨,每座都用壕沟与壁垒加固。在河的托斯卡纳一侧,敌军又于梵蒂冈的旷地或竞技场上扎下第七座营寨,其要紧目的在于扼控米尔维安桥与台伯河道;然而他们走近毗邻的圣彼得教堂时却满怀虔敬;在整个围城期间,这群基督徒敌人始终敬重着神圣使徒们的门槛,不敢冒犯。昔日凯歌频奏的年代,每逢元老院议定要远征某地,执政官便会以隆重的仪典,亲手拔去雅努斯神庙大门的门闩,以此宣告战端开启 84。如今连年内战,早已用不着这样的昭告;而一种新宗教的确立,更使这套仪式成了明日黄花。不过那座青铜的雅努斯神庙仍矗立在广场上,其大小仅够容下神像一尊:神像高五肘,作人形,却生有朝东、朝西两副面孔。那两扇门也是青铜铸就;有人试着去转动它们锈死的门轴,虽未成功,却泄露了一桩不体面的隐情:原来仍有若干罗马人暗中眷恋着祖先的迷信。
¶
Eighteen days were employed by the besiegers, to provide all the instruments of attack which antiquity had invented. Fascines were prepared to fill the ditches, scaling-ladders to ascend the walls. The largest trees of the forest supplied the timbers of four battering-rams: their heads were armed with iron; they were suspended by ropes, and each of them was worked by the labor of fifty men. The lofty wooden turrets moved on wheels or rollers, and formed a spacious platform of the level of the rampart. On the morning of the nineteenth day, a general attack was made from the Praenestine gate to the Vatican: seven Gothic columns, with their military engines, advanced to the assault; and the Romans, who lined the ramparts, listened with doubt and anxiety to the cheerful assurances of their commander. As soon as the enemy approached the ditch, Belisarius himself drew the first arrow; and such was his strength and dexterity, that he transfixed the foremost of the Barbarian leaders.
围城者花了十八天,把古人所发明的各式攻城器械备办齐全。他们扎好柴捆用来填壕,备下云梯用来登墙。林中最高大的树木,供作四架攻城槌的梁材:槌头包着铁,以绳索悬挂,每架都要五十人合力操使。高耸的木制攻城塔架在车轮或滚木上移动,塔顶铺成一片与城墙齐平的宽阔平台。第十九天清晨,一场全线总攻从普莱内斯特门一直铺展到梵蒂冈:七路哥特纵队携带攻城器械,逼近扑来;列阵于城墙上的罗马人,将信将疑、忐忑不安地听着主帅那番轻松乐观的宽慰之词。敌军刚一逼近壕沟,贝利撒留便亲自张弓射出第一箭;他膂力过人、手法精准,一箭便贯穿了冲在最前的一名蛮族首领。
¶
A shout of applause and victory was reechoed along the wall. He drew a second arrow, and the stroke was followed with the same success and the same acclamation. The Roman general then gave the word, that the archers should aim at the teams of oxen; they were instantly covered with mortal wounds; the towers which they drew remained useless and immovable, and a single moment disconcerted the laborious projects of the king of the Goths. After this disappointment, Vitiges still continued, or feigned to continue, the assault of the Salarian gate, that he might divert the attention of his adversary, while his principal forces more strenuously attacked the Praenestine gate and the sepulchre of Hadrian, at the distance of three miles from each other. Near the former, the double walls of the Vivarium 85 were low or broken; the fortifications of the latter were feebly guarded: the vigor of the Goths was excited by the hope of victory and spoil; and if a single post had given way, the Romans, and Rome itself, were irrecoverably lost. This perilous day was the most glorious in the life of Belisarius. Amidst tumult and dismay, the whole plan of the attack and defence was distinctly present to his mind; he observed the changes of each instant, weighed every possible advantage, transported his person to the scenes of danger, and communicated his spirit in calm and decisive orders. The contest was fiercely maintained from the morning to the evening; the Goths were repulsed on all sides; and each Roman might boast that he had vanquished thirty Barbarians, if the strange disproportion of numbers were not counterbalanced by the merit of one man. Thirty thousand Goths, according to the confession of their own chiefs, perished in this bloody action; and the multitude of the wounded was equal to that of the slain. When they advanced to the assault, their close disorder suffered not a javelin to fall without effect; and as they retired, the populace of the city joined the pursuit, and slaughtered, with impunity, the backs of their flying enemies. Belisarius instantly sallied from the gates; and while the soldiers chanted his name and victory, the hostile engines of war were reduced to ashes. Such was the loss and consternation of the Goths, that, from this day, the siege of Rome degenerated into a tedious and indolent blockade; and they were incessantly harassed by the Roman general, who, in frequent skirmishes, destroyed above five thousand of their bravest troops. Their cavalry was unpractised in the use of the bow; their archers served on foot; and this divided force was incapable of contending with their adversaries, whose lances and arrows, at a distance, or at hand, were alike formidable. The consummate skill of Belisarius embraced the favorable opportunities; and as he chose the ground and the moment, as he pressed the charge or sounded the retreat, 86 the squadrons which he detached were seldom unsuccessful. These partial advantages diffused an impatient ardor among the soldiers and people, who began to feel the hardships of a siege, and to disregard the dangers of a general engagement. Each plebeian conceived himself to be a hero, and the infantry, who, since the decay of discipline, were rejected from the line of battle, aspired to the ancient honors of the Roman legion. Belisarius praised the spirit of his troops, condemned their presumption, yielded to their clamors, and prepared the remedies of a defeat, the possibility of which he alone had courage to suspect. In the quarter of the Vatican, the Romans prevailed; and if the irreparable moments had not been wasted in the pillage of the camp, they might have occupied the Milvian bridge, and charged in the rear of the Gothic host. On the other side of the Tyber, Belisarius advanced from the Pincian and Salarian gates. But his army, four thousand soldiers perhaps, was lost in a spacious plain; they were encompassed and oppressed by fresh multitudes, who continually relieved the broken ranks of the Barbarians. The valiant leaders of the infantry were unskilled to conquer; they died: the retreat (a hasty retreat) was covered by the prudence of the general, and the victors started back with affright from the formidable aspect of an armed rampart. The reputation of Belisarius was unsullied by a defeat; and the vain confidence of the Goths was not less serviceable to his designs than the repentance and modesty of the Roman troops.
一片喝彩与欢呼的声浪沿着城墙此起彼伏。他又搭上第二支箭,这一箭同样命中,同样博得满城喝彩。这位罗马统帅随即下令,命弓弩手瞄准拉车的牛群;霎时间牛群身负重创,纷纷倒毙;它们所拖曳的攻城塔顿成废物,动弹不得——转瞬之间,哥特国王苦心经营的种种谋划全被打乱。遭此挫折之后,维蒂吉斯仍旧、或佯装仍旧猛攻萨拉里亚门,为的是牵制对手的注意力,好让主力更猛烈地进攻相距三英里的普莱内斯特门与哈德良陵。前者近旁,维瓦里乌姆兽苑 85 的两重城墙或低矮、或残破;后者的防御工事又守备薄弱。哥特人被胜利与掳掠的指望激得斗志昂扬;只要有一处据点失守,罗马人乃至罗马本城,便将万劫不复。这凶险的一天,却是贝利撒留一生中最为光辉的一天。在一片喧嚣与惊惶之中,攻守双方的全盘态势都清晰地呈现在他脑海里:他洞察每一刻的变化,权衡每一分可能的优势,亲身赶赴各处险境,又以沉着而果断的号令把自己的斗志传给众人。从清晨到黄昏,鏖战不休;哥特人四面受挫;论人数,每个罗马人尽可夸口说自己击败了三十名蛮族——若不是这悬殊的众寡之差,恰被一个人的才略所抵平的话。据哥特人自家首领承认,此役血战之中丧命者达三万,负伤者亦不下于阵亡之数。他们进攻之时挤作一团、乱哄哄地拥上,以致守军投出的标枪支支命中,无一虚发;待到他们撤退,城中百姓也加入追杀,对着溃逃之敌的脊背肆意砍杀,全无顾忌。贝利撒留当即率军出城;士兵们高呼着他的名字与胜利之际,敌军的攻城器械已尽数化为灰烬。哥特人损失如此惨重、惊惶如此之甚,以致从这一天起,对罗马的围攻便退化为一场旷日持久、有气无力的封锁;而这位罗马统帅还不断骚扰他们,在频繁的小规模交锋中歼灭了他们五千余名最勇猛的兵士。哥特人的骑兵不谙弓射,弓箭手又是徒步作战;这样一支兵种割裂的军队,根本敌不过对手——罗马人无论远射近搏,其长矛与箭矢都一样令人生畏。贝利撒留武略精绝,善于抓住每一个有利时机;由他择定地形与时机,由他决断何时催兵猛冲、何时鸣号收兵 86,凡他所派出的骑队,鲜有无功而返的。这一连串的小胜,在士兵与百姓中间激起一股按捺不住的热望;他们既已尝够围城的艰苦,便渐渐不把一场全面会战的凶险放在眼里了。每个平民都自以为是英雄;而自军纪废弛以来早已被摒于战阵之外的步兵,也一心想重拾罗马军团昔日的荣光。贝利撒留一面褒扬部众的锐气,一面斥责他们的轻狂;他终究拗不过众人的鼓噪,只得依从,却又暗中备下万一失利的补救之策——而这失利的可能,唯有他一人有胆量去料想。在梵蒂冈一带,罗马人占了上风;倘若他们没把那些无可挽回的宝贵时机白白耗在劫掠敌营上,本可拿下米尔维安桥,从背后杀入哥特大军的后阵。在台伯河的另一侧,贝利撒留则从平奇安门与萨拉里亚门出击推进。然而他那支约莫四千人的军队,却在一片辽阔的平原上陷了进去:敌军的生力军源源不断地填补蛮族被打散的阵列,把他们团团围住、步步紧逼。那几位勇猛的步兵将领只知拼杀、不谙制胜之道,终于阵亡;这场撤退——一场仓促的撤退——全赖主帅的审慎方得掩护周全;而得胜的哥特人一见那道戒备森严的壁垒,也惊得连连倒退。贝利撒留的声威并未因这一败而蒙尘;哥特人那份虚妄的自负,对他日后的谋划竟与罗马军队此番的悔悟和收敛同样有用。
Notes 注释
60
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The ancient Alba was ruined in the first age of Rome. On the same spot, or at least in the neighborhood, successively arose. 1. The villa of Pompey, &c.; 2. A camp of the Praetorian cohorts; 3. The modern episcopal city of Albanum or Albano. (Procop. Goth. l. ii. c. 4 Oluver. Ital. Antiq tom. ii. p. 914.)
古老的阿尔巴早在罗马的初创时代便已毁弃。就在同一地点、或至少在其近旁,先后兴起了:一、庞培等人的别墅;二、一处禁卫军步兵的营地;三、今日的主教之城阿尔巴努姆(即阿尔巴诺)。(Procop. Goth. l. ii. c. 4. Cluver. Ital. Antiq. tom. ii. p. 914.)
61
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A Sibylline oracle was ready to pronounce—Africa capta munitus cum nato peribit; a sentence of portentous ambiguity, (Gothic. l. i. c. 7,) which has been published in unknown characters by Opsopaeus, an editor of the oracles. The Pere Maltret has promised a commentary; but all his promises have been vain and fruitless.
有一则西比拉神谕正好可作预言——Africa capta munitus cum nato peribit(此语晦暗,大意似谓“阿非利加既被攻取,那设防之人将与其子一同覆亡”);其措辞暗藏凶兆、暧昧难明 (Gothic. l. i. c. 7),神谕集的编者奥普索派乌斯曾以无人能识的字符将其刊布于世。马尔特雷神父许诺要为它作注,然而他的种种许诺终归落空,一无所成。
62
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In his chronology, imitated, in some degree, from Thucydides, Procopius begins each spring the years of Justinian and of the Gothic war; and his first aera coincides with the first of April, 535, and not 536, according to the Annals of Baronius, (Pagi, Crit. tom. ii. p. 555, who is followed by Muratori and the editors of Sigonius.) Yet, in some passages, we are at a loss to reconcile the dates of Procopius with himself, and with the Chronicle of Marcellinus.
普罗柯比的纪年多少仿效了修昔底德的做法:他把查士丁尼在位之年与哥特战争之年,一律从每年春天算起;他的元年应始于公元 535 年 4 月 1 日,而非巴罗尼乌斯《编年史》所记的 536 年 (Pagi, Crit. tom. ii. p. 555;帕吉此说为穆拉托里与西戈尼乌斯著作的诸编者所遵从)。然而在若干段落里,我们却难以把普罗柯比的种种日期彼此调和,也难以使之与马尔切利努斯的《编年史》相合。
63
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The series of the first Gothic war is represented by Procopius (l. i. c. 5—29, l. ii. c. l—30, l. iii. c. l) till the captivity of Vitigas. With the aid of Sigonius (Opp. tom. i. de Imp. Occident. l. xvii. xviii.) and Muratori, (Annali d’Itaia, tom. v.,) I have gleaned some few additional facts.
第一次哥特战争的始末,普罗柯比一直记述到维蒂吉斯被俘为止 (l. i. c. 5—29, l. ii. c. 1—30, l. iii. c. 1)。借助西戈尼乌斯 (Opp. tom. i. de Imp. Occident. l. xvii. xviii.) 与穆拉托里 (Annali d’Italia, tom. v.) 二人之力,我又搜罗到寥寥若干补充的史实。
64
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Jornandes, de Rebus Geticis, c. 60, p. 702, edit. Grot., and tom. i. p. 221. Muratori, de Success, Regn. p. 241.
Jornandes, de Rebus Geticis, c. 60, p. 702, edit. Grot.;又见 tom. i. p. 221。Muratori, de Success. Regn. p. 241.
65
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Nero (says Tacitus, Annal. xv. 35) Neapolim quasi Graecam urbem delegit. One hundred and fifty years afterwards, in the time of Septimius Severus, the Hellenism of the Neapolitans is praised by Philostratus. (Icon. l. i. p. 763, edit. Olear.)
塔西佗说(《编年史》xv. 35),尼禄“选中那不勒斯,视之如一座希腊城邦”(Neapolim quasi Graecam urbem delegit)。一百五十年后,到塞普蒂米乌斯·塞维鲁的时代,斐洛斯特拉图斯还盛赞那不勒斯人身上的希腊风范 (Icon. l. i. p. 763, edit. Olear.)。
66
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The otium of Naples is praised by the Roman poets, by Virgil, Horace, Silius Italicus, and Statius, (Cluver. Ital. Ant. l. iv. p. 1149, 1150.) In an elegant epistles, (Sylv. l. iii. 5, p. 94—98, edit. Markland,) Statius undertakes the difficult task of drawing his wife from the pleasures of Rome to that calm retreat.
罗马诗人们都曾称颂那不勒斯的清闲之乐(otium)——维吉尔、贺拉斯、西利乌斯·伊塔利库斯与斯塔提乌斯皆然 (Cluver. Ital. Ant. l. iv. p. 1149, 1150)。在一封文辞雅致的书信里 (Sylv. l. iii. 5, p. 94—98, edit. Markland),斯塔提乌斯承担起一桩难事:要把自己的妻子从罗马的种种欢愉中拉出来,迁往那处清静的隐居之地。
67
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This measure was taken by Roger l., after the conquest of Naples, (A.D. 1139,) which he made the capital of his new kingdom, (Giannone, Istoria Civile, tom. ii. p. 169.) That city, the third in Christian Europe, is now at least twelve miles in circumference, (Jul. Caesar. Capaccii Hist. Neapol. l. i. p. 47,) and contains more inhabitants (350,000) in a given space, than any other spot in the known world.
这项测量是罗杰一世征服那不勒斯(公元 1139 年)之后所为;他把那不勒斯定为其新王国的都城 (Giannone, Istoria Civile, tom. ii. p. 169)。这座城市在基督教欧洲位居第三,如今周长至少已达十二英里 (Jul. Caesar. Capaccii Hist. Neapol. l. i. p. 47),且在同等面积之内,其居民(三十五万)之多,冠绝已知世界的任何地方。
68
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Not geometrical, but common, paces or steps, of 22 French inches, (D’ Anville, Mesures Itineraires, p. 7, 8.) The 2363 do not take an English mile.
这里所说的“步”并非几何学上的步,而是通常的步幅,每步合二十二法寸 (D’Anville, Mesures Itineraires, p. 7, 8)。那两千三百六十三步还凑不足一英里。
69
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Belisarius was reproved by Pope Silverius for the massacre. He repeopled Naples, and imported colonies of African captives into Sicily, Calabria, and Apulia, (Hist. Miscell. l. xvi. in Muratori, tom. i. p. 106, 107.)
贝利撒留曾因这场屠杀而受到教宗西尔维里乌斯的责备。他重新招徕居民充实那不勒斯,又把成批的阿非利加俘虏迁入西西里、卡拉布里亚与阿普利亚 (Hist. Miscell. l. xvi. in Muratori, tom. i. p. 106, 107)。
70
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Beneventum was built by Diomede, the nephew of Meleager (Cluver. tom. ii. p. 1195, 1196.) The Calydonian hunt is a picture of savage life, (Ovid, Metamorph. l. viii.) Thirty or forty heroes were leagued against a hog: the brutes (not the hog) quarrelled with lady for the head.
贝内文图姆相传为墨勒阿革洛斯之侄狄俄墨得斯所建 (Cluver. tom. ii. p. 1195, 1196)。那场卡吕冬狩猎,活画出一幅蛮荒生活的图景 (Ovid, Metamorph. l. viii):三四十位英雄结伙去围猎一头野猪;末了为争夺猪头,是这群“莽夫”(而非那头野猪)与一位女子起了争执。
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The Decennovium is strangely confounded by Cluverius (tom. ii. p. 1007) with the River Ufens. It was in truth a canal of nineteen miles, from Forum Appii to Terracina, on which Horace embarked in the night. The Decennovium, which is mentioned by Lucan, Dion Cassius, and Cassiodorus, has been sufficiently ruined, restored, and obliterated, (D’Anville, Anayse de l’Italie, p. 185, &c.)
克吕韦里乌斯 (tom. ii. p. 1007) 竟离奇地把德肯诺维乌姆运河与乌芬斯河混为一谈。其实那是一条长十九英里的运河,自阿皮伊广场通往特拉奇纳,贺拉斯当年便曾于夜间在此登船。这条德肯诺维乌姆运河,卢坎、狄奥·卡西乌斯与卡西奥多鲁斯都曾提及,历经多次毁弃、修复,终至湮没无存 (D’Anville, Analyse de l’Italie, p. 185, &c.)。
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A Jew, gratified his contempt and hatred for all the Christians, by enclosing three bands, each of ten hogs, and discriminated by the names of Goths, Greeks, and Romans. Of the first, almost all were found dead; almost all the second were alive: of the third, half died, and the rest lost their bristles. No unsuitable emblem of the event
有个犹太人,为发泄他对所有基督徒的鄙夷与仇恨,圈起了三群猪,每群十头,分别以哥特人、希腊人和罗马人之名相区别。结果头一群几乎全数死光;第二群几乎全都活着;第三群则死了一半,余下的也掉光了鬃毛。以此为这场变故的象征,倒也并非不合宜。
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Bergier (Hist. des Grands Chemins des Romains, tom. i. p. 221-228, 440-444) examines the structure and materials, while D’Anville (Analyse d’Italie, p. 200—123) defines the geographical line.
贝尔吉耶 (Hist. des Grands Chemins des Romains, tom. i. p. 221-228, 440-444) 考究了这条大道的结构与材料,当维尔 (Analyse d’Italie, p. 200—123) 则勘定了它的地理走向。
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Of the first recovery of Rome, the year (536) is certain, from the series of events, rather than from the corrupt, or interpolated, text of Procopius. The month (December) is ascertained by Evagrius, (l. iv. v. 19;) and the day (the tenth) may be admitted on the slight evidence of Nicephorus Callistus, (l. xvii. c. 13.) For this accurate chronology, we are indebted to the diligence and judgment of Pagi, (tom, ii. p. 659, 560.) Note: Compare Maltret’s note, in the edition of Dindorf the ninth is the day, according to his reading,—M.
罗马头一次被收复的年份(536 年),与其说是靠普罗柯比那讹误丛生、屡遭窜改的文本确定的,不如说是靠一连串史事推定出来的,因而确凿无疑。月份(十二月)由埃瓦格里乌斯考定 (l. iv. v. 19);日期(十日)则可凭尼基弗鲁斯·卡利斯图斯那不甚有力的旁证姑且采信 (l. xvii. c. 13)。这样精确的纪年,全仰赖帕吉的勤勉与识断 (tom. ii. p. 659, 560)。按:可参马尔特雷的注释;在丁多夫的版本里,依其读法,日期应为九日。—M
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A horse of a bay or red color was styled by the Greeks, balan by the Barbarians, and spadix by the Romans. Honesti spadices, says Virgil, (Georgic. l. iii. 72, with the Observations of Martin and Heyne.) It signifies a branch of the palm-tree, whose name is synonymous to red, (Aulus Gellius, ii. 26.)
枣红色或红色的马,希腊人有其专称,蛮族称之为 balan,罗马人则称之为 spadix。维吉尔有 Honesti spadices(“毛色纯正的枣骝马”)之语 (Georgic. l. iii. 72,并参马丁与海涅的注释)。此字本指棕榈树的枝条,而棕榈枝之名恰与“红色”同义 (Aulus Gellius, ii. 26)。
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I interpret it, not as a proper, name, but an office, standard-bearer, from bandum, (vexillum,) a Barbaric word adopted by the Greeks and Romans, (Paul Diacon. l. i. c. 20, p. 760. Grot. Nomina Hethica, p. 575. Ducange, Gloss. Latin. tom. i. p. 539, 540.)
我认为这个词并非专有人名,而是一种职衔,即“掌旗官”,源自 bandum(意为 vexillum,军旗)——这是一个被希腊人和罗马人一并采用的蛮族词汇 (Paul Diacon. l. i. c. 20, p. 760. Grot. Nomina Hethica, p. 575. Ducange, Gloss. Latin. tom. i. p. 539, 540)。
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M. D’Anville has given, in the Memoirs of the Academy for the year 1756, (tom. xxx. p. 198—236,) a plan of Rome on a smaller scale, but far more accurate than that which he had delineated in 1738 for Rollin’s history. Experience had improved his knowledge and instead of Rossi’s topography, he used the new and excellent map of Nolli. Pliny’s old measure of thirteen must be reduced to eight miles. It is easier to alter a text, than to remove hills or buildings. * Note: Compare Gibbon, ch. xi. note 43, and xxxi. 67, and ch. lxxi. “It is quite clear,” observes Sir J. Hobhouse, “that all these measurements differ, (in the first and second it is 21, in the text 12 and 345 paces, in the last 10,) yet it is equally clear that the historian avers that they are all the same.” The present extent, 12 3/4 nearly agrees with the second statement of Gibbon. Sir. J. Hobhouse also observes that the walls were enlarged by Constantine; but there can be no doubt that the circuit has been much changed. Illust. of Ch. Harold, p. 180.—M.
当维尔先生在 1756 年的《学院纪要》(tom. xxx. p. 198—236) 中,给出了一幅比例较小的罗马城图;此图虽小,却远比他 1738 年为罗兰的史书所绘的那幅精确。阅历增进了他的学识,他不再采用罗西的地形图,而改用诺利那幅崭新而精良的地图。普林尼旧时所测的十三英里,须缩减为八英里。要改动一处文本,总比搬走山丘或建筑来得容易。* 按:可参吉本本书第十一章注43、第三十一章注67及第七十一章。霍布豪斯爵士评论道:“这几组数字显然各不相同(第一、二处作21,正文作12英里又345步,末一处作10),可同样明白的是,这位史家却声称它们完全一致。”今日城墙的周长约为12¾英里,与吉本第二种说法大致吻合。霍布豪斯爵士还指出,城墙曾由君士坦丁扩建;不过城郭的周界确曾大有变动,这是毫无疑问的。Illust. of Ch. Harold, p. 180.—M
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In the year 1709, Labat (Voyages en Italie, tom. iii. p. 218) reckoned 138,568 Christian souls, besides 8000 or 10,000 Jews—without souls? In the year 1763, the numbers exceeded 160,000.
1709 年,拉巴 (Voyages en Italie, tom. iii. p. 218) 统计出十三万八千五百六十八个基督徒“灵魂”,此外还有八千或一万名犹太人——难道他们就没有灵魂么?到 1763 年,人数已逾十六万。
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The accurate eye of Nardini (Roma Antica, l. i. c. viii. p. 31) could distinguish the tumultuarie opere di Belisario.
纳尔迪尼目光精准 (Roma Antica, l. i. c. viii. p. 31),能一眼辨认出那些“贝利撒留仓促赶造的工事”(tumultuarie opere di Belisario)。
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The fissure and leaning in the upper part of the wall, which Procopius observed, (Goth. l. i. c. 13,) is visible to the present hour, (Douat. Roma Vetus, l. i. c. 17, p. 53, 54.)
普罗柯比所留意到的城墙上部那道裂缝与倾斜 (Goth. l. i. c. 13),至今仍清晰可见 (Donat. Roma Vetus, l. i. c. 17, p. 53, 54)。
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Lipsius (Opp. tom. iii. Poliorcet, l. iii.) was ignorant of this clear and conspicuous passage of Procopius, (Goth. l. i. c. 21.) The engine was named the wild ass, a calcitrando, (Hen. Steph. Thesaur. Linguae Graec. tom. ii. p. 1340, 1341, tom. iii. p. 877.) I have seen an ingenious model, contrived and executed by General Melville, which imitates or surpasses the art of antiquity.
利普修斯 (Opp. tom. iii. Poliorcet, l. iii.) 竟不知普罗柯比这段清楚显豁的记载 (Goth. l. i. c. 21)。这种器械得名“野驴”,是取其“尥蹶子”之意(a calcitrando)(Hen. Steph. Thesaur. Linguae Graec. tom. ii. p. 1340, 1341, tom. iii. p. 877)。我曾见过一具精巧的模型,由梅尔维尔将军设计并制造,其巧思足以媲美、甚至超越古人的技艺。
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The description of this mausoleum, or mole, in Procopius, (l. i. c. 25.) is the first and best. The height above the walls. On Nolli’s great plan, the sides measure 260 English feet. * Note: Donatus and Nardini suppose that Hadrian’s tomb was fortified by Honorius; it was united to the wall by men of old, (Procop in loc.) Gibbon has mistaken the breadth for the height above the walls Hobhouse, Illust. of Childe Harold, p. 302.—M.
普罗柯比对这座陵墓——或曰巨冢——的描述 (l. i. c. 25),是最早也是最出色的一份。它高出城墙之上。据诺利的大幅城图,其各边长为二百六十英尺。* 按:多纳图斯与纳尔迪尼推测,哈德良陵是由霍诺留加固设防的;其实早在古人之时,此陵便已与城墙连为一体 (Procop. in loc.)。吉本把陵墓的宽度误当作了它高出城墙的高度。霍布豪斯,Illust. of Childe Harold, p. 302.—M
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Praxiteles excelled in Fauns, and that of Athens was his own masterpiece. Rome now contains about thirty of the same character. When the ditch of St. Angelo was cleansed under Urban VIII., the workmen found the sleeping Faun of the Barberini palace; but a leg, a thigh, and the right arm, had been broken from that beautiful statue, (Winkelman, Hist. de l’Art, tom. ii. p. 52, 53, tom iii. p. 265.)
普拉克西特利斯尤擅雕塑法翁(林神),雅典的那尊法翁便是他自己的杰作。如今罗马约存有三十尊同一类型的法翁像。乌尔班八世在位时清理圣安杰洛的壕沟,工人们发现了后来收藏于巴贝里尼宫的那尊《沉睡的法翁》;只是这尊美丽的雕像已断了一条小腿、一条大腿和右臂 (Winkelman, Hist. de l’Art, tom. ii. p. 52, 53, tom. iii. p. 265)。
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Procopius has given the best description of the temple of Janus a national deity of Latium, (Heyne, Excurs. v. ad l. vii. Aeneid.) It was once a gate in the primitive city of Romulus and Numa, (Nardini, p. 13, 256, 329.) Virgil has described the ancient rite like a poet and an antiquarian.
雅努斯乃拉丁姆的一位民族神祇,对其神庙描述最佳者当推普罗柯比 (Heyne, Excurs. v. ad l. vii. Aeneid)。这座神庙在罗慕路斯与努马草创的古城里,本是一道城门 (Nardini, p. 13, 256, 329)。维吉尔既以诗人、又以古物学家的笔法,描摹过那古老的仪典。
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Vivarium was an angle in the new wall enclosed for wild beasts, (Procopius, Goth. l. i. c. 23.) The spot is still visible in Nardini (l iv. c. 2, p. 159, 160,) and Nolli’s great plan of Rome.
维瓦里乌姆是新城墙内圈出的一处墙角,用以圈养野兽 (Procopius, Goth. l. i. c. 23)。此地在纳尔迪尼书中 (l. iv. c. 2, p. 159, 160) 及诺利的大幅罗马城图上,如今仍可指认。
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For the Roman trumpet, and its various notes, consult Lipsius de Militia Romana, (Opp. tom. iii. l. iv. Dialog. x. p. 125-129.) A mode of distinguishing the charge by the horse-trumpet of solid brass, and the retreat by the foot-trumpet of leather and light wood, was recommended by Procopius, and adopted by Belisarius.
关于罗马的号角及其种种不同的号音,可参利普修斯《论罗马军制》(Opp. tom. iii. l. iv. Dialog. x. p. 125-129)。用纯铜制的骑兵号来传“冲锋”、用皮革与轻木制的步兵号来传“撤退”——这套区分之法乃普罗柯比所倡,而为贝利撒留所采用。