Chapter XXXII: Emperors Arcadius, Eutropius, Theodosius II.—Part III. 第三十二章 阿卡狄乌斯、欧特罗皮乌斯与狄奥多西二世——第三节
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Yet a reasonable doubt may be entertained, whether any stain of hereditary guilt could be derived from Arcadius to his successor. Eudoxia was a young and beautiful woman, who indulged her passions, and despised her husband; Count John enjoyed, at least, the familiar confidence of the empress; and the public named him as the real father of Theodosius the younger. 59 The birth of a son was accepted, however, by the pious husband, as an event the most fortunate and honorable to himself, to his family, and to the Eastern world: and the royal infant, by an unprecedented favor, was invested with the titles of Caesar and Augustus. In less than four years afterwards, Eudoxia, in the bloom of youth, was destroyed by the consequences of a miscarriage; and this untimely death confounded the prophecy of a holy bishop, 60 who, amidst the universal joy, had ventured to foretell, that she should behold the long and auspicious reign of her glorious son. The Catholics applauded the justice of Heaven, which avenged the persecution of St. Chrysostom; and perhaps the emperor was the only person who sincerely bewailed the loss of the haughty and rapacious Eudoxia. Such a domestic misfortune afflicted him more deeply than the public calamities of the East; 61 the licentious excursions, from Pontus to Palestine, of the Isaurian robbers, whose impunity accused the weakness of the government; and the earthquakes, the conflagrations, the famine, and the flights of locusts, 62 which the popular discontent was equally disposed to attribute to the incapacity of the monarch. At length, in the thirty-first year of his age, after a reign (if we may abuse that word) of thirteen years, three months, and fifteen days, Arcadius expired in the palace of Constantinople. It is impossible to delineate his character; since, in a period very copiously furnished with historical materials, it has not been possible to remark one action that properly belongs to the son of the great Theodosius.
然而,若说阿卡狄乌斯会把某种世袭的污点传给继位者,倒也不无可疑之处。欧多克西娅年轻貌美,纵情恣欲,又看不起自己的丈夫;约翰伯爵至少深得皇后亲信;坊间更传言,他才是小狄奥多西的生父。59 不过,在这位虔诚的丈夫看来,儿子的降生乃是于己、于家、于整个东方世界都最为吉祥荣耀的大事;于是这位皇室婴儿破天荒地获封恺撒与奥古斯都之号。不到四年,正当青春妙龄的欧多克西娅便因流产之后的并发症而殒命;她的早逝也使一位圣洁主教的预言落了空——当初举国欢庆之际,他曾大胆断言,她必将亲眼看到自己那光耀的儿子长久而昌盛的治世。60 大公教徒盛赞上天公道,为圣克里索斯托所受的迫害伸了冤;而在世人当中,或许唯有皇帝一人才真心为这位骄横贪婪的欧多克西娅之死哀恸。这桩家门不幸,比东方的种种公共灾难更教他痛彻心扉:61 伊苏里亚盗匪从本都到巴勒斯坦一路肆虐劫掠,逍遥法外,正显出朝廷的孱弱;地震、大火、饥荒、蝗灾接踵而至,62 民间的不满同样一概归咎于君主的无能。终于,在他三十一岁那年,在位(倘若这个词还配用于他)十三年三个月零十五天之后,阿卡狄乌斯在君士坦丁堡的宫中咽了气。要描摹他的性格是办不到的:在这样一个史料极为丰赡的时期,竟找不出一桩真正属于伟大的狄奥多西之子的作为。
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The historian Procopius 63 has indeed illuminated the mind of the dying emperor with a ray of human prudence, or celestial wisdom. Arcadius considered, with anxious foresight, the helpless condition of his son Theodosius, who was no more than seven years of age, the dangerous factions of a minority, and the aspiring spirit of Jezdegerd, the Persian monarch. Instead of tempting the allegiance of an ambitious subject, by the participation of supreme power, he boldly appealed to the magnanimity of a king; and placed, by a solemn testament, the sceptre of the East in the hands of Jezdegerd himself. The royal guardian accepted and discharged this honorable trust with unexampled fidelity; and the infancy of Theodosius was protected by the arms and councils of Persia. Such is the singular narrative of Procopius; and his veracity is not disputed by Agathias, 64 while he presumes to dissent from his judgment, and to arraign the wisdom of a Christian emperor, who, so rashly, though so fortunately, committed his son and his dominions to the unknown faith of a stranger, a rival, and a heathen. At the distance of one hundred and fifty years, this political question might be debated in the court of Justinian; but a prudent historian will refuse to examine the propriety, till he has ascertained the truth, of the testament of Arcadius. As it stands without a parallel in the history of the world, we may justly require, that it should be attested by the positive and unanimous evidence of contemporaries. The strange novelty of the event, which excites our distrust, must have attracted their notice; and their universal silence annihilates the vain tradition of the succeeding age.
史家普罗柯比 63 倒是为这位弥留之际的皇帝,添上了一线人间的睿智,抑或天赐的明慧。阿卡狄乌斯忧心忡忡,深谋远虑:他儿子狄奥多西不过七岁,孤弱无依;主少国疑,党争凶险;而波斯君主耶兹德格尔德又雄心勃勃。他没有以分享至高权力去诱惑某个野心勃勃的臣子来效忠,反而径直诉诸一位国王的宽宏,立下庄严遗诏,把东方的权杖托付到耶兹德格尔德本人手中。这位受托的国王竟以无人可比的忠信接下并履行了这份荣耀的重托;狄奥多西的幼年,遂由波斯的兵威与谋略护持。这便是普罗柯比那段离奇的记述。阿加提亚斯并不质疑其真伪,64 却敢于不苟同他的评断,进而责难这位基督教皇帝的所谓明智——竟如此轻率(尽管侥幸)地把儿子与疆土,交托给一个异邦人、一个对手、一个异教徒那不可知的信义。事隔一百五十年,这桩政治公案尽可在查士丁尼的宫廷里争辩不休;但审慎的史家在查明阿卡狄乌斯遗诏是否确有其事之前,绝不肯先去评断它是否得当。此事在世界史上绝无先例,我们自然有理由要求:它须得有当时人明确而一致的证词为凭。此事之离奇新异,既足以引我们生疑,也必曾引起当时人的注意;而他们众口一致的沉默,恰恰把后世那空穴来风的传说化为乌有。
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The maxims of Roman jurisprudence, if they could fairly be transferred from private property to public dominion, would have adjudged to the emperor Honorius the guardianship of his nephew, till he had attained, at least, the fourteenth year of his age. But the weakness of Honorius, and the calamities of his reign, disqualified him from prosecuting this natural claim; and such was the absolute separation of the two monarchies, both in interest and affection, that Constantinople would have obeyed, with less reluctance, the orders of the Persian, than those of the Italian, court. Under a prince whose weakness is disguised by the external signs of manhood and discretion, the most worthless favorites may secretly dispute the empire of the palace; and dictate to submissive provinces the commands of a master, whom they direct and despise. But the ministers of a child, who is incapable of arming them with the sanction of the royal name, must acquire and exercise an independent authority. The great officers of the state and army, who had been appointed before the death of Arcadius, formed an aristocracy, which might have inspired them with the idea of a free republic; and the government of the Eastern empire was fortunately assumed by the praefect Anthemius, 65 who obtained, by his superior abilities, a lasting ascendant over the minds of his equals. The safety of the young emperor proved the merit and integrity of Anthemius; and his prudent firmness sustained the force and reputation of an infant reign. Uldin, with a formidable host of Barbarians, was encamped in the heart of Thrace; he proudly rejected all terms of accommodation; and, pointing to the rising sun, declared to the Roman ambassadors, that the course of that planet should alone terminate the conquest of the Huns. But the desertion of his confederates, who were privately convinced of the justice and liberality of the Imperial ministers, obliged Uldin to repass the Danube: the tribe of the Scyrri, which composed his rear-guard, was almost extirpated; and many thousand captives were dispersed to cultivate, with servile labor, the fields of Asia. 66 In the midst of the public triumph, Constantinople was protected by a strong enclosure of new and more extensive walls; the same vigilant care was applied to restore the fortifications of the Illyrian cities; and a plan was judiciously conceived, which, in the space of seven years, would have secured the command of the Danube, by establishing on that river a perpetual fleet of two hundred and fifty armed vessels. 67
罗马法理若真能从私产之权推及公器之柄,那么依其准则,霍诺留皇帝理当获得对其侄儿的监护之权,至少要监护到侄儿满十四岁为止。可霍诺留生性懦弱,其治下又灾祸连连,使他无从主张这本属天经地义的权利;何况东西两个帝国无论利害还是情谊都已彻底分道扬镳,以至于君士坦丁堡宁可听命于波斯宫廷,也不大情愿听从意大利宫廷的号令。倘若一位君主的懦弱有成年与老成的外表为之遮掩,那么再卑劣不堪的宠臣,也能暗中争夺宫廷的主宰之权,假借一位他们操纵而又暗自鄙夷的主子之名,向俯首帖耳的各行省发号施令。然而,辅佐一个孩童的大臣们,既无法借幼主的名义为自己的权柄张目,就只得自行取得并行使一种独立的权威。在阿卡狄乌斯去世之前受命的那些国家与军队要员,俨然结成一个贵族集团,本大可由此萌生自由共和之念;所幸东部帝国的政务落到了禁卫军长官安特米乌斯手中,65 他凭借过人的才干,对同僚的心志始终保持着牢固的影响。幼帝安然无恙,正可见安特米乌斯的贤能与忠贞;他审慎而坚定,撑住了这一稚弱朝廷的实力与声望。乌尔丁率领一支可畏的蛮族大军,扎营于色雷斯腹地;他傲然拒绝一切议和条件,指着东升的太阳向罗马使者宣称:唯有那颗行星所行之途,才能为匈人的征服划定疆界。然而,他的盟友们私下里已确信帝国大臣们公道而慷慨,纷纷弃他而去,逼得乌尔丁不得不重渡多瑙河;充作其后卫的斯基里部族几乎被赶尽杀绝,数以千计的俘虏则被驱散各地,充作奴工,去耕种亚细亚的田地。66 就在举国欢庆之际,君士坦丁堡又新筑起一道更为宏阔坚固的城墙加以护卫;同样的警觉与用心,也用于修复伊利里亚诸城的防御工事;此外还周密拟定了一项方略:拟以七年之功,在多瑙河上常备一支两百五十艘战船的舰队,从而牢牢掌控这条大河。67
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But the Romans had so long been accustomed to the authority of a monarch, that the first, even among the females, of the Imperial family, who displayed any courage or capacity, was permitted to ascend the vacant throne of Theodosius. His sister Pulcheria, 68 who was only two years older than himself, received, at the age of sixteen, the title of Augusta; and though her favor might be sometimes clouded by caprice or intrigue, she continued to govern the Eastern empire near forty years; during the long minority of her brother, and after his death, in her own name, and in the name of Marcian, her nominal husband. From a motive either of prudence or religion, she embraced a life of celibacy; and notwithstanding some aspersions on the chastity of Pulcheria, 69 this resolution, which she communicated to her sisters Arcadia and Marina, was celebrated by the Christian world, as the sublime effort of heroic piety. In the presence of the clergy and people, the three daughters of Arcadius 70 dedicated their virginity to God; and the obligation of their solemn vow was inscribed on a tablet of gold and gems; which they publicly offered in the great church of Constantinople. Their palace was converted into a monastery; and all males, except the guides of their conscience, the saints who had forgotten the distinction of sexes, were scrupulously excluded from the holy threshold. Pulcheria, her two sisters, and a chosen train of favorite damsels, formed a religious community: they denounced the vanity of dress; interrupted, by frequent fasts, their simple and frugal diet; allotted a portion of their time to works of embroidery; and devoted several hours of the day and night to the exercises of prayer and psalmody. The piety of a Christian virgin was adorned by the zeal and liberality of an empress. Ecclesiastical history describes the splendid churches, which were built at the expense of Pulcheria, in all the provinces of the East; her charitable foundations for the benefit of strangers and the poor; the ample donations which she assigned for the perpetual maintenance of monastic societies; and the active severity with which she labored to suppress the opposite heresies of Nestorius and Eutyches. Such virtues were supposed to deserve the peculiar favor of the Deity: and the relics of martyrs, as well as the knowledge of future events, were communicated in visions and revelations to the Imperial saint. 71 Yet the devotion of Pulcheria never diverted her indefatigable attention from temporal affairs; and she alone, among all the descendants of the great Theodosius, appears to have inherited any share of his manly spirit and abilities. The elegant and familiar use which she had acquired, both of the Greek and Latin languages, was readily applied to the various occasions of speaking or writing, on public business: her deliberations were maturely weighed; her actions were prompt and decisive; and, while she moved, without noise or ostentation, the wheel of government, she discreetly attributed to the genius of the emperor the long tranquillity of his reign. In the last years of his peaceful life, Europe was indeed afflicted by the arms of war; but the more extensive provinces of Asia still continued to enjoy a profound and permanent repose. Theodosius the younger was never reduced to the disgraceful necessity of encountering and punishing a rebellious subject: and since we cannot applaud the vigor, some praise may be due to the mildness and prosperity, of the administration of Pulcheria.
然而罗马人早已习惯于一位君主的权威,因此皇室中头一个显露出些许勇气与才干的人,即便是女子,也获准登上狄奥多西空悬的宝座。他的姐姐普尔喀丽亚 68 只比他年长两岁,十六岁便受封奥古斯塔之号;虽然她的恩宠有时也会因反复无常或宫廷阴谋而蒙上阴影,她却接连治理东部帝国近四十年之久——先是在弟弟漫长的幼冲之年摄政,弟弟死后又以自己的名义、并以其名义上的丈夫马尔西安的名义继续当国。出于审慎或虔信的动机,她选择了独身守贞的生活;尽管有人对普尔喀丽亚的贞洁有所诋毁,69 她仍把这一决意告知两个妹妹阿卡迪亚和玛丽娜,此举更被整个基督教世界颂扬为英勇虔诚的崇高之举。当着教士与民众之面,阿卡狄乌斯的三个女儿 70 把自己的贞操献给了上帝;她们庄严誓愿的约定,镌刻在一方缀满珠宝的金匾上,公开供奉于君士坦丁堡的大教堂中。她们的宫殿也改成了修道院;除了指引她们良心的神师——那些早已忘却男女之别的圣者——一切男子都被一丝不苟地拒于这圣洁的门槛之外。普尔喀丽亚、两个妹妹,以及一队精选的亲信侍女,结成了一个宗教团体:她们摒弃衣饰的浮华,以频繁的斋戒来间断本已简朴清淡的饮食,拨出一部分光阴做刺绣女红,又把每日昼夜的若干时辰用于祈祷与唱诗。一位基督徒贞女的虔诚,更因一位皇后的热忱与慷慨而增色。教会史记载了普尔喀丽亚出资在东方各行省兴建的宏丽教堂,她为惠及异乡人与穷苦人所设的慈善机构,她为长久供养各修道团体而拨付的丰厚捐赠,以及她何等雷厉风行地致力于扑灭聂斯脱利与欧迪奇这两派针锋相对的异端。如此德行,被认为足以博得上帝格外的垂青:殉道者的圣骨所在,以及未来之事的先兆,都借异象与启示传示给了这位皇室圣女。71 然而普尔喀丽亚的虔敬从未使她孜孜不倦的心思偏离世俗政务;在伟大的狄奥多西的一切后裔中,也唯有她一人,似乎多少继承了他那份男儿的气魄与才干。她对希腊语和拉丁语都掌握得娴熟优雅,办理公务时,无论口头陈说还是书面撰拟,都能挥洒自如;她的决策深思熟虑,行事却果断利落;而当她不动声色、毫不张扬地转动着这架治国的机器时,又得体地把治世长久的安宁归功于皇帝的英明。在他平静一生的最后几年里,欧洲固然饱受兵燹之苦,但幅员更广的亚细亚各行省依旧安享着深沉而持久的太平。小狄奥多西从不曾沦落到非得亲自迎击、惩处一个叛臣那般不体面的境地;既然我们无从称许其治绩之刚健有为,那么普尔喀丽亚当政之宽和与富庶,或许还值得几分赞誉。
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The Roman world was deeply interested in the education of its master. A regular course of study and exercise was judiciously instituted; of the military exercises of riding, and shooting with the bow; of the liberal studies of grammar, rhetoric, and philosophy: the most skilful masters of the East ambitiously solicited the attention of their royal pupil; and several noble youths were introduced into the palace, to animate his diligence by the emulation of friendship. Pulcheria alone discharged the important task of instructing her brother in the arts of government; but her precepts may countenance some suspicions of the extent of her capacity, or of the purity of her intentions. She taught him to maintain a grave and majestic deportment; to walk, to hold his robes, to seat himself on his throne, in a manner worthy of a great prince; to abstain from laughter; to listen with condescension; to return suitable answers; to assume, by turns, a serious or a placid countenance: in a word, to represent with grace and dignity the external figure of a Roman emperor. But Theodosius 72 was never excited to support the weight and glory of an illustrious name: and, instead of aspiring to support his ancestors, he degenerated (if we may presume to measure the degrees of incapacity) below the weakness of his father and his uncle. Arcadius and Honorius had been assisted by the guardian care of a parent, whose lessons were enforced by his authority and example. But the unfortunate prince, who is born in the purple, must remain a stranger to the voice of truth; and the son of Arcadius was condemned to pass his perpetual infancy encompassed only by a servile train of women and eunuchs. The ample leisure which he acquired by neglecting the essential duties of his high office, was filled by idle amusements and unprofitable studies. Hunting was the only active pursuit that could tempt him beyond the limits of the palace; but he most assiduously labored, sometimes by the light of a midnight lamp, in the mechanic occupations of painting and carving; and the elegance with which he transcribed religious books entitled the Roman emperor to the singular epithet of Calligraphes, or a fair writer. Separated from the world by an impenetrable veil, Theodosius trusted the persons whom he loved; he loved those who were accustomed to amuse and flatter his indolence; and as he never perused the papers that were presented for the royal signature, the acts of injustice the most repugnant to his character were frequently perpetrated in his name. The emperor himself was chaste, temperate, liberal, and merciful; but these qualities, which can only deserve the name of virtues when they are supported by courage and regulated by discretion, were seldom beneficial, and they sometimes proved mischievous, to mankind. His mind, enervated by a royal education, was oppressed and degraded by abject superstition: he fasted, he sung psalms, he blindly accepted the miracles and doctrines with which his faith was continually nourished. Theodosius devoutly worshipped the dead and living saints of the Catholic church; and he once refused to eat, till an insolent monk, who had cast an excommunication on his sovereign, condescended to heal the spiritual wound which he had inflicted. 73
罗马世界对其主上的教育极为关切。有人周到地为他拟定了一套按部就班的修习与操练课程:军事方面有骑术与箭术,博雅之学则有文法、修辞与哲学;东方最负盛名的师傅无不争相求得这位皇室学生的青睐;宫中还引入了几名贵族少年,好让友伴间的争胜之心激励他勤勉向学。唯有普尔喀丽亚一人担起了向弟弟传授治国之术这桩要务;然而她所授的种种规诫,却难免叫人对她才具的大小、抑或用心的纯正生出几分疑窦。她教他举止庄重威严,教他行走、执袍、就座于宝座之上都要合乎一位伟大君主的身份;教他不苟言笑,教他俯就地垂听,教他给出得体的答语,教他时而作严肃之色、时而作平和之容——一言以蔽之,就是把一个罗马皇帝的外在仪表演得优雅而尊贵。然而狄奥多西 72 却从未生出雄心,去撑起这煊赫之名的分量与荣光;他非但无意光大先人的基业,反而每况愈下(倘若我们竟敢去量度无能的等次),连他父亲与叔父的懦弱都还不如。阿卡狄乌斯与霍诺留当年好歹有父亲监护教诲,其训导又有其权威与身教为之撑腰。可是这生于紫袍之家的不幸君主,注定与真话的声音无缘;阿卡狄乌斯之子命中注定要在一群卑顺的女人与宦官的簇拥中,度过他那永无止境的幼稚岁月。他因怠忽本职要务而得来的大把闲暇,尽被无谓的消遣与无益的杂学填满。狩猎是唯一能诱他走出宫墙的活跃之事;然而他最勤勉不辍的,却是绘画与雕刻这类匠人的活计,有时竟劳作到午夜灯下;他誊抄宗教典籍笔致之隽秀,甚至为这位罗马皇帝博得了“书法家”(Calligraphes,意即善书者)这一奇特的称号。一道密不透风的帷幕将狄奥多西与世隔绝,他信任自己所爱之人,而他所爱的,又都是些惯于逗他开心、迎合他惰性的人;由于他从不细看呈请御笔签署的文书,许多与他本性最相悖的不义之举,便屡屡假他之名而行。皇帝本人贞洁、节制、慷慨而仁慈;然而这些品质,唯有以勇气为后盾、以审慎加节制,才配称为德行,否则于世人少有裨益,有时甚至酿成祸害。他的心智被帝王教育消磨得孱弱不堪,又被卑下的迷信压得萎靡沉沦:他斋戒,他唱诗,他盲目接受那不断滋养其信仰的种种神迹与教义。狄奥多西虔诚地崇拜大公教会一切已故与在世的圣徒;有一回他竟绝食不进,直到那个曾对其君主处以绝罚的狂妄僧侣,屈尊消解了他亲手造成的这道心灵创伤为止。73
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The story of a fair and virtuous maiden, exalted from a private condition to the Imperial throne, might be deemed an incredible romance, if such a romance had not been verified in the marriage of Theodosius. The celebrated Athenais 74 was educated by her father Leontius in the religion and sciences of the Greeks; and so advantageous was the opinion which the Athenian philosopher entertained of his contemporaries, that he divided his patrimony between his two sons, bequeathing to his daughter a small legacy of one hundred pieces of gold, in the lively confidence that her beauty and merit would be a sufficient portion. The jealousy and avarice of her brothers soon compelled Athenais to seek a refuge at Constantinople; and, with some hopes, either of justice or favor, to throw herself at the feet of Pulcheria. That sagacious princess listened to her eloquent complaint; and secretly destined the daughter of the philosopher Leontius for the future wife of the emperor of the East, who had now attained the twentieth year of his age. She easily excited the curiosity of her brother, by an interesting picture of the charms of Athenais; large eyes, a well-proportioned nose, a fair complexion, golden locks, a slender person, a graceful demeanor, an understanding improved by study, and a virtue tried by distress. Theodosius, concealed behind a curtain in the apartment of his sister, was permitted to behold the Athenian virgin: the modest youth immediately declared his pure and honorable love; and the royal nuptials were celebrated amidst the acclamations of the capital and the provinces. Athenais, who was easily persuaded to renounce the errors of Paganism, received at her baptism the Christian name of Eudocia; but the cautious Pulcheria withheld the title of Augusta, till the wife of Theodosius had approved her fruitfulness by the birth of a daughter, who espoused, fifteen years afterwards, the emperor of the West. The brothers of Eudocia obeyed, with some anxiety, her Imperial summons; but as she could easily forgive their unfortunate unkindness, she indulged the tenderness, or perhaps the vanity, of a sister, by promoting them to the rank of consuls and praefects. In the luxury of the palace, she still cultivated those ingenuous arts which had contributed to her greatness; and wisely dedicated her talents to the honor of religion, and of her husband. Eudocia composed a poetical paraphrase of the first eight books of the Old Testament, and of the prophecies of Daniel and Zechariah; a cento of the verses of Homer, applied to the life and miracles of Christ, the legend of St. Cyprian, and a panegyric on the Persian victories of Theodosius; and her writings, which were applauded by a servile and superstitious age, have not been disdained by the candor of impartial criticism. 75 The fondness of the emperor was not abated by time and possession; and Eudocia, after the marriage of her daughter, was permitted to discharge her grateful vows by a solemn pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Her ostentatious progress through the East may seem inconsistent with the spirit of Christian humility; she pronounced, from a throne of gold and gems, an eloquent oration to the senate of Antioch, declared her royal intention of enlarging the walls of the city, bestowed a donative of two hundred pounds of gold to restore the public baths, and accepted the statues, which were decreed by the gratitude of Antioch. In the Holy Land, her alms and pious foundations exceeded the munificence of the great Helena, and though the public treasure might be impoverished by this excessive liberality, she enjoyed the conscious satisfaction of returning to Constantinople with the chains of St. Peter, the right arm of St. Stephen, and an undoubted picture of the Virgin, painted by St. Luke. 76 But this pilgrimage was the fatal term of the glories of Eudocia. Satiated with empty pomp, and unmindful, perhaps, of her obligations to Pulcheria, she ambitiously aspired to the government of the Eastern empire; the palace was distracted by female discord; but the victory was at last decided, by the superior ascendant of the sister of Theodosius. The execution of Paulinus, master of the offices, and the disgrace of Cyrus, Prætorian praefect of the East, convinced the public that the favor of Eudocia was insufficient to protect her most faithful friends; and the uncommon beauty of Paulinus encouraged the secret rumor, that his guilt was that of a successful lover. 77 As soon as the empress perceived that the affection of Theodosius was irretrievably lost, she requested the permission of retiring to the distant solitude of Jerusalem. She obtained her request; but the jealousy of Theodosius, or the vindictive spirit of Pulcheria, pursued her in her last retreat; and Saturninus, count of the domestics, was directed to punish with death two ecclesiastics, her most favored servants. Eudocia instantly revenged them by the assassination of the count; the furious passions which she indulged on this suspicious occasion, seemed to justify the severity of Theodosius; and the empress, ignominiously stripped of the honors of her rank, 78 was disgraced, perhaps unjustly, in the eyes of the world. The remainder of the life of Eudocia, about sixteen years, was spent in exile and devotion; and the approach of age, the death of Theodosius, the misfortunes of her only daughter, who was led a captive from Rome to Carthage, and the society of the Holy Monks of Palestine, insensibly confirmed the religious temper of her mind. After a full experience of the vicissitudes of human life, the daughter of the philosopher Leontius expired, at Jerusalem, in the sixty-seventh year of her age; protesting, with her dying breath, that she had never transgressed the bounds of innocence and friendship. 79
一位美貌贞淑的少女,从平民之身高登帝座——这样的故事本会被当作荒诞不经的传奇,若非狄奥多西的婚姻恰恰将这传奇坐实了的话。名闻遐迩的阿特纳伊斯 74 由父亲莱昂提乌斯以希腊人的宗教与学术教养成人;这位雅典哲人对自己身边的人期许甚高,竟把家产分给两个儿子,只留给女儿区区一百枚金币的薄产,还满心笃定她的美貌与才德便是足够的嫁妆。兄长的嫉妒与贪婪很快逼得阿特纳伊斯不得不逃往君士坦丁堡避难,怀着讨个公道或求得庇护的一线希望,投身于普尔喀丽亚脚下。这位睿智的公主听罢她那番动人的申诉,便暗自打定主意,要把哲人莱昂提乌斯之女许配给这时已年满二十的东方皇帝为妻。她把阿特纳伊斯的种种妩媚描画得引人入胜——一双大眼、鼻梁匀称、肤色白皙、金发披垂、身姿窈窕、举止优雅、学识因勤修而益进、贞德又经忧患而弥坚——轻而易举便勾起了弟弟的好奇。狄奥多西藏在姐姐居室的帷幕后,得以窥见这位雅典贞女;这位腼腆的青年当即表白了自己纯洁而正当的爱慕,皇室婚礼遂在京城与各行省的欢呼声中举行。阿特纳伊斯没费多少劝说便弃绝了异教的谬误,受洗时领受了“欧多西娅”这个基督徒教名;不过审慎的普尔喀丽亚迟迟不肯授她奥古斯塔之号,直到狄奥多西的这位妻子诞下一女、证明了自己能够生育为止——十五年后,这个女儿嫁给了西部皇帝。欧多西娅的兄长们忐忑不安地应召入宫;而她既能轻易宽宥他们当年不该有的刻薄,便索性由着一片姐妹之情、或许还有几分虚荣,把他们擢升到执政官与长官之位。身处宫廷的奢华之中,她仍不辍研习那些曾成就其显达的高雅技艺,并明智地把自己的才华献给宗教与丈夫的荣耀。欧多西娅曾用诗体演绎《旧约》前八卷以及但以理与撒迦利亚的预言,又集荷马的诗句缀成一篇集句诗,用以敷陈基督的生平与神迹,还写有圣西普里安的传说、以及一篇颂扬狄奥多西对波斯战功的颂词;她的这些作品,在那个谄媚而迷信的时代大受赞誉,即便以持平公允的批评眼光衡量,也未遭鄙薄。75 皇帝对她的宠爱并未因时日与厮守而稍减;女儿出嫁之后,欧多西娅获准以一次庄严的耶路撒冷朝圣来了却她感恩的宿愿。她一路招摇地行经东方,似与基督教谦卑的精神颇不相称:她端坐于缀满珠宝的金座之上,向安条克的元老院发表了一篇雄辩的演说,宣布她要扩建该城城墙的皇家意旨,捐赠两百磅黄金以修复公共浴场,并欣然受纳安条克出于感激而为她树立的雕像。在圣地,她施舍的财物与虔建的机构之丰,更胜过伟大的海伦娜的慷慨;纵然国库或许因这过度的挥霍而告罄,她却自觉心满意足,携着圣彼得的锁链、圣司提反的右臂,以及一幅由圣路加亲手所绘、确凿无疑的童贞女圣像,返回君士坦丁堡。76 然而这次朝圣,却成了欧多西娅荣光的不祥终点。她饱尝了虚浮的排场,或许又忘了自己欠普尔喀丽亚的恩情,竟野心勃勃地觊觎起东部帝国的执政大权;宫廷因这两个女人的失和而不得安宁,但最终还是狄奥多西的姐姐凭其更胜一筹的威望决出了胜负。诸司大臣保利努斯被处死,东部禁卫军长官居鲁士遭黜落,这使世人看清:欧多西娅的恩宠已不足以庇护她最忠实的友人;而保利努斯出众的美貌,更助长了一则暗中流传的谣言,说他的罪不过是做了个得手的情人。77 皇后一旦察觉自己已无可挽回地失去了狄奥多西的情意,便请求恩准她退隐到耶路撒冷那遥远的清寂之地。她的请求获准了;然而狄奥多西的猜忌,抑或普尔喀丽亚的报复之心,仍一路追到她这最后的隐居之所:侍卫伯萨图尔尼努斯奉命将她两名最宠信的教士侍从处以死刑。欧多西娅当即命人刺杀那位伯爵,为二人复仇;她在这桩本就可疑的事上恣意发泄的狂怒,似乎正好为狄奥多西的严酷开脱;于是这位皇后被不体面地褫夺了品级荣衔,78 在世人眼中蒙受了羞辱——尽管这羞辱或许并不公道。欧多西娅余下的约十六年岁月,都在流放与虔修中度过;年岁渐高、狄奥多西之死、她唯一的女儿被从罗马掳往迦太基的厄运,再加上巴勒斯坦圣洁僧侣的相伴,都不知不觉地坚定了她心中的宗教情怀。这位哲人莱昂提乌斯之女,遍尝了人世的沧桑变迁之后,在耶路撒冷溘然长逝,享年六十七岁;临终之际,她仍申辩自己从未逾越清白与友谊的界限。79
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The gentle mind of Theodosius was never inflamed by the ambition of conquest, or military renown; and the slight alarm of a Persian war scarcely interrupted the tranquillity of the East. The motives of this war were just and honorable. In the last year of the reign of Jezdegerd, the supposed guardian of Theodosius, a bishop, who aspired to the crown of martyrdom, destroyed one of the fire-temples of Susa. 80 His zeal and obstinacy were revenged on his brethren: the Magi excited a cruel persecution; and the intolerant zeal of Jezdegerd was imitated by his son Varanes, or Bahram, who soon afterwards ascended the throne. Some Christian fugitives, who escaped to the Roman frontier, were sternly demanded, and generously refused; and the refusal, aggravated by commercial disputes, soon kindled a war between the rival monarchies. The mountains of Armenia, and the plains of Mesopotamia, were filled with hostile armies; but the operations of two successive campaigns were not productive of any decisive or memorable events. Some engagements were fought, some towns were besieged, with various and doubtful success: and if the Romans failed in their attempt to recover the long-lost possession of Nisibis, the Persians were repulsed from the walls of a Mesopotamian city, by the valor of a martial bishop, who pointed his thundering engine in the name of St. Thomas the Apostle. Yet the splendid victories which the incredible speed of the messenger Palladius repeatedly announced to the palace of Constantinople, were celebrated with festivals and panegyrics. From these panegyrics the historians 81 of the age might borrow their extraordinary, and, perhaps, fabulous tales; of the proud challenge of a Persian hero, who was entangled by the net, and despatched by the sword, of Areobindus the Goth; of the ten thousand Immortals, who were slain in the attack of the Roman camp; and of the hundred thousand Arabs, or Saracens, who were impelled by a panic terror to throw themselves headlong into the Euphrates. Such events may be disbelieved or disregarded; but the charity of a bishop, Acacius of Amida, whose name might have dignified the saintly calendar, shall not be lost in oblivion. Boldly declaring, that vases of gold and silver are useless to a God who neither eats nor drinks, the generous prelate sold the plate of the church of Amida; employed the price in the redemption of seven thousand Persian captives; supplied their wants with affectionate liberality; and dismissed them to their native country, to inform their king of the true spirit of the religion which he persecuted. The practice of benevolence in the midst of war must always tend to assuage the animosity of contending nations; and I wish to persuade myself, that Acacius contributed to the restoration of peace. In the conference which was held on the limits of the two empires, the Roman ambassadors degraded the personal character of their sovereign, by a vain attempt to magnify the extent of his power; when they seriously advised the Persians to prevent, by a timely accommodation, the wrath of a monarch, who was yet ignorant of this distant war. A truce of one hundred years was solemnly ratified; and although the revolutions of Armenia might threaten the public tranquillity, the essential conditions of this treaty were respected near fourscore years by the successors of Constantine and Artaxerxes.
狄奥多西生性温和,从不为征服的野心或军功的荣耀所动;即便一场波斯战争的小小惊扰,也几乎未曾搅动东方的太平。这场战争的起因倒是正当而体面的。耶兹德格尔德名义上是狄奥多西的监护人;就在他在位的最后一年,一位一心想戴上殉道桂冠的主教,捣毁了苏萨的一座拜火神庙。80 他的热忱与执拗殃及了教中弟兄:麻葛煽起了一场残酷的迫害;而不久后即位的儿子瓦拉内斯(即巴赫拉姆),又如法炮制了耶兹德格尔德那不容异己的狂热。一些逃到罗马边境的基督徒亡命者,波斯方面厉声索还,罗马方面则慷慨拒交;这一拒绝,再加上商贸纠纷推波助澜,很快就在两个敌对帝国之间点燃了战火。亚美尼亚的群山与美索不达米亚的平原上,处处布满了敌对的军队;然而接连两个战季的用兵,都未能促成任何决定性的、或值得一记的战果。双方打了几仗,围了几座城,胜负参差,未有定论:罗马人固然没能收复失落已久的尼西比斯,波斯人却也在一座美索不达米亚城池的城墙下被击退了——凭的是一位尚武主教的英勇,他以使徒圣托马斯之名,指挥着轰鸣的战械。尽管如此,信使帕拉狄乌斯以惊人的速度一再向君士坦丁堡宫廷禀报的辉煌捷报,仍受到节庆与颂词的隆重庆贺。当世的史家 81 或许正是从这些颂词里,采来了他们那些离奇乃至或属虚妄的故事:某位波斯勇士的高傲挑战,如何被哥特人阿雷奥宾杜斯以罗网缠住、以利剑了结;一万名长生军如何在进攻罗马营寨时被杀;以及十万阿拉伯人(即萨拉森人)如何在一阵惊惶失措中,争相纵身跳入幼发拉底河。此类传闻尽可存疑或不足采信;但有一位主教的仁德却不该湮没无闻,那就是阿米达的阿卡基乌斯——单凭其名,就足以为圣徒名录增光。这位慷慨的高级教士坦然宣称:金银器皿于一位既不进食也不饮水的上帝毫无用处,遂变卖了阿米达教堂的银器,用所得赎回七千名波斯俘虏,又以充满温情的慷慨供给他们所需,最后将他们遣返故国,好让他们把国王所迫害的这种宗教的真精神,禀告给国王知晓。战乱之中行此善举,总归有助于化解交战双方的仇怨;我也宁愿说服自己相信,阿卡基乌斯的确为和平的恢复出了一份力。在两国边境举行的会谈上,罗马使节本欲夸大其君主的权势,反倒有损其体面:他们一本正经地劝告波斯人趁早议和,以免招来一位对这场远方战争尚一无所知的君主的雷霆之怒。一纸为期百年的休战协定被郑重批准;此后虽有亚美尼亚的种种变乱可能危及公众的安宁,君士坦丁与阿尔达希尔的后继者们,却将这份条约的根本条款遵守了将近八十年之久。
¶
Since the Roman and Parthian standards first encountered on the banks of the Euphrates, the kingdom of Armenia 82 was alternately oppressed by its formidable protectors; and in the course of this History, several events, which inclined the balance of peace and war, have been already related. A disgraceful treaty had resigned Armenia to the ambition of Sapor; and the scale of Persia appeared to preponderate. But the royal race of Arsaces impatiently submitted to the house of Sassan; the turbulent nobles asserted, or betrayed, their hereditary independence; and the nation was still attached to the Christian princes of Constantinople. In the beginning of the fifth century, Armenia was divided by the progress of war and faction; 83 and the unnatural division precipitated the downfall of that ancient monarchy. Chosroes, the Persian vassal, reigned over the Eastern and most extensive portion of the country; while the Western province acknowledged the jurisdiction of Arsaces, and the supremacy of the emperor Arcadius. 8111 After the death of Arsaces, the Romans suppressed the regal government, and imposed on their allies the condition of subjects. The military command was delegated to the count of the Armenian frontier; the city of Theodosiopolis 84 was built and fortified in a strong situation, on a fertile and lofty ground, near the sources of the Euphrates; and the dependent territories were ruled by five satraps, whose dignity was marked by a peculiar habit of gold and purple. The less fortunate nobles, who lamented the loss of their king, and envied the honors of their equals, were provoked to negotiate their peace and pardon at the Persian court; and returning, with their followers, to the palace of Artaxata, acknowledged Chosroes 8411 for their lawful sovereign. About thirty years afterwards, Artasires, the nephew and successor of Chosroes, fell under the displeasure of the haughty and capricious nobles of Armenia; and they unanimously desired a Persian governor in the room of an unworthy king. The answer of the archbishop Isaac, whose sanction they earnestly solicited, is expressive of the character of a superstitious people. He deplored the manifest and inexcusable vices of Artasires; and declared, that he should not hesitate to accuse him before the tribunal of a Christian emperor, who would punish, without destroying, the sinner. “Our king,” continued Isaac, “is too much addicted to licentious pleasures, but he has been purified in the holy waters of baptism. He is a lover of women, but he does not adore the fire or the elements. He may deserve the reproach of lewdness, but he is an undoubted Catholic; and his faith is pure, though his manners are flagitious. I will never consent to abandon my sheep to the rage of devouring wolves; and you would soon repent your rash exchange of the infirmities of a believer, for the specious virtues of a heathen.” 85 Exasperated by the firmness of Isaac, the factious nobles accused both the king and the archbishop as the secret adherents of the emperor; and absurdly rejoiced in the sentence of condemnation, which, after a partial hearing, was solemnly pronounced by Bahram himself. The descendants of Arsaces were degraded from the royal dignity, 86 which they had possessed above five hundred and sixty years; 87 and the dominions of the unfortunate Artasires, 8711 under the new and significant appellation of Persarmenia, were reduced into the form of a province. This usurpation excited the jealousy of the Roman government; but the rising disputes were soon terminated by an amicable, though unequal, partition of the ancient kingdom of Armenia: 8712 and a territorial acquisition, which Augustus might have despised, reflected some lustre on the declining empire of the younger Theodosius.
自从罗马与帕提亚的军旗初次在幼发拉底河两岸交锋以来,亚美尼亚王国 82 便轮番受到这两个强大保护者的欺凌;在本书行文中,几桩牵动和战天平的事件业已叙及。一纸屈辱的条约把亚美尼亚拱手让给了沙普尔的野心,波斯一方的分量似乎压过了对方。然而阿尔撒息王室极不情愿地屈从于萨珊家族;桀骜不驯的贵族们时而坚守、时而背弃他们世袭的独立;举国上下则仍旧心向君士坦丁堡的基督教君主。到五世纪初,亚美尼亚因战乱与党争的蔓延而告分裂;83 这有悖常理的分裂,加速了这个古老王国的覆亡。身为波斯藩属的库思老,统治着这个国家东部最广袤的一片;西部行省则承认阿尔撒息的管辖,并奉阿卡狄乌斯皇帝为宗主。8111 阿尔撒息死后,罗马人废除了当地的王政,把臣属的地位强加于自己的盟友。军事指挥权交托给了亚美尼亚边防伯;狄奥多西波利斯城 84 择一形势险要之地兴建并加固,其地土壤肥沃、地势高峻,邻近幼发拉底河的源头;各附庸领地则交由五名总督治理,他们身着金紫相间的特异服饰,以彰其尊。那些不甚得意的贵族,既痛惜国王的失位,又艳羡同侪的荣显,一怒之下竟到波斯宫廷去乞求和解与赦免;随后带着党羽返回阿尔塔沙特的王宫,奉库思老 8411 为其合法的君主。约三十年后,库思老的侄儿兼继承人阿尔塔西雷斯,触怒了亚美尼亚那些骄横善变的贵族;他们异口同声,宁要一位波斯总督,也不愿留着这样一个不称职的国王。他们曾恳切求取大主教伊萨克的首肯,而伊萨克的答复,恰恰道出了一个迷信民族的性情。他固然痛惜阿尔塔西雷斯昭然若揭、无可宽宥的种种恶行,却声言:他会毫不犹豫地到一位基督教皇帝的法庭前去控告国王,让皇帝惩戒这个罪人,却不至于将其毁灭。“我们的国王,”伊萨克接着说,“固然过于沉溺于淫佚之乐,但他毕竟受过洗礼圣水的涤净。他好色贪花,却不崇拜火焰或诸元素。他或许当得起淫荡之讥,但他是个无可置疑的大公教徒;他品行虽然败坏,信仰却纯正无瑕。我绝不肯把我的羊群丢给择人而噬的恶狼;你们若贸然拿一个信徒的弱点,去换一个异教徒徒有其表的德行,不久便会追悔莫及。”85 那些结党的贵族被伊萨克的坚定激怒了,索性反诬国王与大主教都是皇帝暗中的党羽;随后在一场偏听偏信的审讯之后,由巴赫拉姆本人郑重宣判的定罪之词,竟教他们荒唐地额手称庆。阿尔撒息的后裔就此被褫夺了王位尊荣,86 而这尊荣他们已享有五百六十余年之久;87 不幸的阿尔塔西雷斯的领土 8711 则被冠以“波斯亚美尼亚”这一意味深长的新名号,降格为一个行省的建制。这一僭夺激起了罗马朝廷的猜忌;但方兴未艾的争端很快便以对亚美尼亚古国的一次和睦(尽管并不均等)的瓜分而告平息:8712 这一片领土,即便奥古斯都或许也不屑一顾,却为小狄奥多西日渐衰颓的帝国添了几分光彩。
Notes 注释
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Zosimus, l. v. p. 315. The chastity of an empress should not be impeached without producing a witness; but it is astonishing, that the witness should write and live under a prince whose legitimacy he dared to attack. We must suppose that his history was a party libel, privately read and circulated by the Pagans. Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 782) is not averse to brand the reputation of Eudoxia.
佐西莫斯,l. v. p. 315。指控一位皇后不贞,本不该不拿出证人;然而令人称奇的是,这位证人竟是在他所胆敢攻讦其合法性的那位君主治下写作、生活的。我们只能推想,他这部史书乃是一份党派诽谤之作,私下由异教徒传阅流布。蒂耶蒙(Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 782)也不惮于败坏欧多克西娅的声名。
60
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Porphyry of Gaza. His zeal was transported by the order which he had obtained for the destruction of eight Pagan temples of that city. See the curious details of his life, (Baronius, A.D. 401, No. 17-51,) originally written in Greek, or perhaps in Syriac, by a monk, one of his favorite deacons.
加沙的波菲利。他因求得了捣毁该城八座异教神庙的敕令而热忱大发。关于其生平的种种奇闻细节,见巴罗尼乌斯(Baronius, A.D. 401, No. 17-51);这些原是由一名僧侣、即他所宠信的一位执事,以希腊文、或许是叙利亚文写成的。
61
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Philostorg. l. xi. c. 8, and Godefroy, Dissertat. p. 457.
菲洛斯托尔吉乌斯,l. xi. c. 8;戈德弗鲁瓦,Dissertat. p. 457。
62
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Jerom (tom. vi. p. 73, 76) describes, in lively colors, the regular and destructive march of the locusts, which spread a dark cloud, between heaven and earth, over the land of Palestine. Seasonable winds scattered them, partly into the Dead Sea, and partly into the Mediterranean.
哲罗姆(tom. vi. p. 73, 76)绘声绘色地描述了蝗群那井然而具毁灭性的进军:它们在天地之间铺开一片乌云,笼罩了整个巴勒斯坦大地。所幸风向适时,把它们一部分吹入死海,一部分吹进地中海。
63
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Procopius, de Bell. Persic. l. i. c. 2, p. 8, edit. Louvre.
普罗柯比,de Bell. Persic. l. i. c. 2, p. 8, edit. Louvre。
64
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Agathias, l. iv. p. 136, 137. Although he confesses the prevalence of the tradition, he asserts, that Procopius was the first who had committed it to writing. Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. vi. p. 597) argues very sensibly on the merits of this fable. His criticism was not warped by any ecclesiastical authority: both Procopius and Agathias are half Pagans. * Note: See St Martin’s article on Jezdegerd, in the Biographie Universelle de Michand.—M.
阿加提亚斯,l. iv. p. 136, 137。他虽承认此说流传甚广,却断言普罗柯比是头一个将其形诸文字的人。蒂耶蒙(Hist. des Empereurs, tom. vi. p. 597)就这则传闻的可信与否作了极为通达的辨析。他的评断未受任何教会权威的左右:普罗柯比与阿加提亚斯都算得上半个异教徒。* 编者按:见圣马丁为 Biographie Universelle de Michand 所撰耶兹德格尔德条目。—M
65
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Socrates, l. vii. c. l. Anthemius was the grandson of Philip, one of the ministers of Constantius, and the grandfather of the emperor Anthemius. After his return from the Persian embassy, he was appointed consul and Prætorian praefect of the East, in the year 405 and held the praefecture about ten years. See his honors and praises in Godefroy, Cod. Theod. tom. vi. p. 350. Tillemont, Hist. des Emptom. vi. p. 1. &c.
苏格拉底,l. vii. c. l。安特米乌斯是君士坦提乌斯的大臣之一腓力的孙子,也是皇帝安特米乌斯的祖父。他出使波斯归来后,于公元 405 年被任命为执政官兼东部禁卫军长官,任长官之职约十年。其种种荣衔与褒扬,见戈德弗鲁瓦,Cod. Theod. tom. vi. p. 350;又见蒂耶蒙,Hist. des Emp. tom. vi. p. 1 等处。
66
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Sozomen, l. ix. c. 5. He saw some Scyrri at work near Mount Olympus, in Bithynia, and cherished the vain hope that those captives were the last of the nation.
索佐门,l. ix. c. 5。他曾在比提尼亚的奥林匹斯山附近见到几个正在做工的斯基里人,还痴心妄想地盼着这些俘虏便是该族的最后孑遗。
67
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Cod. Theod. l. vii. tit. xvi. l. xv. tit. i. leg. 49.
Cod. Theod. l. vii. tit. xvi.;l. xv. tit. i. leg. 49。
68
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Sozomen has filled three chapters with a magnificent panegyric of Pulcheria, (l. ix. c. 1, 2, 3;) and Tillemont (Mémoires Eccles. tom. xv. p. 171-184) has dedicated a separate article to the honor of St. Pulcheria, virgin and empress. * Note: The heathen Eunapius gives a frightful picture of the venality and a justice of the court of Pulcheria. Fragm. Eunap. in Mai, ii. 293, in p. 97.—M.
索佐门以整整三章篇幅(l. ix. c. 1, 2, 3)对普尔喀丽亚极尽颂扬;蒂耶蒙(Mémoires Eccles. tom. xv. p. 171-184)也专辟一篇,以彰童贞女兼皇后圣普尔喀丽亚之荣。* 编者按:异教徒欧纳皮乌斯却把普尔喀丽亚宫廷的贪贿与不公描绘得触目惊心。Fragm. Eunap. in Mai, ii. 293, in p. 97。—M
69
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Suidas, (Excerpta, p. 68, in Script. Byzant.) pretends, on the credit of the Nestorians, that Pulcheria was exasperated against their founder, because he censured her connection with the beautiful Paulinus, and her incest with her brother Theodosius.
苏达斯(Excerpta, p. 68, in Script. Byzant.)凭聂斯脱利派的传闻声称:普尔喀丽亚之所以对该派创始人恨之入骨,是因为他指斥她与美貌的保利努斯私通、又与其弟狄奥多西乱伦。
70
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See Ducange, Famil. Byzantin. p. 70. Flaccilla, the eldest daughter, either died before Arcadius, or, if she lived till the year 431, (Marcellin. Chron.,) some defect of mind or body must have excluded her from the honors of her rank.
见杜康热,Famil. Byzantin. p. 70。长女弗拉基拉要么死在阿卡狄乌斯之前,要么——倘若她活到了 431 年(Marcellin. Chron.)——便是身心有某种缺陷,才被摒于其应得的品级荣衔之外。
71
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She was admonished, by repeated dreams, of the place where the relics of the forty martyrs had been buried. The ground had successively belonged to the house and garden of a woman of Constantinople, to a monastery of Macedonian monks, and to a church of St. Thyrsus, erected by Caesarius, who was consul A.D. 397; and the memory of the relics was almost obliterated. Notwithstanding the charitable wishes of Dr. Jortin, (Remarks, tom. iv. p. 234,) it is not easy to acquit Pulcheria of some share in the pious fraud; which must have been transacted when she was more than five-and-thirty years of age.
她屡屡在梦中得到指点,晓谕四十位殉道者遗骨埋葬之所。那块地先后归属过君士坦丁堡一位妇人的宅院与花园、一座马其顿派僧侣的修道院,以及公元 397 年任执政官的凯撒里乌斯所建的圣提尔苏斯教堂;而那些圣骨的下落,早已几近湮没无闻。尽管乔廷博士心存善意(Remarks, tom. iv. p. 234),却也难以断定普尔喀丽亚在这桩虔诚的骗局中全然清白;何况此事发生时,她想必已年逾三十五岁。
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There is a remarkable difference between the two ecclesiastical historians, who in general bear so close a resemblance. Sozomen (l. ix. c. 1) ascribes to Pulcheria the government of the empire, and the education of her brother, whom he scarcely condescends to praise. Socrates, though he affectedly disclaims all hopes of favor or fame, composes an elaborate panegyric on the emperor, and cautiously suppresses the merits of his sister, (l. vii. c. 22, 42.) Philostorgius (l. xii. c. 7) expresses the influence of Pulcheria in gentle and courtly language. Suidas (Excerpt. p. 53) gives a true character of Theodosius; and I have followed the example of Tillemont (tom. vi. p. 25) in borrowing some strokes from the modern Greeks.
这两位教会史家平素何其相似,此处却大相径庭。索佐门(l. ix. c. 1)把帝国的治理与其弟的教养都归功于普尔喀丽亚,对那位皇帝本人则几乎不屑一赞。苏格拉底虽然装模作样地声称自己毫不指望恩宠或名声,却为皇帝精心撰写了一篇颂词,而对其姐姐的功绩则谨慎地讳而不提(l. vii. c. 22, 42)。菲洛斯托尔吉乌斯(l. xii. c. 7)以温婉而恭谨的措辞道出了普尔喀丽亚的影响力。苏达斯(Excerpt. p. 53)则如实勾勒了狄奥多西的性情;我也仿效蒂耶蒙(tom. vi. p. 25)的做法,从近代希腊作家那里借取了若干笔墨。
73
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Theodoret, l. v. c. 37. The bishop of Cyrrhus, one of the first men of his age for his learning and piety, applauds the obedience of Theodosius to the divine laws.
狄奥多勒,l. v. c. 37。这位库鲁斯主教是当世学问与虔诚俱属一流的人物,他称许狄奥多西对神圣律法的恭顺。
74
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Socrates (l. vii. c. 21) mentions her name, (Athenais, the daughter of Leontius, an Athenian sophist,) her baptism, marriage, and poetical genius. The most ancient account of her history is in John Malala (part ii. p. 20, 21, edit. Venet. 1743) and in the Paschal Chronicle, (p. 311, 312.) Those authors had probably seen original pictures of the empress Eudocia. The modern Greeks, Zonaras, Cedrenus, &c., have displayed the love, rather than the talent of fiction. From Nicephorus, indeed, I have ventured to assume her age. The writer of a romance would not have imagined, that Athenais was near twenty eight years old when she inflamed the heart of a young emperor.
苏格拉底(l. vii. c. 21)提到了她的名字(阿特纳伊斯,雅典辩士莱昂提乌斯之女),以及她的受洗、婚姻与诗才。关于她生平最古老的记述,见约翰·马拉拉斯(part ii. p. 20, 21, edit. Venet. 1743)和《复活节编年史》(p. 311, 312)。这些作者多半见过皇后欧多西娅的原始画像。近代的希腊作家如佐纳拉斯、塞德雷努斯等,则只显出对虚构的偏爱,而非编造的才情。至于她的年岁,我倒是斗胆依据尼基弗鲁斯作了推断。传奇小说的作者绝不会想到:阿特纳伊斯撩动这位年轻皇帝的心弦时,已年近二十八岁。
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Socrates, l. vii. c. 21, Photius, p. 413-420. The Homeric cento is still extant, and has been repeatedly printed: but the claim of Eudocia to that insipid performance is disputed by the critics. See Fabricius, Biblioth. Graec. tom. i. p. 357. The Ionia, a miscellaneous dictionary of history and fable, was compiled by another empress of the name of Eudocia, who lived in the eleventh century: and the work is still extant in manuscript.
苏格拉底,l. vii. c. 21;佛提乌,p. 413-420。那部荷马集句诗至今尚存,且屡经刊印;但欧多西娅对这篇平淡无奇之作的著作权,却为批评家所争议。见法布里丘斯,Biblioth. Graec. tom. i. p. 357。另有一部名为《爱奥尼亚》的史事与传说杂纂辞书,则出自另一位同名欧多西娅的皇后之手,她生活在十一世纪;该书尚有手稿存世。
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Baronius (Annal. Eccles. A.D. 438, 439) is copious and florid, but he is accused of placing the lies of different ages on the same level of authenticity.
巴罗尼乌斯(Annal. Eccles. A.D. 438, 439)叙述繁富、辞采华丽,但有人指摘他把不同时代的谎言一律等量齐观、视为信史。
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In this short view of the disgrace of Eudocia, I have imitated the caution of Evagrius (l. i. c. 21) and Count Marcellinus, (in Chron A.D. 440 and 444.) The two authentic dates assigned by the latter, overturn a great part of the Greek fictions; and the celebrated story of the apple, &c., is fit only for the Arabian Nights, where something not very unlike it may be found.
在这段对欧多西娅失宠一事的简述中,我仿效了埃瓦格里乌斯(l. i. c. 21)与马尔切利努斯伯爵(in Chron. A.D. 440 and 444)的审慎。后者所定的两个确凿年代,推翻了希腊人虚构的大半;而那则著名的苹果故事等等,只配放进《一千零一夜》——在那里倒真能找到与之相去无几的情节。
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Priscus, (in Excerpt. Legat. p. 69,) a contemporary, and a courtier, dryly mentions her Pagan and Christian names, without adding any title of honor or respect.
普里斯库斯(in Excerpt. Legat. p. 69)身为当时人、又是朝臣,只干巴巴地提了提她异教与基督教的两个名字,未加任何尊崇的头衔。
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For the two pilgrimages of Eudocia, and her long residence at Jerusalem, her devotion, alms, &c., see Socrates (l. vii. c. 47) and Evagrius, (l. i. c. 21, 22.) The Paschal Chronicle may sometimes deserve regard; and in the domestic history of Antioch, John Malala becomes a writer of good authority. The Abbe Guenee, in a memoir on the fertility of Palestine, of which I have only seen an extract, calculates the gifts of Eudocia at 20,488 pounds of gold, above 800,000 pounds sterling.
关于欧多西娅的两次朝圣、她在耶路撒冷的长久居留、她的虔修与施舍等等,见苏格拉底(l. vii. c. 47)与埃瓦格里乌斯(l. i. c. 21, 22)。《复活节编年史》有时也值得一顾;而在安条克本地的历史上,约翰·马拉拉斯则成了颇为可靠的作者。格内神父在一篇论巴勒斯坦物产丰饶的札记中(我只见过其节录),把欧多西娅的捐赠估算为两万零四百八十八磅黄金,合八十余万英镑。
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Theodoret, l. v. c. 39 Tillemont. Mem. Eccles tom. xii. 356-364. Assemanni, Bibliot. Oriental. tom. iii. p. 396, tom. iv. p. 61. Theodoret blames the rashness of Abdas, but extols the constancy of his martyrdom. Yet I do not clearly understand the casuistry which prohibits our repairing the damage which we have unlawfully committed.
狄奥多勒,l. v. c. 39;蒂耶蒙,Mem. Eccles. tom. xii. 356-364;阿塞马尼,Bibliot. Oriental. tom. iii. p. 396, tom. iv. p. 61。狄奥多勒既责怪阿布达斯的鲁莽,又盛赞其殉道的坚贞。不过,那套禁止我们去修复自己非法造成之损害的诡辩之辞,我实在不甚明了。
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Socrates (l. vii. c. 18, 19, 20, 21) is the best author for the Persian war. We may likewise consult the three Chronicles, the Paschal and those of Marcellinus and Malala.
论波斯战争,苏格拉底(l. vii. c. 18, 19, 20, 21)是最佳的作者。我们同样可以参看三部编年史,即《复活节编年史》以及马尔切利努斯与马拉拉斯的两部编年史。
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This account of the ruin and division of the kingdom of Armenia is taken from the third book of the Armenian history of Moses of Chorene. Deficient as he is in every qualification of a good historian, his local information, his passions, and his prejudices are strongly expressive of a native and contemporary. Procopius (de Edificiis, l. iii. c. 1, 5) relates the same facts in a very different manner; but I have extracted the circumstances the most probable in themselves, and the least inconsistent with Moses of Chorene.
这段关于亚美尼亚王国覆亡与分裂的记述,取自科列纳齐的摩西所著《亚美尼亚史》第三卷。此人虽全然不具备一个好史家应有的种种素养,然而他所掌握的当地情形、他的爱憎与他的偏见,都强烈地透出一个本地人兼当时人的气息。普罗柯比(de Edificiis, l. iii. c. 1, 5)叙述同样的史实,笔法却大不相同;不过我只撷取了那些本身最为可信、又与科列纳齐的摩西所述最少抵牾的情节。
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The western Armenians used the Greek language and characters in their religious offices; but the use of that hostile tongue was prohibited by the Persians in the Eastern provinces, which were obliged to use the Syriac, till the invention of the Armenian letters by Mesrobes, in the beginning of the fifth century, and the subsequent version of the Bible into the Armenian language; an event which relaxed to the connection of the church and nation with Constantinople.
西部的亚美尼亚人在其宗教仪式中使用希腊语言与文字;然而波斯人在东部诸行省禁用这种敌国的语言,迫其改用叙利亚文,直到五世纪初梅斯罗布斯创制了亚美尼亚字母、继而又把《圣经》译成亚美尼亚语为止——此事松动了教会与民族同君士坦丁堡之间的联系。
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Moses Choren. l. iii. c. 59, p. 309, and p. 358. Procopius, de Edificiis, l. iii. c. 5. Theodosiopolis stands, or rather stood, about thirty-five miles to the east of Arzeroum, the modern capital of Turkish Armenia. See D’Anville, Geographie Ancienne, tom. ii. p. 99, 100.
科列纳齐的摩西,l. iii. c. 59, p. 309 及 p. 358;普罗柯比,de Edificiis, l. iii. c. 5。狄奥多西波利斯坐落——或不如说曾坐落——于埃尔祖鲁姆以东约三十五英里处,埃尔祖鲁姆乃今日土属亚美尼亚的首府。见当维尔,Geographie Ancienne, tom. ii. p. 99, 100。
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The division of Armenia, according to M. St. Martin, took place much earlier, A. C. 390. The Eastern or Persian division was four times as large as the Western or Roman. This partition took place during the reigns of Theodosius the First, and Varanes (Bahram) the Fourth. St. Martin, Sup. to Le Beau, iv. 429. This partition was but imperfectly accomplished, as both parts were afterwards reunited under Chosroes, who paid tribute both to the Roman emperor and to the Persian king. v. 439.—M.
据圣马丁先生说,亚美尼亚的分割发生得要早得多,在公元 390 年。东部即波斯所辖的一份,是西部即罗马所辖的一份的四倍大。这次瓜分是在狄奥多西一世与瓦拉内斯(巴赫拉姆)四世在位期间进行的。见圣马丁,Sup. to Le Beau, iv. 429。这次瓜分不过是草草完成,因为两部分后来又在库思老治下重归一统,而库思老同时向罗马皇帝与波斯国王纳贡。见 v. 439。—M
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Chosroes, according to Procopius (who calls him Arsaces, the common name of the Armenian kings) and the Armenian writers, bequeathed to his two sons, to Tigranes the Persian, to Arsaces the Roman, division of Armenia, A. C. 416. With the assistance of the discontented nobles the Persian king placed his son Sapor on the throne of the Eastern division; the Western at the same time was united to the Roman empire, and called the Greater Armenia. It was then that Theodosiopolis was built. Sapor abandoned the throne of Armenia to assert his rights to that of Persia; he perished in the struggle, and after a period of anarchy, Bahram V., who had ascended the throne of Persia, placed the last native prince, Ardaschir, son of Bahram Schahpour, on the throne of the Persian division of Armenia. St. Martin, v. 506. This Ardaschir was the Artasires of Gibbon. The archbishop Isaac is called by the Armenians the Patriarch Schag. St. Martin, vi. 29.—M.
据普罗柯比(他称此人为阿尔撒息,即亚美尼亚诸王通用的名号)以及亚美尼亚作家们所说,库思老在公元 416 年把亚美尼亚的东西两份分别遗赠给两个儿子——把波斯所辖的一份留给提格兰,把罗马所辖的一份留给阿尔撒息。在心怀不满的贵族相助下,波斯国王把自己的儿子沙普尔扶上东部那一份的王位;与此同时,西部并入了罗马帝国,称为大亚美尼亚。狄奥多西波利斯正是那时兴建的。后来沙普尔为主张自己对波斯王位的权利而弃了亚美尼亚的王座,却在争夺中丧生;一段无政府的混乱之后,已登上波斯王位的巴赫拉姆五世,把最后一位本族亲王——巴赫拉姆·沙普尔之子阿尔达希尔——扶上波斯所辖那份亚美尼亚的王位。见圣马丁,v. 506。这个阿尔达希尔便是吉本笔下的阿尔塔西雷斯。大主教伊萨克,亚美尼亚人称之为夏格牧首。见圣马丁,vi. 29。—M
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Moses Choren, l. iii. c. 63, p. 316. According to the institution of St. Gregory, the Apostle of Armenia, the archbishop was always of the royal family; a circumstance which, in some degree, corrected the influence of the sacerdotal character, and united the mitre with the crown.
科列纳齐的摩西,l. iii. c. 63, p. 316。依照亚美尼亚的使徒圣格列高利所立的规制,大主教始终出自王室;此一情形在某种程度上纠正了祭司身份的影响,使主教冠与王冠合为一体。
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A branch of the royal house of Arsaces still subsisted with the rank and possessions (as it should seem) of Armenian satraps. See Moses Choren. l. iii. c. 65, p. 321.
阿尔撒息王室的一支,似乎仍以亚美尼亚总督的身份与领地存续了下来。见科列纳齐的摩西,l. iii. c. 65, p. 321。
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Valarsaces was appointed king of Armenia by his brother the Parthian monarch, immediately after the defeat of Antiochus Sidetes, (Moses Choren. l. ii. c. 2, p. 85,) one hundred and thirty years before Christ. Without depending on the various and contradictory periods of the reigns of the last kings, we may be assured, that the ruin of the Armenian kingdom happened after the council of Chalcedon, A.D. 431, (l. iii. c. 61, p. 312;) and under Varamus, or Bahram, king of Persia, (l. iii. c. 64, p. 317,) who reigned from A.D. 420 to 440. See Assemanni, Bibliot. Oriental. tom. iii. p. 396. * Note: Five hundred and eighty. St. Martin, ibid. He places this event A. C 429.—M.——Note: According to M. St. Martin, vi. 32, Vagharschah, or Valarsaces, was appointed king by his brother Mithridates the Great, king of Parthia.—M.
瓦拉尔萨克斯是在安条克·西德特斯败亡之后,随即由其兄、帕提亚君主立为亚美尼亚国王的(科列纳齐的摩西,l. ii. c. 2, p. 85),时在公元前一百三十年。且不去理会末代诸王在位年代那些歧异而矛盾的说法,我们至少可以确信:亚美尼亚王国的覆亡,发生在公元 431 年卡尔西顿会议之后(l. iii. c. 61, p. 312),且是在波斯国王瓦拉姆斯(即巴赫拉姆)治下(l. iii. c. 64, p. 317),此王在位自公元 420 年至 440 年。见阿塞马尼,Bibliot. Oriental. tom. iii. p. 396。* 编者按:应为五百八十年。圣马丁,同上。他把此事系于公元 429 年。—M——又按:据圣马丁先生,vi. 32,瓦加尔沙赫(即瓦拉尔萨克斯)是由其兄、帕提亚国王米特拉达梯大王立为国王的。—M
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Artasires or Ardaschir was probably sent to the castle of Oblivion. St. Martin, vi. 31.—M.
阿尔塔西雷斯(即阿尔达希尔)多半被送进了“遗忘之堡”。圣马丁,vi. 31。—M
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The duration of the Armenian kingdom according to M. St. Martin, was 580 years.—M
据圣马丁先生说,亚美尼亚王国存续了 580 年。—M