Chapter XXXII: Emperors Arcadius, Eutropius, Theodosius II.—Part II. 第三十二章 阿卡狄乌斯、欧特罗皮乌斯与狄奥多西二世——第二节
¶
The bold satirist, who has indulged his discontent by the partial and passionate censure of the Christian emperors, violates the dignity, rather than the truth, of history, by comparing the son of Theodosius to one of those harmless and simple animals, who scarcely feel that they are the property of their shepherd. Two passions, however, fear and conjugal affection, awakened the languid soul of Arcadius: he was terrified by the threats of a victorious Barbarian; and he yielded to the tender eloquence of his wife Eudoxia, who, with a flood of artificial tears, presenting her infant children to their father, implored his justice for some real or imaginary insult, which she imputed to the audacious eunuch. 28 The emperor’s hand was directed to sign the condemnation of Eutropius; the magic spell, which during four years had bound the prince and the people, was instantly dissolved; and the acclamations that so lately hailed the merit and fortune of the favorite, were converted into the clamors of the soldiers and people, who reproached his crimes, and pressed his immediate execution. In this hour of distress and despair, his only refuge was in the sanctuary of the church, whose privileges he had wisely or profanely attempted to circumscribe; and the most eloquent of the saints, John Chrysostom, enjoyed the triumph of protecting a prostrate minister, whose choice had raised him to the ecclesiastical throne of Constantinople. The archbishop, ascending the pulpit of the cathedral, that he might be distinctly seen and heard by an innumerable crowd of either sex and of every age, pronounced a seasonable and pathetic discourse on the forgiveness of injuries, and the instability of human greatness. The agonies of the pale and affrighted wretch, who lay grovelling under the table of the altar, exhibited a solemn and instructive spectacle; and the orator, who was afterwards accused of insulting the misfortunes of Eutropius, labored to excite the contempt, that he might assuage the fury, of the people. 29 The powers of humanity, of superstition, and of eloquence, prevailed. The empress Eudoxia was restrained by her own prejudices, or by those of her subjects, from violating the sanctuary of the church; and Eutropius was tempted to capitulate, by the milder arts of persuasion, and by an oath, that his life should be spared. 30 Careless of the dignity of their sovereign, the new ministers of the palace immediately published an edict to declare, that his late favorite had disgraced the names of consul and patrician, to abolish his statues, to confiscate his wealth, and to inflict a perpetual exile in the Island of Cyprus. 31 A despicable and decrepit eunuch could no longer alarm the fears of his enemies; nor was he capable of enjoying what yet remained, the comforts of peace, of solitude, and of a happy climate. But their implacable revenge still envied him the last moments of a miserable life, and Eutropius had no sooner touched the shores of Cyprus, than he was hastily recalled. The vain hope of eluding, by a change of place, the obligation of an oath, engaged the empress to transfer the scene of his trial and execution from Constantinople to the adjacent suburb of Chalcedon. The consul Aurelian pronounced the sentence; and the motives of that sentence expose the jurisprudence of a despotic government. The crimes which Eutropius had committed against the people might have justified his death; but he was found guilty of harnessing to his chariot the sacred animals, who, from their breed or color, were reserved for the use of the emperor alone. 32
有一位放胆讥刺的诗人,借着对基督教诸帝偏颇而激愤的抨击一吐胸中块垒;他把狄奥多西之子比作那类温良而蠢钝、几乎意识不到自己原属牧人的牲畜。此喻虽有伤史笔的庄重,却算不得违背史实。然而,终有两种情感能唤醒阿卡狄乌斯那萎靡的心灵:一是恐惧,二是对妻子的柔情。一个得胜蛮族的威胁令他胆寒;而妻子欧多克西娅的婉言柔语也叫他难以违拗——她挤出满面假泪,把年幼的儿女抱到父亲面前,声称自己受了那胆大妄为的宦官某种真实或臆想出来的侮辱,恳求丈夫为她主持公道。28于是,皇帝在旁人引导下亲手签署了给欧特罗皮乌斯定罪的诏书;四年来牢牢慑住君王与臣民的那道魔咒,顷刻间烟消云散;不久前还在颂扬这位宠臣才干与际遇的欢呼声,转眼变作士兵与民众的鼓噪,众口声讨他的罪行,逼着要立即将他处死。在这走投无路、万念俱灰的时刻,他唯一的避难之所竟是教会的圣所——而此前他还曾试图裁削圣所的庇护特权,无论那举动出于明智还是出于亵渎。众圣徒中最善辞令的约翰·克里索斯托,遂得享庇护一位落魄大臣的荣光——而正是这位大臣当初的举荐,才把他抬上了君士坦丁堡的主教之位。大主教登上大教堂的讲坛,好让那不分男女老幼、多得难以计数的人群都能看清他、听清他,随即发表了一篇应时而动、感人肺腑的布道,讲的是如何宽恕加于己身的伤害,以及人世显赫何其无常。那可怜虫面无人色、惊恐万状,趴伏在祭坛桌下苦苦挣扎,此情此景既庄严又发人深省;这位讲道者后来被指责说他是在嘲弄欧特罗皮乌斯的不幸,其实他是刻意激起众人的鄙夷,好借此平息众人的怒火。29人道之心、迷信之力与雄辩之才,终究占了上风。皇后欧多克西娅或碍于自己的成见,或碍于臣民的成见,到底没有去冒犯教会的圣所;而欧特罗皮乌斯经不住好言相劝,加之对方立誓保全其性命,终于被说动而束手就擒。30宫中新贵们全然不顾君主的体面,立即颁布敕令,宣称这位昔日宠臣玷污了执政官与贵族之名,下令捣毁他的塑像、没收他的财产,并将他永远流放到塞浦路斯岛。31一个卑贱而衰朽的宦官,再也不足以令仇敌心惊;而他自己也已无力享受眼下尚存的种种慰藉——安宁、清静,以及宜人的气候。然而仇家的报复之心难以餍足,连他这苟延残喘的最后一段光阴也不肯放过:欧特罗皮乌斯的脚刚踏上塞浦路斯的海岸,就被匆匆召回。皇后妄想着换个地方便可摆脱那道誓言的约束,于是把审判与处决他的地点从君士坦丁堡移到了邻近的卡尔西顿郊外。执政官奥勒良宣读了判词;而判词所列的理由,恰恰暴露了专制政权那套所谓的法理。欧特罗皮乌斯祸害百姓的种种罪行,本足以判他一死;可最终定他死罪的,却是他曾把那些因血统或毛色而专供皇帝御用的神圣牲畜套上了自己的车驾。32
¶
While this domestic revolution was transacted, Gainas 33 openly revolted from his allegiance; united his forces at Thyatira in Lydia, with those of Tribigild; and still maintained his superior ascendant over the rebellious leader of the Ostrogoths. The confederate armies advanced, without resistance, to the straits of the Hellespont and the Bosphorus; and Arcadius was instructed to prevent the loss of his Asiatic dominions, by resigning his authority and his person to the faith of the Barbarians. The church of the holy martyr Euphemia, situate on a lofty eminence near Chalcedon, 34 was chosen for the place of the interview. Gainas bowed with reverence at the feet of the emperor, whilst he required the sacrifice of Aurelian and Saturninus, two ministers of consular rank; and their naked necks were exposed, by the haughty rebel, to the edge of the sword, till he condescended to grant them a precarious and disgraceful respite. The Goths, according to the terms of the agreement, were immediately transported from Asia into Europe; and their victorious chief, who accepted the title of master-general of the Roman armies, soon filled Constantinople with his troops, and distributed among his dependants the honors and rewards of the empire. In his early youth, Gainas had passed the Danube as a suppliant and a fugitive: his elevation had been the work of valor and fortune; and his indiscreet or perfidious conduct was the cause of his rapid downfall. Notwithstanding the vigorous opposition of the archbishop, he importunately claimed for his Arian sectaries the possession of a peculiar church; and the pride of the Catholics was offended by the public toleration of heresy. 35 Every quarter of Constantinople was filled with tumult and disorder; and the Barbarians gazed with such ardor on the rich shops of the jewellers, and the tables of the bankers, which were covered with gold and silver, that it was judged prudent to remove those dangerous temptations from their sight. They resented the injurious precaution; and some alarming attempts were made, during the night, to attack and destroy with fire the Imperial palace. 36 In this state of mutual and suspicious hostility, the guards and the people of Constantinople shut the gates, and rose in arms to prevent or to punish the conspiracy of the Goths. During the absence of Gainas, his troops were surprised and oppressed; seven thousand Barbarians perished in this bloody massacre. In the fury of the pursuit, the Catholics uncovered the roof, and continued to throw down flaming logs of wood, till they overwhelmed their adversaries, who had retreated to the church or conventicle of the Arians. Gainas was either innocent of the design, or too confident of his success; he was astonished by the intelligence that the flower of his army had been ingloriously destroyed; that he himself was declared a public enemy; and that his countryman, Fravitta, a brave and loyal confederate, had assumed the management of the war by sea and land. The enterprises of the rebel, against the cities of Thrace, were encountered by a firm and well-ordered defence; his hungry soldiers were soon reduced to the grass that grew on the margin of the fortifications; and Gainas, who vainly regretted the wealth and luxury of Asia, embraced a desperate resolution of forcing the passage of the Hellespont. He was destitute of vessels; but the woods of the Chersonesus afforded materials for rafts, and his intrepid Barbarians did not refuse to trust themselves to the waves. But Fravitta attentively watched the progress of their undertaking. As soon as they had gained the middle of the stream, the Roman galleys, 37 impelled by the full force of oars, of the current, and of a favorable wind, rushed forwards in compact order, and with irresistible weight; and the Hellespont was covered with the fragments of the Gothic shipwreck. After the destruction of his hopes, and the loss of many thousands of his bravest soldiers, Gainas, who could no longer aspire to govern or to subdue the Romans, determined to resume the independence of a savage life. A light and active body of Barbarian horse, disengaged from their infantry and baggage, might perform in eight or ten days a march of three hundred miles from the Hellespont to the Danube; 38 the garrisons of that important frontier had been gradually annihilated; the river, in the month of December, would be deeply frozen; and the unbounded prospect of Scythia was opened to the ambition of Gainas. This design was secretly communicated to the national troops, who devoted themselves to the fortunes of their leader; and before the signal of departure was given, a great number of provincial auxiliaries, whom he suspected of an attachment to their native country, were perfidiously massacred. The Goths advanced, by rapid marches, through the plains of Thrace; and they were soon delivered from the fear of a pursuit, by the vanity of Fravitta, 3811 who, instead of extinguishing the war, hastened to enjoy the popular applause, and to assume the peaceful honors of the consulship. But a formidable ally appeared in arms to vindicate the majesty of the empire, and to guard the peace and liberty of Scythia. 39 The superior forces of Uldin, king of the Huns, opposed the progress of Gainas; a hostile and ruined country prohibited his retreat; he disdained to capitulate; and after repeatedly attempting to cut his way through the ranks of the enemy, he was slain, with his desperate followers, in the field of battle. Eleven days after the naval victory of the Hellespont, the head of Gainas, the inestimable gift of the conqueror, was received at Constantinople with the most liberal expressions of gratitude; and the public deliverance was celebrated by festivals and illuminations. The triumphs of Arcadius became the subject of epic poems; 40 and the monarch, no longer oppressed by any hostile terrors, resigned himself to the mild and absolute dominion of his wife, the fair and artful Eudoxia, who was sullied her fame by the persecution of St. John Chrysostom.
就在这场宫廷剧变上演之际,盖纳斯33公然背弃了效忠的誓言,在吕底亚的提亚提拉与特里比吉尔德合兵一处,并始终对这位反叛的东哥特人首领保持着凌驾其上的威势。联军一路未遇抵抗,直逼赫勒斯滂与博斯普鲁斯两处海峡;有人便劝阿卡狄乌斯:若要保住他在亚洲的领土不失,就得把权柄连同自身一并托付给蛮族,指望他们守信。会面的地点选在了圣女殉道者尤菲米娅的教堂——它坐落于卡尔西顿附近一处高地之上。34盖纳斯毕恭毕敬地俯伏在皇帝脚下,口中却索要两位具执政官品级的大臣——奥勒良与萨图尔尼努斯——的性命;这个倨傲的叛将命人把二人的脖颈袒露出来,架在刀锋之下,直到他终于屈尊,才赏给他们一条朝不保夕、屈辱难堪的活路。依照约定的条款,哥特人立即从亚洲渡海运往欧洲;他们得胜的首领受了罗马军队统帅的头衔,转眼便让自己的军队塞满君士坦丁堡,还把帝国的荣衔与厚赏分派给自己的党羽。想当年少年时的盖纳斯,还是个渡过多瑙河、乞求收留的逃亡者:把他抬到今日高位的,是勇武与运气;而叫他迅速跌落的,则是他那不知检点、背信弃义的行径。尽管大主教极力反对,他仍纠缠不休,硬要替自己的阿里乌斯派信徒讨来一座专用的教堂;异端就这样得到公开容忍,大公教徒的自尊心大受冒犯。35君士坦丁堡的大街小巷无不喧腾骚乱;蛮族对珠宝商华丽的店铺、钱庄堆满金银的柜台垂涎欲滴、目光灼灼,当局只得把这些惹祸的诱饵从他们眼前撤走,以策万全。36蛮族恨这带侮辱意味的防范之举,竟趁夜数度纵火,企图袭击并焚毁皇宫,闹得人心惶惶。双方就这样相互猜忌、剑拔弩张。君士坦丁堡的卫兵与民众关闭城门,拿起武器,要抢在哥特人图谋得逞之前将其挫败,或加以严惩。趁盖纳斯不在城中,他的部众遭突袭而被压制;七千蛮族在这场血腥屠戮中丧命。追杀正酣,大公教徒掀开屋顶,不断往下投掷燃烧的木柴,直到把退守阿里乌斯派教堂(或者说聚会所)的敌人尽数葬送。盖纳斯要么本就与这图谋无关,要么是对成功太过笃定;及至消息传来,他才大惊失色:他麾下的精锐已窝窝囊囊地全军覆没,他本人被宣布为公敌,而他的同胞、勇敢忠诚的盟友弗拉维塔,已接手统领海陆两路的战事。这叛将进攻色雷斯诸城的种种举动,都撞上了严整有序的坚固防御;他饥肠辘辘的士兵很快就落到只能啃食工事边缘野草的地步;盖纳斯徒然追悔亚洲的富庶与奢华,最终横下一条心,孤注一掷要强渡赫勒斯滂。他手中没有船只,但克尔松尼斯的树林提供了造筏的木料,他那些悍勇的蛮族也不惮于把性命交给波涛。弗拉维塔却始终紧盯着他们这番举动的进展。蛮族刚划到海峡中流,罗马战舰37便借着桨力、水流与顺风的全部冲势,列成密阵,以雷霆万钧之势迎面撞来;顷刻间,赫勒斯滂海面上尽是哥特人船只碎裂的残骸。希望既已破灭,数千最勇猛的士兵又已折损,盖纳斯自知再无从统治或征服罗马人,遂决意重归蛮荒生活的那份自在。一支轻捷矫健的蛮族骑兵,若甩开步兵与辎重,八到十天便可从赫勒斯滂奔驰三百英里直抵多瑙河;38那条要害边境上的驻军早已渐次被消灭殆尽;到了十二月,河面必已冻得结结实实;于是斯基泰那片一望无垠的天地,就向盖纳斯的野心敞开了。这一图谋秘密传达给了本族的军队,他们甘愿把身家性命系于首领的命运之上;出发的信号尚未发出,大批他疑心仍眷恋乡土的行省辅军,就惨遭背信弃义的屠杀。哥特人急行军穿过色雷斯的平原;而弗拉维塔的虚荣心3811很快便替他们解除了被追击的忧虑——他非但不去彻底扑灭战火,反倒急着去享受民众的喝彩,去接受执政官那份太平体面的荣衔。然而一位可畏的盟友却挥师而来,既为维护帝国的威严,也为守护斯基泰的太平与自由。39匈人王乌尔丁以优势兵力挡住了盖纳斯的去路;前有敌国、后是废墟,退路已断;他又不屑于投降,几番拼死冲杀,想要杀出敌阵,终究与他那群走投无路的部众一同战死沙场。赫勒斯滂海战大捷之后第十一天,征服者送来一份价值连城的厚礼——盖纳斯的首级;君士坦丁堡对此报以极尽慷慨的感激之辞。举国上下张灯结彩、大摆庆典,欢庆众人脱难。阿卡狄乌斯的赫赫武功还成了史诗吟咏的题材;40而这位君主既已不再受任何外敌威胁的压迫,便索性听凭妻子——美艳而狡黠的欧多克西娅——温柔却绝对的摆布;她后来因迫害圣约翰·克里索斯托而玷污了自己的声名。
¶
After the death of the indolent Nectarius, the successor of Gregory Nazianzen, the church of Constantinople was distracted by the ambition of rival candidates, who were not ashamed to solicit, with gold or flattery, the suffrage of the people, or of the favorite. On this occasion Eutropius seems to have deviated from his ordinary maxims; and his uncorrupted judgment was determined only by the superior merit of a stranger. In a late journey into the East, he had admired the sermons of John, a native and presbyter of Antioch, whose name has been distinguished by the epithet of Chrysostom, or the Golden Mouth. 41 A private order was despatched to the governor of Syria; and as the people might be unwilling to resign their favorite preacher, he was transported, with speed and secrecy in a post-chariot, from Antioch to Constantinople. The unanimous and unsolicited consent of the court, the clergy, and the people, ratified the choice of the minister; and, both as a saint and as an orator, the new archbishop surpassed the sanguine expectations of the public. Born of a noble and opulent family, in the capital of Syria, Chrysostom had been educated, by the care of a tender mother, under the tuition of the most skilful masters. He studied the art of rhetoric in the school of Libanius; and that celebrated sophist, who soon discovered the talents of his disciple, ingenuously confessed that John would have deserved to succeed him, had he not been stolen away by the Christians. His piety soon disposed him to receive the sacrament of baptism; to renounce the lucrative and honorable profession of the law; and to bury himself in the adjacent desert, where he subdued the lusts of the flesh by an austere penance of six years. His infirmities compelled him to return to the society of mankind; and the authority of Meletius devoted his talents to the service of the church: but in the midst of his family, and afterwards on the archiepiscopal throne, Chrysostom still persevered in the practice of the monastic virtues. The ample revenues, which his predecessors had consumed in pomp and luxury, he diligently applied to the establishment of hospitals; and the multitudes, who were supported by his charity, preferred the eloquent and edifying discourses of their archbishop to the amusements of the theatre or the circus. The monuments of that eloquence, which was admired near twenty years at Antioch and Constantinople, have been carefully preserved; and the possession of near one thousand sermons, or homilies has authorized the critics 42 of succeeding times to appreciate the genuine merit of Chrysostom. They unanimously attribute to the Christian orator the free command of an elegant and copious language; the judgment to conceal the advantages which he derived from the knowledge of rhetoric and philosophy; an inexhaustible fund of metaphors and similitudes of ideas and images, to vary and illustrate the most familiar topics; the happy art of engaging the passions in the service of virtue; and of exposing the folly, as well as the turpitude, of vice, almost with the truth and spirit of a dramatic representation.
纳齐安的格列高利的继任者、慵懒的涅克塔里乌斯死后,君士坦丁堡教会为几位竞争者的野心搅得不得安宁——他们毫不知耻地又是行贿、又是谄媚,去博取民众或宠臣的一票。这一回欧特罗皮乌斯却似乎一反常态:他此番的判断未受任何贿赂左右,全凭一位外乡人出众的才德来定夺。不久前一次东行途中,他曾聆听过一位名叫约翰的长老讲道,此人是安条克本地人,因“克里索斯托”(意即“金口”)这一称号而声名远播。41一道密令送到叙利亚总督手中;又因当地百姓未必肯放走他们心爱的布道者,便让他坐上驿车,迅速而隐秘地从安条克送往君士坦丁堡。宫廷、教士与民众未经怂恿便一致点头,认可了这位大臣的举荐;而这位新任大主教,无论作为圣徒还是作为演说家,都超出了公众满怀热望的期待。克里索斯托生于叙利亚都城一个高贵而富有的家庭,全赖慈母悉心照料,又受教于最高明的师长。他在利巴尼乌斯门下研习修辞之术;这位名满天下的雄辩大师很快看出弟子的天分,坦然承认:约翰本足以继承自己的衣钵,可惜被基督徒给“拐”走了。虔诚之心不久便驱使他领受洗礼圣事,舍弃收入丰厚、体面荣耀的律师行业,遁入近旁的荒野,以六年严苛的苦修来克制肉身的情欲。后因身体羸弱,他不得不重返人世;梅利提乌斯凭其权威,把他的才华引向了侍奉教会的事业;然而无论是身处家人之间,还是日后高居大主教之位,克里索斯托都始终恪守着修道生活的种种德行。前几任大主教向来把丰厚的教产挥霍于排场与奢华,他却勤勉地把这些收入用来兴办医院;靠他救济度日的芸芸众生,宁可去听大主教那些辞采动人、启人向善的讲道,也不愿去戏院或竞技场寻欢作乐。他这份雄辩之才在安条克与君士坦丁堡赢得了近二十年的仰慕,其传世篇章也得到了悉心保存;后世评家42手握近千篇布道文(或曰训道词),得以据此评断克里索斯托真正的造诣。他们一致认为,这位基督教演说家能挥洒自如地驾驭一种既典雅又丰赡的语言;又有识见,懂得把自己从修辞与哲学中得来的长处不露痕迹地藏起;他胸中还蓄着取之不竭的譬喻与联想、意象,足以把最寻常的题目讲得千变万化、生动透彻;更有一手绝妙的本领:能调动人的种种激情去为德行效力,又能把恶行的愚蠢与卑污揭示出来,几乎带着戏剧演出般的逼真与神采。
¶
The pastoral labors of the archbishop of Constantinople provoked, and gradually united against him, two sorts of enemies; the aspiring clergy, who envied his success, and the obstinate sinners, who were offended by his reproofs. When Chrysostom thundered, from the pulpit of St. Sophia, against the degeneracy of the Christians, his shafts were spent among the crowd, without wounding, or even marking, the character of any individual. When he declaimed against the peculiar vices of the rich, poverty might obtain a transient consolation from his invectives; but the guilty were still sheltered by their numbers; and the reproach itself was dignified by some ideas of superiority and enjoyment. But as the pyramid rose towards the summit, it insensibly diminished to a point; and the magistrates, the ministers, the favorite eunuchs, the ladies of the court, 43 the empress Eudoxia herself, had a much larger share of guilt to divide among a smaller proportion of criminals. The personal applications of the audience were anticipated, or confirmed, by the testimony of their own conscience; and the intrepid preacher assumed the dangerous right of exposing both the offence and the offender to the public abhorrence. The secret resentment of the court encouraged the discontent of the clergy and monks of Constantinople, who were too hastily reformed by the fervent zeal of their archbishop. He had condemned, from the pulpit, the domestic females of the clergy of Constantinople, who, under the name of servants, or sisters, afforded a perpetual occasion either of sin or of scandal. The silent and solitary ascetics, who had secluded themselves from the world, were entitled to the warmest approbation of Chrysostom; but he despised and stigmatized, as the disgrace of their holy profession, the crowd of degenerate monks, who, from some unworthy motives of pleasure or profit, so frequently infested the streets of the capital. To the voice of persuasion, the archbishop was obliged to add the terrors of authority; and his ardor, in the exercise of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, was not always exempt from passion; nor was it always guided by prudence. Chrysostom was naturally of a choleric disposition. 44 Although he struggled, according to the precepts of the gospel, to love his private enemies, he indulged himself in the privilege of hating the enemies of God and of the church; and his sentiments were sometimes delivered with too much energy of countenance and expression. He still maintained, from some considerations of health or abstinence, his former habits of taking his repasts alone; and this inhospitable custom, 45 which his enemies imputed to pride, contributed, at least, to nourish the infirmity of a morose and unsocial humor. Separated from that familiar intercourse, which facilitates the knowledge and the despatch of business, he reposed an unsuspecting confidence in his deacon Serapion; and seldom applied his speculative knowledge of human nature to the particular character, either of his dependants, or of his equals.
这位君士坦丁堡大主教勤于牧养的种种作为,却激起并渐渐纠合起两类与他为敌的人:一类是野心勃勃、嫉妒他成就的教士,一类是因他的斥责而恼怒、执迷不悟的罪人。当克里索斯托在圣索菲亚的讲坛上厉声痛斥基督徒的堕落时,他的利箭射进人群便耗尽了力道,既没伤着、也没触及任何一个具体人的名声。当他慷慨陈词、专斥富人特有的恶习时,穷人或许能从这番斥责中得到片刻的宽慰;可有罪的富人仍旧藏身于人多势众之中,况且这类指责本身,反倒因其牵涉的优越与享乐而显得有几分体面。然而这座金字塔越往上收,就越不知不觉地缩成一个尖顶;那些执法官、大臣、得宠的宦官、宫中的贵妇,43乃至皇后欧多克西娅本人,人数越少,各自要摊上的罪责反倒越重。听者会不会把这些话往自己身上套,早已由各人良心的证词预先点明、或事后坐实;而这位无所畏惧的布道者,竟揽下了一项危险的权力:把罪行连同犯罪之人一并揭出来,交付众人去憎恶。宫廷暗藏的怨恨,助长了君士坦丁堡教士与僧侣的不满——大主教一腔炽烈的热忱,把他们改造得未免操之过急。他曾在讲坛上谴责君士坦丁堡教士家中蓄养的女子——这些人打着“女仆”或“姐妹”的名义,成了罪孽或丑闻永不断绝的由头。对那些沉默独处、遁世离尘的苦修者,克里索斯托报以最热忱的赞许;但对那一大帮堕落的僧侣——他们出于贪图享乐或牟利之类不堪的动机,动辄成群结队地在京城街头招摇滋扰——他则鄙夷斥责,直指其为神圣天职的耻辱。光靠劝诫之声还不够,大主教不得不再加上权柄的威慑;而他行使教会司法权时那股热切劲头,并不总能免于意气用事,也并不总以审慎为凭。克里索斯托生性易怒。44尽管他遵照福音的教诲,竭力去爱那些私人的仇敌,却纵容自己享用一项“特权”——痛恨上帝与教会的敌人;每逢表露这类情绪,他脸上的神色与口中的言辞有时未免过于激烈。出于养生或节制之类的考量,他一直保持着从前独自进餐的习惯;这种不近人情的做派,45被仇敌归咎于他的傲慢,至少也确实助长了他那孤僻寡合的毛病。由于疏于那种既便于知人、又便于办事的日常往来,他把毫无戒心的信任全都寄托在执事塞拉皮翁身上;至于他那套关于人性的空泛见识,却很少用来揣摩身边人——无论是下属还是同侪——各自的具体秉性。
¶
Conscious of the purity of his intentions, and perhaps of the superiority of his genius, the archbishop of Constantinople extended the jurisdiction of the Imperial city, that he might enlarge the sphere of his pastoral labors; and the conduct which the profane imputed to an ambitious motive, appeared to Chrysostom himself in the light of a sacred and indispensable duty. In his visitation through the Asiatic provinces, he deposed thirteen bishops of Lydia and Phrygia; and indiscreetly declared that a deep corruption of simony and licentiousness had infected the whole episcopal order. 46 If those bishops were innocent, such a rash and unjust condemnation must excite a well-grounded discontent. If they were guilty, the numerous associates of their guilt would soon discover that their own safety depended on the ruin of the archbishop; whom they studied to represent as the tyrant of the Eastern church.
这位君士坦丁堡大主教自知用心纯正,或许也自负才具超群,于是着手扩展这座帝都的教区管辖范围,好让自己牧养的领域更为宽广;在世俗之人看来,这番举动出于野心,在克里索斯托本人眼里,却是一桩神圣而不可推卸的职责。他巡视亚洲各行省期间,废黜了吕底亚与弗里吉亚的十三位主教,还不加检点地宣称:买卖圣职与荒淫无度的深重腐败,已侵染了整个主教阶层。46倘若这些主教确属无辜,如此轻率而不公的定罪,自会激起有理有据的怨愤;倘若他们确有其罪,那许许多多同流合污之辈也很快就会明白:唯有扳倒这位大主教,自身才能保全;于是他们处心积虑地把他描绘成东方教会的暴君。
¶
This ecclesiastical conspiracy was managed by Theophilus, 47 archbishop of Alexandria, an active and ambitious prelate, who displayed the fruits of rapine in monuments of ostentation. His national dislike to the rising greatness of a city which degraded him from the second to the third rank in the Christian world, was exasperated by some personal dispute with Chrysostom himself. 48 By the private invitation of the empress, Theophilus landed at Constantinople with a stou body of Egyptian mariners, to encounter the populace; and a train of dependent bishops, to secure, by their voices, the majority of a synod. The synod 49 was convened in the suburb of Chalcedon, surnamed the Oak, where Rufinus had erected a stately church and monastery; and their proceedings were continued during fourteen days, or sessions. A bishop and a deacon accused the archbishop of Constantinople; but the frivolous or improbable nature of the forty-seven articles which they presented against him, may justly be considered as a fair and unexceptional panegyric. Four successive summons were signified to Chrysostom; but he still refused to trust either his person or his reputation in the hands of his implacable enemies, who, prudently declining the examination of any particular charges, condemned his contumacious disobedience, and hastily pronounced a sentence of deposition. The synod of the Oak immediately addressed the emperor to ratify and execute their judgment, and charitably insinuated, that the penalties of treason might be inflicted on the audacious preacher, who had reviled, under the name of Jezebel, the empress Eudoxia herself. The archbishop was rudely arrested, and conducted through the city, by one of the Imperial messengers, who landed him, after a short navigation, near the entrance of the Euxine; from whence, before the expiration of two days, he was gloriously recalled.
这场教会内部的密谋,由亚历山大里亚大主教塞奥菲鲁斯47一手操办——此人是个精力过人、野心勃勃的高级教士,把搜刮掠夺得来的财富,都拿去建造炫人耳目的宏伟建筑。一座城市的崛起,把他从基督教世界的第二把交椅上挤了下来,屈居第三,这本已勾起他那份出于乡土之私的厌恶;而他与克里索斯托本人之间的某些私怨,更使这厌恶火上浇油。48应皇后的私下邀约,塞奥菲鲁斯在君士坦丁堡登岸,随行带着一队健壮的埃及水手,以便对付市井民众;又带着一群唯他马首是瞻的主教,好靠他们手中的选票稳稳握住宗教会议的多数。会议49在卡尔西顿郊外一处名为“橡树”的地方召开,鲁菲努斯曾在那里营建过一座宏伟的教堂与修道院;会议前后进行了十四天,也即十四场。一名主教和一名执事出面控告这位君士坦丁堡大主教;然而他们罗列的四十七条罪状,要么无关痛痒、要么荒诞不经,说来倒不妨看作一篇公道而无懈可击的颂词。会议接连四次传唤克里索斯托,他却始终不肯把自身与名誉交到这些不共戴天的仇敌手中;而这些人也乖觉地避开对任何一条具体指控的查证,只以他抗命不从为由定他的罪,草草宣布将他革职。橡树会议随即上奏皇帝,请他批准并执行这一裁决,还“宅心仁厚”地暗示:这胆大包天的布道者竟以“耶洗别”之名辱骂皇后欧多克西娅本人,不妨按叛国之罪治他。大主教遭到粗暴逮捕,由一名皇家信使押解着穿城而过,经过一段短途航行,在黑海入口附近登岸;可不出两天,他便荣耀地被召了回来。
¶
The first astonishment of his faithful people had been mute and passive: they suddenly rose with unanimous and irresistible fury. Theophilus escaped, but the promiscuous crowd of monks and Egyptian mariners was slaughtered without pity in the streets of Constantinople. 50 A seasonable earthquake justified the interposition of Heaven; the torrent of sedition rolled forwards to the gates of the palace; and the empress, agitated by fear or remorse, threw herself at the feet of Arcadius, and confessed that the public safety could be purchased only by the restoration of Chrysostom. The Bosphorus was covered with innumerable vessels; the shores of Europe and Asia were profusely illuminated; and the acclamations of a victorious people accompanied, from the port to the cathedral, the triumph of the archbishop; who, too easily, consented to resume the exercise of his functions, before his sentence had been legally reversed by the authority of an ecclesiastical synod. Ignorant, or careless, of the impending danger, Chrysostom indulged his zeal, or perhaps his resentment; declaimed with peculiar asperity against female vices; and condemned the profane honors which were addressed, almost in the precincts of St. Sophia, to the statue of the empress. His imprudence tempted his enemies to inflame the haughty spirit of Eudoxia, by reporting, or perhaps inventing, the famous exordium of a sermon, “Herodias is again furious; Herodias again dances; she once more requires the head of John;” an insolent allusion, which, as a woman and a sovereign, it was impossible for her to forgive. 51 The short interval of a perfidious truce was employed to concert more effectual measures for the disgrace and ruin of the archbishop. A numerous council of the Eastern prelates, who were guided from a distance by the advice of Theophilus, confirmed the validity, without examining the justice, of the former sentence; and a detachment of Barbarian troops was introduced into the city, to suppress the emotions of the people. On the vigil of Easter, the solemn administration of baptism was rudely interrupted by the soldiers, who alarmed the modesty of the naked catechumens, and violated, by their presence, the awful mysteries of the Christian worship. Arsacius occupied the church of St. Sophia, and the archiepiscopal throne. The Catholics retreated to the baths of Constantine, and afterwards to the fields; where they were still pursued and insulted by the guards, the bishops, and the magistrates. The fatal day of the second and final exile of Chrysostom was marked by the conflagration of the cathedral, of the senate-house, and of the adjacent buildings; and this calamity was imputed, without proof, but not without probability, to the despair of a persecuted faction. 52
起初,他那些忠诚的信众惊愕之下只是默然无为;转眼间,他们却群情激愤、同仇敌忾地爆发起来,势不可挡。塞奥菲鲁斯侥幸脱身,但那一群混杂的僧侣与埃及水手,却在君士坦丁堡街头惨遭屠戮,无人怜悯。50一场适时而至的地震,为上天的干预作了佐证;骚乱的洪流滚滚涌向皇宫的大门;皇后或因恐惧、或因悔恨而心神不宁,扑倒在阿卡狄乌斯脚下,承认唯有让克里索斯托复位,才能换来公众的安宁。博斯普鲁斯海峡上舟船蔽水,欧亚两岸灯火通明;得胜的民众一路欢呼,从港口一直簇拥着凯旋的大主教直到大教堂;而他也未免太过轻率,竟在教会宗教会议依法撤销原判之前,就答应重理职务。克里索斯托对迫在眉睫的危险要么懵然不觉、要么毫不在意,一味放纵自己的热忱,或许还有那份怨气,措辞格外尖刻地痛斥女子的种种恶行;他还谴责说,人们几乎就在圣索菲亚教堂的界内,向皇后的塑像献上亵渎神明的礼敬。他这份鲁莽,正好给了仇敌可乘之机,去撩拨欧多克西娅高傲的心性:他们报称——或许竟是杜撰——他有一篇布道以那句著名的开场白起头:“希罗底又发狂了;希罗底又跳起舞来;她再一次索要约翰的头颅。”这般无礼的影射,无论以一个女人还是一位君主的身份,她都断难宽恕。51仇敌趁着这段暗藏背叛的短暂休战,谋划起更为有效的手段,好叫这位大主教身败名裂。东方众多高级教士齐集一堂,暗中受塞奥菲鲁斯遥控指点,径直确认原判有效,却对其是否公正不置一词;一支蛮族军队也被调进城中,用来压制民众的骚动。复活节前夕守夜之时,庄严的洗礼仪式遭士兵粗暴打断——他们惊扰了赤身慕道者的羞怯,也以自己的闯入亵渎了基督教崇拜那令人敬畏的神圣奥秘。阿尔萨基乌斯占据了圣索菲亚教堂,也坐上了大主教之位。大公教徒退到君士坦丁浴场,随后又退往郊野;即便到了那里,卫兵、主教与执法官仍旧对他们穷追不舍、百般凌辱。克里索斯托第二次、也是最后一次被放逐的那个不祥之日,大教堂、元老院议事厅以及周边的建筑尽付一炬;这场灾祸虽无实据,却也不无可能,被归咎于一个遭受迫害的派别在绝望中的纵火之举。52
¶
Cicero might claim some merit, if his voluntary banishment preserved the peace of the republic; 53 but the submission of Chrysostom was the indispensable duty of a Christian and a subject. Instead of listening to his humble prayer, that he might be permitted to reside at Cyzicus, or Nicomedia, the inflexible empress assigned for his exile the remote and desolate town of Cucusus, among the ridges of Mount Taurus, in the Lesser Armenia. A secret hope was entertained, that the archbishop might perish in a difficult and dangerous march of seventy days, in the heat of summer, through the provinces of Asia Minor, where he was continually threatened by the hostile attacks of the Isaurians, and the more implacable fury of the monks. Yet Chrysostom arrived in safety at the place of his confinement; and the three years which he spent at Cucusus, and the neighboring town of Arabissus, were the last and most glorious of his life. His character was consecrated by absence and persecution; the faults of his administration were no longer remembered; but every tongue repeated the praises of his genius and virtue: and the respectful attention of the Christian world was fixed on a desert spot among the mountains of Taurus. From that solitude the archbishop, whose active mind was invigorated by misfortunes, maintained a strict and frequent correspondence 54 with the most distant provinces; exhorted the separate congregation of his faithful adherents to persevere in their allegiance; urged the destruction of the temples of Phoenicia, and the extirpation of heresy in the Isle of Cyprus; extended his pastoral care to the missions of Persia and Scythia; negotiated, by his ambassadors, with the Roman pontiff and the emperor Honorius; and boldly appealed, from a partial synod, to the supreme tribunal of a free and general council. The mind of the illustrious exile was still independent; but his captive body was exposed to the revenge of the oppressors, who continued to abuse the name and authority of Arcadius. 55 An order was despatched for the instant removal of Chrysostom to the extreme desert of Pityus: and his guards so faithfully obeyed their cruel instructions, that, before he reached the sea-coast of the Euxine, he expired at Comana, in Pontus, in the sixtieth year of his age. The succeeding generation acknowledged his innocence and merit. The archbishops of the East, who might blush that their predecessors had been the enemies of Chrysostom, were gradually disposed, by the firmness of the Roman pontiff, to restore the honors of that venerable name. 56 At the pious solicitation of the clergy and people of Constantinople, his relics, thirty years after his death, were transported from their obscure sepulchre to the royal city. 57 The emperor Theodosius advanced to receive them as far as Chalcedon; and, falling prostrate on the coffin, implored, in the name of his guilty parents, Arcadius and Eudoxia, the forgiveness of the injured saint. 58
西塞罗若因自愿流亡而保全了共和国的安宁,那还算有几分功劳可言;53可克里索斯托的顺从退让,本就是一个基督徒兼臣民不可推卸的本分。他卑微地祈求,只望获准留居基齐库斯或尼科米底亚;铁石心肠的皇后却不予理会,硬把他的流放之地定在小亚美尼亚境内、托罗斯山群峰之间那座偏远而荒凉的库库苏斯城。他们暗中指望:这位大主教兴许会死在那趟艰险的路途上——盛夏酷暑里跋涉七十天,穿越小亚细亚各行省,一路既要提防伊苏里亚人的袭击,又要提防僧侣们更难消解的狂怒。然而克里索斯托还是平安抵达了他的拘禁之地;他在库库苏斯以及邻近的阿拉比苏斯城度过的这三年,成了他一生中最后、也最为荣耀的岁月。远离与迫害反倒使他的德行更显圣洁;他任内的种种过失,再也无人记起;人人却争相传颂他的才华与美德;整个基督教世界都满怀敬意,把目光投向托罗斯群山之间那一处荒僻角落。身处这片孤寂之地,这位大主教活跃的头脑反因厄运而愈发振奋,他与最遥远的行省保持着严谨而频繁的书信往来;54勉励那些自成一派、忠心追随他的信众坚守对他的效忠;敦促捣毁腓尼基的神庙,铲除塞浦路斯岛上的异端;把牧养的关怀一直延伸到波斯与斯基泰的传教事业;派出使者,与罗马教宗以及皇帝霍诺留居间交涉;还大胆地越过那个偏私的宗教会议,向一场自由而普世的大公会议这一最高裁判提出申诉。这位声名显赫的流放者,心志依旧不受羁束;但他被囚的身躯,却任凭压迫者报复摆布——那些人仍在假借阿卡狄乌斯的名义与权柄行事。55一道命令传下,要立即把克里索斯托押往极其荒远的皮提乌斯;押送他的卫兵一丝不苟地执行着这残酷的指令,以致他还没走到黑海海岸,便在本都的科马纳咽了气,享年六十。到了下一代人,才承认他本无罪愆、确有德行。东方各地的大主教,或许会为前任们曾与克里索斯托为敌而感到羞愧;在罗马教宗的坚持之下,他们渐渐愿意恢复这一可敬之名应享的荣誉。56应君士坦丁堡教士与民众的虔诚恳请,他去世三十年后,遗骸从那座湮没无闻的坟茔迁回了帝都。57狄奥多西皇帝亲自远迎至卡尔西顿,俯伏在灵柩之上,以他那两位负罪的双亲——阿卡狄乌斯与欧多克西娅——的名义,恳求这位受屈的圣徒宽恕。58
Notes 注释
28
↩
This anecdote, which Philostorgius alone has preserved, (l xi. c. 6, and Gothofred. Dissertat. p. 451-456) is curious and important; since it connects the revolt of the Goths with the secret intrigues of the palace.
这段轶闻仅由菲洛斯托尔吉乌斯一人保存下来(l. xi. c. 6,及 Gothofred. Dissertat. p. 451-456),既新奇又重要,因为它把哥特人的叛乱与宫廷的秘密阴谋联系在了一起。
29
↩
See the Homily of Chrysostom, tom. iii. p. 381-386, which the exordium is particularly beautiful. Socrates, l. vi. c. 5. Sozomen, l. viii. c. 7. Montfaucon (in his Life of Chrysostom, tom. xiii. p. 135) too hastily supposes that Tribigild was actually in Constantinople; and that he commanded the soldiers who were ordered to seize Eutropius Even Claudian, a Pagan poet, (praefat. ad l. ii. in Eutrop. 27,) has mentioned the flight of the eunuch to the sanctuary.
Suppliciterque pias humilis prostratus ad aras,
Mitigat iratas voce tremente nurus,
Suppliciterque pias humilis prostratus ad aras,
Mitigat iratas voce tremente nurus,
参看克里索斯托的讲道,tom. iii. p. 381-386,其开场白尤为优美。Socrates, l. vi. c. 5. Sozomen, l. viii. c. 7. 蒙福孔(见其《克里索斯托传》,tom. xiii. p. 135)过于草率地假定,特里比吉尔德当时确在君士坦丁堡,还统领着奉命捉拿欧特罗皮乌斯的士兵。就连异教诗人克劳狄安(praefat. ad l. ii. in Eutrop. 27)也提到了这宦官逃入圣所之事。
Suppliciterque pias humilis prostratus ad aras, Mitigat iratas voce tremente nurus,]
(他谦卑俯伏于神圣的祭坛前哀求,/以颤抖的嗓音平息了盛怒的贵妇。)
Suppliciterque pias humilis prostratus ad aras, Mitigat iratas voce tremente nurus,]
(他谦卑俯伏于神圣的祭坛前哀求,/以颤抖的嗓音平息了盛怒的贵妇。)
30
↩
Chrysostom, in another homily, (tom. iii. p. 386,) affects to declare that Eutropius would not have been taken, had he not deserted the church. Zosimus, (l. v. p. 313,) on the contrary, pretends, that his enemies forced him from the sanctuary. Yet the promise is an evidence of some treaty; and the strong assurance of Claudian, (Praefat. ad l. ii. 46,) Sed tamen exemplo non feriere tuo, may be considered as an evidence of some promise.
克里索斯托在另一篇讲道中(tom. iii. p. 386)故作姿态地宣称:欧特罗皮乌斯若不曾弃离教会,就不会被擒。佐西莫斯(l. v. p. 313)则反过来声称,是他的仇敌把他从圣所里强拖出来的。然而那句许诺本身即是曾有某种约定的证据;而克劳狄安言之凿凿的一句(Praefat. ad l. ii. 46)“Sed tamen exemplo non feriere tuo”(意谓:然而你不会照你自己立下的先例被处死),也可视为确有某种承诺的凭证。
31
↩
Cod. Theod. l. ix. tit. xi. leg. 14. The date of that law (Jan. 17, A.D. 399) is erroneous and corrupt; since the fall of Eutropius could not happen till the autumn of the same year. See Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 780.
Cod. Theod. l. ix. tit. xi. leg. 14. 该法令所署的日期(公元399年1月17日)有误、且已讹脱,因为欧特罗皮乌斯的垮台不可能早于同年秋天。参看 Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 780.
32
↩
Zosimus, l. v. p. 313. Philostorgius, l. xi. c. 6.
Zosimus, l. v. p. 313. Philostorgius, l. xi. c. 6.
33
↩
Zosimus, l. v. p. 313-323,) Socrates, (l. vi. c. 4,) Sozomen, (l. viii. c. 4,) and Theodoret, (l. v. c. 32, 33,) represent, though with some various circumstances, the conspiracy, defeat, and death of Gainas.
Zosimus(l. v. p. 313-323)、Socrates(l. vi. c. 4)、Sozomen(l. viii. c. 4)与 Theodoret(l. v. c. 32, 33)虽在若干细节上互有出入,都记述了盖纳斯的密谋、败亡与死亡。
34
↩
It is the expression of Zosimus himself, (l. v. p. 314,) who inadvertently uses the fashionable language of the Christians. Evagrius describes (l. ii. c. 3) the situation, architecture, relics, and miracles, of that celebrated church, in which the general council of Chalcedon was afterwards held.
这是佐西莫斯本人的说法(l. v. p. 314),他无意间用上了基督徒时兴的措辞。埃瓦格里乌斯(l. ii. c. 3)描述了那座著名教堂的方位、建筑、圣物与神迹——后来卡尔西顿大公会议便是在此召开的。
35
↩
The pious remonstrances of Chrysostom, which do not appear in his own writings, are strongly urged by Theodoret; but his insinuation, that they were successful, is disproved by facts. Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 383) has discovered that the emperor, to satisfy the rapacious demands of Gainas, was obliged to melt the plate of the church of the apostles.
克里索斯托那些虔诚的抗辩,在他本人的著作里并无记载,却由狄奥多勒极力渲染;然而狄奥多勒暗示这些抗辩收到了成效,事实却证明并非如此。蒂耶蒙(Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 383)查明:皇帝为满足盖纳斯贪得无厌的索求,不得不熔化了使徒教堂里的金银器皿。
36
↩
The ecclesiastical historians, who sometimes guide, and sometimes follow, the public opinion, most confidently assert, that the palace of Constantinople was guarded by legions of angels.
那些教会史家有时引导舆论、有时又追随舆论,他们信心十足地断言:君士坦丁堡的皇宫有天使军团守护。
37
↩
Zosmius (l. v. p. 319) mentions these galleys by the name of Liburnians, and observes that they were as swift (without explaining the difference between them) as the vessels with fifty oars; but that they were far inferior in speed to the triremes, which had been long disused. Yet he reasonably concludes, from the testimony of Polybius, that galleys of a still larger size had been constructed in the Punic wars. Since the establishment of the Roman empire over the Mediterranean, the useless art of building large ships of war had probably been neglected, and at length forgotten.
佐西莫斯(l. v. p. 319)把这些战船称作“利布尔纳船”,并说它们与五十桨的船只一样迅捷(却没解释二者有何区别),只是速度远不及那早已弃置不用的三列桨战船。不过他依据波利比乌斯的记述,合理地推断出:早在布匿战争时期,人们便已造出过更为庞大的战船。自罗马帝国称霸地中海以来,建造大型战舰这门无用的技艺大概渐遭荒废,最终被人遗忘。
38
↩
Chishull (Travels, p. 61-63, 72-76) proceeded from Gallipoli, through Hadrianople to the Danube, in about fifteen days. He was in the train of an English ambassador, whose baggage consisted of seventy-one wagons. That learned traveller has the merit of tracing a curious and unfrequented route.
奇斯赫尔(Travels, p. 61-63, 72-76)从加里波利出发,经阿德里安堡抵达多瑙河,用了约十五天。他随行于一位英国大使的队伍之中,那使团的行李装了整整七十一辆大车。这位博学的旅行家难得地考订出一条新奇而人迹罕至的路线。
3811
↩
Fravitta, according to Zosimus, though a Pagan, received the honors of the consulate. Zosim, v. c. 20. On Fravitta, see a very imperfect fragment of Eunapius. Mai. ii. 290, in Niebuhr. 92.—M.
据佐西莫斯所言,弗拉维塔虽是异教徒,却获得了执政官的荣衔。Zosim. v. c. 20. 关于弗拉维塔,另见欧纳皮乌斯一则残缺不全的残篇,Mai. ii. 290, in Niebuhr. 92.—M
39
↩
The narrative of Zosimus, who actually leads Gainas beyond the Danube, must be corrected by the testimony of Socrates, aud Sozomen, that he was killed in Thrace; and by the precise and authentic dates of the Alexandrian, or Paschal, Chronicle, p. 307. The naval victory of the Hellespont is fixed to the month Apellaeus, the tenth of the Calends of January, (December 23;) the head of Gainas was brought to Constantinople the third of the nones of January, (January 3,) in the month Audynaeus.
佐西莫斯的记述竟把盖纳斯一直带到了多瑙河以北,这须以苏格拉底和索佐门的证词——即他实死于色雷斯——来加以订正,也须以《亚历山大里亚编年史》(又名《复活节编年史》,p. 307)中确切而可靠的日期来订正。赫勒斯滂海战大捷系于阿佩莱奥斯月,即一月卡兰兹前第十日(12月23日);盖纳斯的首级则于奥迪奈奥斯月、一月诺奈前第三日(1月3日)被送抵君士坦丁堡。
40
↩
Eusebius Scholasticus acquired much fame by his poem on the Gothic war, in which he had served. Near forty years afterwards Ammonius recited another poem on the same subject, in the presence of the emperor Theodosius. See Socrates, l. vi. c. 6.
优西比乌·斯科拉斯提库斯曾亲历哥特战争,凭一首吟咏此役的诗作声名大噪。将近四十年后,阿摩尼乌斯又当着皇帝狄奥多西的面,诵读了另一首以同一题材写成的诗。见 Socrates, l. vi. c. 6.
41
↩
The sixth book of Socrates, the eighth of Sozomen, and the fifth of Theodoret, afford curious and authentic materials for the life of John Chrysostom. Besides those general historians, I have taken for my guides the four principal biographers of the saint. 1. The author of a partial and passionate Vindication of the archbishop of Constantinople, composed in the form of a dialogue, and under the name of his zealous partisan, Palladius, bishop of Helenopolis, (Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xi. p. 500-533.) It is inserted among the works of Chrysostom. tom. xiii. p. 1-90, edit. Montfaucon. 2. The moderate Erasmus, (tom. iii. epist. Mcl. p. 1331-1347, edit. Lugd. Bat.) His vivacity and good sense were his own; his errors, in the uncultivated state of ecclesiastical antiquity, were almost inevitable. 3. The learned Tillemont, (Mem. Ecclesiastiques, tom. xi. p. 1-405, 547-626, &c. &c.,) who compiles the lives of the saints with incredible patience and religious accuracy. He has minutely searched the voluminous works of Chrysostom himself. 4. Father Montfaucon, who has perused those works with the curious diligence of an editor, discovered several new homilies, and again reviewed and composed the Life of Chrysostom, (Opera Chrysostom. tom. xiii. p. 91-177.)
苏格拉底著作的第六卷、索佐门的第八卷、狄奥多勒的第五卷,都为约翰·克里索斯托的生平提供了新奇而可靠的材料。除这些通史家外,我还以这位圣徒的四位主要传记作者为向导。其一,是一部为君士坦丁堡大主教辩护、既偏私又激愤的《辩护书》的作者,此书以对话体写成,托名于他热忱的追随者、海伦波利斯主教帕拉狄乌斯(Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xi. p. 500-533),收在克里索斯托文集中,tom. xiii. p. 1-90, edit. Montfaucon。其二,是持论温和的伊拉斯谟(tom. iii. epist. Mcl. p. 1331-1347, edit. Lugd. Bat.);他的机敏与见识出于天赋,而他的谬误,在教会古史尚未昌明的境况下,几乎在所难免。其三,是博学的蒂耶蒙(Mem. Ecclesiastiques, tom. xi. p. 1-405, 547-626, &c. &c.),他以惊人的耐心与虔敬的精确编纂诸圣徒的传记,还曾细细钻研克里索斯托本人卷帙浩繁的著作。其四,是蒙福孔神父,他以编者那种孜孜不倦的勤勉通读了这些著作,发掘出若干新的讲道篇,并重新审订、撰写了《克里索斯托传》(Opera Chrysostom. tom. xiii. p. 91-177)。
42
↩
As I am almost a stranger to the voluminous sermons of Chrysostom, I have given my confidence to the two most judicious and moderate of the ecclesiastical critics, Erasmus (tom. iii. p. 1344) and Dupin, (Bibliothèque Ecclesiastique, tom. iii. p. 38:) yet the good taste of the former is sometimes vitiated by an excessive love of antiquity; and the good sense of the latter is always restrained by prudential considerations.
由于我对克里索斯托卷帙浩繁的布道文几乎一无所知,便把信任托付给了教会评家中最明达、最持中的两位——伊拉斯谟(tom. iii. p. 1344)与迪潘(Bibliothèque Ecclesiastique, tom. iii. p. 38);然而前者的雅趣,有时因过分偏爱古物而受损,后者的识见,则总为审慎的顾虑所束缚。
43
↩
The females of Constantinople distinguished themselves by their enmity or their attachment to Chrysostom. Three noble and opulent widows, Marsa, Castricia, and Eugraphia, were the leaders of the persecution, (Pallad. Dialog. tom. xiii. p. 14.) It was impossible that they should forgive a preacher who reproached their affectation to conceal, by the ornaments of dress, their age and ugliness, (Pallad p. 27.) Olympias, by equal zeal, displayed in a more pious cause, has obtained the title of saint. See Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xi p. 416-440.
君士坦丁堡的贵妇们,或与克里索斯托为敌、或对他倾心相附,皆因此而引人注目。三位高贵而富有的寡妇——马尔莎、卡斯特里基娅与欧格拉菲娅——是这场迫害的带头者(Pallad. Dialog. tom. xiii. p. 14)。这位布道者曾斥责她们矫揉造作,妄图靠华服首饰来遮掩自己的老迈与丑陋,她们自然断难宽恕(Pallad. p. 27)。奥林匹娅斯以同样的热忱投身于一桩更为虔敬的事业,因而赢得了圣徒的称号。见 Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xi. p. 416-440.
44
↩
Sozomen, and more especially Socrates, have defined the real character of Chrysostom with a temperate and impartial freedom, very offensive to his blind admirers. Those historians lived in the next generation, when party violence was abated, and had conversed with many persons intimately acquainted with the virtues and imperfections of the saint.
索佐门,尤其是苏格拉底,都以一种温和而不偏不倚的坦率,勾勒出克里索斯托的真实性情,这叫那些盲目崇拜他的人大为不快。这两位史家生于下一代人,其时党争的激烈已趋平息,他们又同许多深知这位圣徒之德行与瑕疵的人有过交谈。
45
↩
Palladius (tom. xiii. p. 40, &c.) very seriously defends the archbishop 1. He never tasted wine. 2. The weakness of his stomach required a peculiar diet. 3. Business, or study, or devotion, often kept him fasting till sunset. 4. He detested the noise and levity of great dinners. 5. He saved the expense for the use of the poor. 6. He was apprehensive, in a capital like Constantinople, of the envy and reproach of partial invitations.
帕拉狄乌斯(tom. xiii. p. 40, &c.)一本正经地为这位大主教辩护:一、他从不沾酒。二、他肠胃虚弱,须得特别的饮食。三、公务、研读或祈祷,常令他斋戒到日落。四、他厌恶盛大宴席上的喧闹与轻浮。五、他把省下的这笔开销用来周济穷人。六、在君士坦丁堡这样的都城,他唯恐厚此薄彼地宴请会招来嫉恨与非议。
46
↩
Chrysostom declares his free opinion (tom. ix. hom. iii in Act. Apostol. p. 29) that the number of bishops, who might be saved, bore a very small proportion to those who would be damned.
克里索斯托直言不讳地表明其看法(tom. ix. hom. iii in Act. Apostol. p. 29):能得救的主教,比起要下地狱的,只占极小的一部分。
47
↩
See Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xi. p. 441-500.
见 Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xi. p. 441-500.
48
↩
I have purposely omitted the controversy which arose among the monks of Egypt, concerning Origenism and Anthropomorphism; the dissimulation and violence of Theophilus; his artful management of the simplicity of Epiphanius; the persecution and flight of the long, or tall, brothers; the ambiguous support which they received at Constantinople from Chrysostom, &c. &c.
我特意略去了埃及僧侣间围绕奥利金主义与神人同形论掀起的那场争论,也略去了塞奥菲鲁斯的伪善与暴虐、他如何巧妙地摆布头脑单纯的埃皮法尼乌斯、那几位“长兄弟”(即身材高大的兄弟)所遭的迫害与流亡,以及他们在君士坦丁堡从克里索斯托那里得到的暧昧支持,如此等等。
49
↩
Photius (p. 53-60) has preserved the original acts of the synod of the Oak; which destroys the false assertion, that Chrysostom was condemned by no more than thirty-six bishops, of whom twenty-nine were Egyptians. Forty-five bishops subscribed his sentence. See Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xi. p. 595. * Note: Tillemont argues strongly for the number of thirty-six—M
佛提乌(p. 53-60)保存了橡树会议的原始记录,这便推翻了那个不实之说——即判克里索斯托有罪的主教不过三十六位,其中二十九位是埃及人。实则有四十五位主教在判决书上签了名。见 Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xi. p. 595. * 按:蒂耶蒙力主三十六之数—M
50
↩
Palladius owns (p. 30) that if the people of Constantinople had found Theophilus, they would certainly have thrown him into the sea. Socrates mentions (l. vi. c. 17) a battle between the mob and the sailors of Alexandria, in which many wounds were given, and some lives were lost. The massacre of the monks is observed only by the Pagan Zosimus, (l. v. p. 324,) who acknowledges that Chrysostom had a singular talent to lead the illiterate multitude.
帕拉狄乌斯承认(p. 30),倘若君士坦丁堡的民众逮着了塞奥菲鲁斯,定会把他扔进海里。苏格拉底提到(l. vi. c. 17)暴民与亚历山大里亚水手之间的一场斗殴,双方多人负伤,还有几人送了命。至于屠杀僧侣一事,唯有异教徒佐西莫斯记下了(l. v. p. 324),他也承认克里索斯托有一种煽动无知群氓的独特本领。
51
↩
See Socrates, l. vi. c. 18. Sozomen, l. viii. c. 20. Zosimus (l. v. p 324, 327) mentions, in general terms, his invectives against Eudoxia. The homily, which begins with those famous words, is rejected as spurious. Montfaucon, tom. xiii. p. 151. Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom xi. p. 603.
见 Socrates, l. vi. c. 18. Sozomen, l. viii. c. 20. 佐西莫斯(l. v. p. 324, 327)泛泛地提及他对欧多克西娅的抨击。至于以那句名言开头的讲道篇,则被判定为伪作。Montfaucon, tom. xiii. p. 151. Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xi. p. 603.
52
↩
We might naturally expect such a charge from Zosimus, (l. v. p. 327;) but it is remarkable enough, that it should be confirmed by Socrates, (l. vi. c. 18,) and the Paschal Chronicle, (p. 307.)
这样的指控出自佐西莫斯之口(l. v. p. 327),本在意料之中;可耐人寻味的是,苏格拉底(l. vi. c. 18)与《复活节编年史》(p. 307)竟也加以证实。
53
↩
He displays those specious motives (Post Reditum, c. 13, 14) in the language of an orator and a politician.
他以演说家兼政客的口吻,把那些冠冕堂皇的动机铺陈了出来(Post Reditum, c. 13, 14)。
54
↩
Two hundred and forty-two of the epistles of Chrysostom are still extant, (Opera, tom. iii. p. 528-736.) They are addressed to a great variety of persons, and show a firmness of mind much superior to that of Cicero in his exile. The fourteenth epistle contains a curious narrative of the dangers of his journey.
克里索斯托的书信如今尚存二百四十二封(Opera, tom. iii. p. 528-736),收信人形形色色,字里行间所显露的心志之坚定,远胜流亡中的西塞罗。第十四封信里,有一段关于他旅途凶险的奇特记述。
55
↩
After the exile of Chrysostom, Theophilus published an enormous and horrible volume against him, in which he perpetually repeats the polite expressions of hostem humanitatis, sacrilegorum principem, immundum daemonem; he affirms, that John Chrysostom had delivered his soul to be adulterated by the devil; and wishes that some further punishment, adequate (if possible) to the magnitude of his crimes, may be inflicted on him. St. Jerom, at the request of his friend Theophilus, translated this edifying performance from Greek into Latin. See Facundus Hermian. Defens. pro iii. Capitul. l. vi. c. 5 published by Sirmond. Opera, tom. ii. p. 595, 596, 597.
克里索斯托被放逐后,塞奥菲鲁斯又出了一部篇幅浩大、令人发指的著作来攻击他,书中翻来覆去地用着那些“客气”的字眼——hostem humanitatis(人类之敌)、sacrilegorum principem(渎神者之魁)、immundum daemonem(不洁之魔);他断言约翰·克里索斯托已把自己的灵魂交给魔鬼去玷污,还盼着能对他再施以某种(若有可能)足以匹配其滔天罪行的惩罚。圣哲罗姆应友人塞奥菲鲁斯之请,把这部“劝善”的杰作从希腊文译成了拉丁文。见 Facundus Hermian. Defens. pro iii. Capitul. l. vi. c. 5,西尔蒙刊行,Opera, tom. ii. p. 595, 596, 597.
56
↩
His name was inserted by his successor Atticus in the Dyptics of the church of Constantinople, A.D. 418. Ten years afterwards he was revered as a saint. Cyril, who inherited the place, and the passions, of his uncle Theophilus, yielded with much reluctance. See Facund. Hermian. l. 4, c. 1. Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xiv. p. 277-283.
公元418年,他的继任者阿提库斯把他的名字列入了君士坦丁堡教会的双联圣名册。十年之后,他被尊为圣徒。西里尔既继承了其叔塞奥菲鲁斯的职位,也承袭了他的偏执,因而极不情愿地才让了步。见 Facund. Hermian. l. 4, c. 1. Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xiv. p. 277-283.
57
↩
Socrates, l. vii. c. 45. Theodoret, l. v. c. 36. This event reconciled the Joannites, who had hitherto refused to acknowledge his successors. During his lifetime, the Joannites were respected, by the Catholics, as the true and orthodox communion of Constantinople. Their obstinacy gradually drove them to the brink of schism.
Socrates, l. vii. c. 45. Theodoret, l. v. c. 36. 此事使约翰派重归于好,他们此前一直拒不承认他的历任继任者。在他生前,约翰派被大公教徒视为君士坦丁堡真正而正统的团体;他们的固执,却渐渐把自己推到了分裂的边缘。
58
↩
According to some accounts, (Baronius, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 438 No. 9, 10,) the emperor was forced to send a letter of invitation and excuses, before the body of the ceremonious saint could be moved from Comana.
据某些记载(Baronius, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 438 No. 9, 10),皇帝不得不先送去一封邀请兼致歉的信,这位讲究礼数的圣徒的遗体,方才肯从科马纳启程。