Chapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By Barbarians.—Part VI. 第三十一章 阿拉里克入侵;罗马城的陷落——第六节

The personal animosities and hereditary feuds of the Barbarians were suspended by the strong necessity of their affairs; and the brave Adolphus, the brother-in-law of the deceased monarch, was unanimously elected to succeed to his throne. The character and political system of the new king of the Goths may be best understood from his own conversation with an illustrious citizen of Narbonne; who afterwards, in a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, related it to St. Jerom, in the presence of the historian Orosius. “In the full confidence of valor and victory, I once aspired (said Adolphus) to change the face of the universe; to obliterate the name of Rome; to erect on its ruins the dominion of the Goths; and to acquire, like Augustus, the immortal fame of the founder of a new empire. By repeated experiments, I was gradually convinced, that laws are essentially necessary to maintain and regulate a well-constituted state; and that the fierce, untractable humor of the Goths was incapable of bearing the salutary yoke of laws and civil government. From that moment I proposed to myself a different object of glory and ambition; and it is now my sincere wish that the gratitude of future ages should acknowledge the merit of a stranger, who employed the sword of the Goths, not to subvert, but to restore and maintain, the prosperity of the Roman empire.” 130 With these pacific views, the successor of Alaric suspended the operations of war; and seriously negotiated with the Imperial court a treaty of friendship and alliance. It was the interest of the ministers of Honorius, who were now released from the obligation of their extravagant oath, to deliver Italy from the intolerable weight of the Gothic powers; and they readily accepted their service against the tyrants and Barbarians who infested the provinces beyond the Alps. 131 Adolphus, assuming the character of a Roman general, directed his march from the extremity of Campania to the southern provinces of Gaul. His troops, either by force or agreement, immediately occupied the cities of Narbonne, Thoulouse, and Bordeaux; and though they were repulsed by Count Boniface from the walls of Marseilles, they soon extended their quarters from the Mediterranean to the Ocean.
事势所迫,蛮族内部的私人恩怨与世代宿仇暂时搁置;众人一致推举勇武的阿陶尔夫——已故君王的姻亲——继承王位。要了解这位哥特新王的性情与治国方略,最好莫过于听他本人的一席话。他曾与纳博讷一位声望卓著的市民交谈;此人后来赴圣地朝圣时,当着史家奥罗修斯的面,把这番话讲给了圣哲罗姆。阿陶尔夫说:“当年我自恃勇力,深信必胜,曾一心要改换天下的面貌:抹去罗马之名,在其废墟上建立哥特人的霸业,并像奥古斯都那样,赢得开创新帝国者那不朽的英名。然而一再尝试之后,我渐渐明白:要维系并治理一个组织严密的国家,法律实不可少;而哥特人性情剽悍、桀骜难驯,根本承受不起法律与文治那有益的约束。从那一刻起,我为自己的荣耀与抱负另立了目标。如今我衷心期望:后世子孙心怀感激,承认这样一个外邦人的功绩——他驱使哥特人的刀剑,不是为了颠覆,而是为了重振并守护罗马帝国的昌盛。”130 抱着这般息兵的宗旨,阿拉里克的继承者停止了军事行动,郑重其事地与帝国朝廷磋商,缔结友好同盟之约。霍诺留的大臣们此时已摆脱了那道荒唐誓言的束缚,正巴不得把意大利从哥特大军那难以承受的重压下解脱出来;于是他们欣然借重哥特人之力,去对付盘踞在阿尔卑斯山以外各行省、为祸一方的僭主与蛮族。131 阿陶尔夫以罗马将领的身份,率军从坎帕尼亚的最南端开拔,直趋高卢南部诸行省。他的军队或凭武力,或经协议,旋即占据了纳博讷、图卢兹、波尔多诸城;虽在马赛城下被卜尼法斯伯爵击退,却很快把驻地从地中海一直扩展到大西洋之滨。
The oppressed provincials might exclaim, that the miserable remnant, which the enemy had spared, was cruelly ravished by their pretended allies; yet some specious colors were not wanting to palliate, or justify the violence of the Goths. The cities of Gaul, which they attacked, might perhaps be considered as in a state of rebellion against the government of Honorius: the articles of the treaty, or the secret instructions of the court, might sometimes be alleged in favor of the seeming usurpations of Adolphus; and the guilt of any irregular, unsuccessful act of hostility might always be imputed, with an appearance of truth, to the ungovernable spirit of a Barbarian host, impatient of peace or discipline. The luxury of Italy had been less effectual to soften the temper, than to relax the courage, of the Goths; and they had imbibed the vices, without imitating the arts and institutions, of civilized society. 132
饱受欺凌的行省居民或许会痛呼:敌人手下留情后所剩的那点可怜家当,如今竟被这些名为盟友的人残酷洗劫一空。然而,要替哥特人的暴行遮掩或辩解,倒也不乏几分似是而非的说辞。他们所攻打的那些高卢城市,或许可以算作正在反叛霍诺留的政权;条约的条款,或是朝廷的密令,有时也可援引出来,为阿陶尔夫那些看似僭越的举动张目;至于任何越轨而又未能得逞的敌对行径,总可以貌似有理地推给蛮族大军那难以驾驭的性子——他们本就耐不住和平与纪律的约束。意大利的奢靡之风,与其说磨软了哥特人的脾性,不如说销蚀了他们的勇气;他们沾染了文明社会的种种恶习,却并未效法其技艺与制度。132
The professions of Adolphus were probably sincere, and his attachment to the cause of the republic was secured by the ascendant which a Roman princess had acquired over the heart and understanding of the Barbarian king. Placidia, 133 the daughter of the great Theodosius, and of Galla, his second wife, had received a royal education in the palace of Constantinople; but the eventful story of her life is connected with the revolutions which agitated the Western empire under the reign of her brother Honorius. When Rome was first invested by the arms of Alaric, Placidia, who was then about twenty years of age, resided in the city; and her ready consent to the death of her cousin Serena has a cruel and ungrateful appearance, which, according to the circumstances of the action, may be aggravated, or excused, by the consideration of her tender age. 134 The victorious Barbarians detained, either as a hostage or a captive, 135 the sister of Honorius; but, while she was exposed to the disgrace of following round Italy the motions of a Gothic camp, she experienced, however, a decent and respectful treatment. The authority of Jornandes, who praises the beauty of Placidia, may perhaps be counterbalanced by the silence, the expressive silence, of her flatterers: yet the splendor of her birth, the bloom of youth, the elegance of manners, and the dexterous insinuation which she condescended to employ, made a deep impression on the mind of Adolphus; and the Gothic king aspired to call himself the brother of the emperor. The ministers of Honorius rejected with disdain the proposal of an alliance so injurious to every sentiment of Roman pride; and repeatedly urged the restitution of Placidia, as an indispensable condition of the treaty of peace. But the daughter of Theodosius submitted, without reluctance, to the desires of the conqueror, a young and valiant prince, who yielded to Alaric in loftiness of stature, but who excelled in the more attractive qualities of grace and beauty. The marriage of Adolphus and Placidia 136 was consummated before the Goths retired from Italy; and the solemn, perhaps the anniversary day of their nuptials was afterwards celebrated in the house of Ingenuus, one of the most illustrious citizens of Narbonne in Gaul. The bride, attired and adorned like a Roman empress, was placed on a throne of state; and the king of the Goths, who assumed, on this occasion, the Roman habit, contented himself with a less honorable seat by her side. The nuptial gift, which, according to the custom of his nation, 137 was offered to Placidia, consisted of the rare and magnificent spoils of her country. Fifty beautiful youths, in silken robes, carried a basin in each hand; and one of these basins was filled with pieces of gold, the other with precious stones of an inestimable value. Attalus, so long the sport of fortune, and of the Goths, was appointed to lead the chorus of the Hymeneal song; and the degraded emperor might aspire to the praise of a skilful musician. The Barbarians enjoyed the insolence of their triumph; and the provincials rejoiced in this alliance, which tempered, by the mild influence of love and reason, the fierce spirit of their Gothic lord. 138
阿陶尔夫这番表白,多半出于真心;而他对罗马国家事业的忠诚,更有一层保障——一位罗马公主已牢牢俘获了这位蛮王的心智。普拉西狄亚133是伟大的狄奥多西与其第二任妻子加拉所生之女,自幼在君士坦丁堡的宫廷中接受王室教养;然而她跌宕起伏的一生,却与其兄霍诺留在位时震撼西部帝国的种种变乱纠缠在一起。阿拉里克初次围困罗马时,年约二十的普拉西狄亚正住在城中;她曾一口应允处死表姐塞雷娜,此举看来既残忍又忘恩,至于其罪该加重还是可以原谅,则要看当时的情形,也要顾及她年纪尚轻。134 获胜的蛮族把霍诺留的这位妹妹扣留下来,或作人质,或当俘虏135;她虽蒙受屈辱,不得不随着哥特营帐在意大利各地辗转迁徙,却始终受到得体而恭敬的待遇。约达尼斯盛赞普拉西狄亚的美貌,其说本可为凭;但她那些谄谀者却对此缄口不言——这意味深长的沉默,或许恰好抵消了约达尼斯之言。然而,她出身的煊赫、青春的芳华、举止的优雅,再加上她屈尊施展的巧妙笼络,都在阿陶尔夫心中留下了深深的印记;这位哥特王竟一心想以皇帝的妹夫自居。这样一门亲事,处处有伤罗马人的自尊,霍诺留的大臣们不屑一顾,一口回绝,并再三坚持:交还普拉西狄亚乃是和约不可或缺的条件。然而狄奥多西这位女儿却毫不勉强地顺从了这位征服者的心愿。此人年轻勇武,身量虽不及阿拉里克那般魁伟,风姿与俊美却更胜一筹,惹人倾心。阿陶尔夫与普拉西狄亚的婚事136在哥特人撤离意大利之前便已圆成;日后,人们又在高卢纳博讷城中一位声望卓著的市民因根努斯家中,隆重庆贺他们成婚的良辰——那或许正是婚礼的周年之日。新娘装束打扮宛如罗马皇后,端坐在华贵的宝座之上;哥特王这一天则换上了罗马服饰,甘居其侧一个较为逊色的座位。按照本族的风俗137,献给普拉西狄亚的聘礼,尽是从她祖国掠来的稀世珍宝。五十名俊美的少年,身着丝袍,每人双手各捧一只大盘:一盘盛满金币,另一盘则堆着价值连城的宝石。阿塔卢斯久为命运与哥特人所戏弄,此番被派去领唱祝婚的合唱;这位落魄的皇帝,倒也称得上一位技艺娴熟的乐师,堪受此誉。蛮族纵情享受着这场耀武扬威的凯旋;而行省居民则为这门联姻而欢欣——爱情与理智那温和的力量,正借此收敛了他们那位哥特主君的暴烈之气。138
The hundred basins of gold and gems, presented to Placidia at her nuptial feast, formed an inconsiderable portion of the Gothic treasures; of which some extraordinary specimens may be selected from the history of the successors of Adolphus. Many curious and costly ornaments of pure gold, enriched with jewels, were found in their palace of Narbonne, when it was pillaged, in the sixth century, by the Franks: sixty cups, or chalices; fifteen patens, or plates, for the use of the communion; twenty boxes, or cases, to hold the books of the Gospels: this consecrated wealth 139 was distributed by the son of Clovis among the churches of his dominions, and his pious liberality seems to upbraid some former sacrilege of the Goths. They possessed, with more security of conscience, the famous missorium, or great dish for the service of the table, of massy gold, of the weight of five hundred pounds, and of far superior value, from the precious stones, the exquisite workmanship, and the tradition, that it had been presented by Ætius, the patrician, to Torismond, king of the Goths. One of the successors of Torismond purchased the aid of the French monarch by the promise of this magnificent gift. When he was seated on the throne of Spain, he delivered it with reluctance to the ambassadors of Dagobert; despoiled them on the road; stipulated, after a long negotiation, the inadequate ransom of two hundred thousand pieces of gold; and preserved the missorium, as the pride of the Gothic treasury. 140 When that treasury, after the conquest of Spain, was plundered by the Arabs, they admired, and they have celebrated, another object still more remarkable; a table of considerable size, of one single piece of solid emerald, 141 encircled with three rows of fine pearls, supported by three hundred and sixty-five feet of gems and massy gold, and estimated at the price of five hundred thousand pieces of gold. 142 Some portion of the Gothic treasures might be the gift of friendship, or the tribute of obedience; but the far greater part had been the fruits of war and rapine, the spoils of the empire, and perhaps of Rome.
婚宴上献给普拉西狄亚的那一百只金盘与宝石盘,在哥特人的宝藏中不过区区一小部分;从阿陶尔夫历代继承者的史事里,还可拈出若干非同寻常的珍品。六世纪时,法兰克人劫掠哥特人在纳博讷的宫殿,从中搜得许多纯金打造、镶嵌宝石的精巧贵重之物:六十只杯盏,即圣杯;十五只碟盘,即领圣餐所用的圣盘;二十只匣盒,用以盛放福音书。这批圣物139由克洛维之子分赐给辖境内的各座教堂;他这般虔诚的慷慨,似乎正好反衬出哥特人早先的某桩亵渎之罪。哥特人手中另有一件名物,持有起来倒可问心无愧,那便是著名的 missorium,即宴席所用的大盘,纯金铸成,重达五百磅;而其真正的价值还远在于此——盘上镶着宝石,做工精绝,又相传是大贵族埃提乌斯当年赠予哥特王托里斯蒙德之物。托里斯蒙德的一位后继者,曾许诺以这件华美之物为酬,换取法兰克君主的援手。待他坐稳西班牙王位后,却极不情愿地把大盘交给达戈贝尔特的使臣,随即又在途中将其劫回;经过一番长久的讨价还价,讲定以二十万枚金币的低价充作赎金,终究把这 missorium 留了下来,视为哥特宝库的骄傲。140 后来阿拉伯人征服西班牙,洗劫了这座宝库,又惊叹并盛赞另一件更为奇异之物:那是一张相当大的桌子141,由一整块坚实的祖母绿制成,四周环绕着三行细珠,下由三百六十五条镶嵌宝石的纯金桌脚支撑,估价高达五十万枚金币。142 哥特人的这些宝藏,或有一小部分得自友邦的馈赠,或是臣服者的贡纳;但绝大多数却是战争与劫掠的产物,是从帝国、乃至从罗马城本身夺来的战利品。
After the deliverance of Italy from the oppression of the Goths, some secret counsellor was permitted, amidst the factions of the palace, to heal the wounds of that afflicted country. 143 By a wise and humane regulation, the eight provinces which had been the most deeply injured, Campania, Tuscany, Picenum, Samnium, Apulia, Calabria, Bruttium, and Lucania, obtained an indulgence of five years: the ordinary tribute was reduced to one fifth, and even that fifth was destined to restore and support the useful institution of the public posts. By another law, the lands which had been left without inhabitants or cultivation, were granted, with some diminution of taxes, to the neighbors who should occupy, or the strangers who should solicit them; and the new possessors were secured against the future claims of the fugitive proprietors. About the same time a general amnesty was published in the name of Honorius, to abolish the guilt and memory of all the involuntary offences which had been committed by his unhappy subjects, during the term of the public disorder and calamity. A decent and respectful attention was paid to the restoration of the capital; the citizens were encouraged to rebuild the edifices which had been destroyed or damaged by hostile fire; and extraordinary supplies of corn were imported from the coast of Africa. The crowds that so lately fled before the sword of the Barbarians, were soon recalled by the hopes of plenty and pleasure; and Albinus, praefect of Rome, informed the court, with some anxiety and surprise, that, in a single day, he had taken an account of the arrival of fourteen thousand strangers. 144 In less than seven years, the vestiges of the Gothic invasion were almost obliterated; and the city appeared to resume its former splendor and tranquillity. The venerable matron replaced her crown of laurel, which had been ruffled by the storms of war; and was still amused, in the last moment of her decay, with the prophecies of revenge, of victory, and of eternal dominion. 145
意大利摆脱哥特人的压迫之后,宫廷派系倾轧之间,总算容得下某位不知名的谋臣出面,来医治这个饱经创伤的国度。143 按照一项明智而仁厚的法令,受害最深的八个行省——坎帕尼亚、托斯卡纳、皮凯努姆、萨莫奈、阿普利亚、卡拉布里亚、布鲁提乌姆与卢卡尼亚——获准宽免五年赋税:寻常的贡赋减至五分之一,而就连这五分之一,也拨作恢复与维持有益的公共驿传之用。另一道法令则规定:凡无人居住、无人耕种的荒地,可减征部分赋税,授予前来占垦的邻人或前来请领的外乡人;并保障这些新地主日后不致遭原逃亡业主索还。大约同时,又以霍诺留之名颁布大赦,凡其不幸的臣民在这场动乱与灾祸期间迫不得已所犯的一切过失,一概免罪,并从记忆中抹去。重建都城之事,也得到了应有的郑重关注:官府鼓励市民修复那些遭战火焚毁或损坏的建筑;又从阿非利加海岸运来了额外的大批粮食。不久前还在蛮族刀锋下四散奔逃的人群,很快便因丰饶安乐的指望而纷纷归来;罗马长官阿尔比努斯带着几分不安与惊讶奏报朝廷:单单一天之内,他就登记到一万四千名外来者抵达。144 不到七年,哥特入侵的痕迹便几近抹平,罗马城似乎又恢复了昔日的辉煌与安宁。这位可敬的老妇人,重新戴上了那顶曾被战乱风暴吹乱的桂冠;纵已日薄西山、行将就木,却仍以复仇、胜利与永恒统治的种种预言自娱。145
Erige crinales lauros, seniumque sacrati Verticis in virides, Roma, recinge comas, &c.]
Erige crinales lauros, seniumque sacrati Verticis in virides, Roma, recinge comas, &c.]
(罗马啊,昂起你那饰发的月桂冠,把你圣洁头顶上的衰白,重新绾成青翠的鬈发……)
This apparent tranquillity was soon disturbed by the approach of a hostile armament from the country which afforded the daily subsistence of the Roman people. Heraclian, count of Africa, who, under the most difficult and distressful circumstances, had supported, with active loyalty, the cause of Honorius, was tempted, in the year of his consulship, to assume the character of a rebel, and the title of emperor. The ports of Africa were immediately filled with the naval forces, at the head of which he prepared to invade Italy: and his fleet, when it cast anchor at the mouth of the Tyber, indeed surpassed the fleets of Xerxes and Alexander, if all the vessels, including the royal galley, and the smallest boat, did actually amount to the incredible number of three thousand two hundred. 146 Yet with such an armament, which might have subverted, or restored, the greatest empires of the earth, the African usurper made a very faint and feeble impression on the provinces of his rival. As he marched from the port, along the road which leads to the gates of Rome, he was encountered, terrified, and routed, by one of the Imperial captains; and the lord of this mighty host, deserting his fortune and his friends, ignominiously fled with a single ship. 147 When Heraclian landed in the harbor of Carthage, he found that the whole province, disdaining such an unworthy ruler, had returned to their allegiance. The rebel was beheaded in the ancient temple of Memory; his consulship was abolished: 148 and the remains of his private fortune, not exceeding the moderate sum of four thousand pounds of gold, were granted to the brave Constantius, who had already defended the throne, which he afterwards shared with his feeble sovereign. Honorius viewed, with supine indifference, the calamities of Rome and Italy; 149 but the rebellious attempts of Attalus and Heraclian, against his personal safety, awakened, for a moment, the torpid instinct of his nature. He was probably ignorant of the causes and events which preserved him from these impending dangers; and as Italy was no longer invaded by any foreign or domestic enemies, he peaceably existed in the palace of Ravenna, while the tyrants beyond the Alps were repeatedly vanquished in the name, and by the lieutenants, of the son of Theodosius. 150 In the course of a busy and interesting narrative I might possibly forget to mention the death of such a prince: and I shall therefore take the precaution of observing, in this place, that he survived the last siege of Rome about thirteen years.
这表面的安宁不久便被打破:一支敌对的舰队正从那片供养罗马百姓日常口粮的土地逼近而来。阿非利加伯赫拉克利安,曾在最艰难困厄的境况下,以积极的忠诚扶保霍诺留的事业;如今却在他出任执政官那一年,受了诱惑,竟摆出叛臣的姿态,僭称皇帝。阿非利加各港口顿时挤满了他的水师,他准备亲率这支舰队进犯意大利。他的舰队在台伯河口下锚;倘若把御用大桨船以至最小的舢板都算在内,全部船只当真如所言多达三千二百艘这般骇人的数目,那它确实超过了薛西斯与亚历山大的舰队。146 然而,凭着这样一支足以颠覆或重建天下最强大帝国的舰队,这位阿非利加的僭主对其对手的行省却几乎未能撼动分毫。他从港口出发,沿着通往罗马城门的大道进军,途中却被帝国的一员将领迎头截住,吓破了胆,一败涂地;这位统领千军的主帅,抛下他的气运与同伴,只身乘一艘船,狼狈遁逃。147 赫拉克利安在迦太基港登岸时,才发现整个行省已鄙弃这个不成器的主子,重新归顺了朝廷。这个叛徒在古老的记忆女神庙中被斩首;他那一任执政官之职也被撤销:148 他私产的余额,不过区区四千磅黄金,尽数赐给了勇武的君士坦提乌斯——此人先前已捍卫过帝位,日后更与那位孱弱的君主共享其位。罗马与意大利的种种灾难,霍诺留只是懒散地漠然旁观149;唯有阿塔卢斯与赫拉克利安危及他一己安危的叛乱,才一时唤醒了他那迟钝天性中的本能。至于是何种缘由、何种事变使他免于这些迫在眉睫的危难,他多半一无所知;而既然意大利再无内外之敌来犯,他便安然栖居于拉文纳的宫中,任凭阿尔卑斯山那边的僭主们,一次又一次地以狄奥多西之子的名义、经其部将之手而覆灭。150 在这般繁忙而引人入胜的叙述之中,我很可能会忘了提及这样一位君主的死;因此我特意在此先行交代:罗马末次被围之后,他又活了约十三年。
The usurpation of Constantine, who received the purple from the legions of Britain, had been successful, and seemed to be secure. His title was acknowledged, from the wall of Antoninus to the columns of Hercules; and, in the midst of the public disorder he shared the dominion, and the plunder, of Gaul and Spain, with the tribes of Barbarians, whose destructive progress was no longer checked by the Rhine or Pyrenees. Stained with the blood of the kinsmen of Honorius, he extorted, from the court of Ravenna, with which he secretly corresponded, the ratification of his rebellious claims. Constantine engaged himself, by a solemn promise, to deliver Italy from the Goths; advanced as far as the banks of the Po; and after alarming, rather than assisting, his pusillanimous ally, hastily returned to the palace of Arles, to celebrate, with intemperate luxury, his vain and ostentatious triumph. But this transient prosperity was soon interrupted and destroyed by the revolt of Count Gerontius, the bravest of his generals; who, during the absence of his son Constans, a prince already invested with the Imperial purple, had been left to command in the provinces of Spain. From some reason, of which we are ignorant, Gerontius, instead of assuming the diadem, placed it on the head of his friend Maximus, who fixed his residence at Tarragona, while the active count pressed forwards, through the Pyrenees, to surprise the two emperors, Constantine and Constans, before they could prepare for their defence. The son was made prisoner at Vienna, and immediately put to death: and the unfortunate youth had scarcely leisure to deplore the elevation of his family; which had tempted, or compelled him, sacrilegiously to desert the peaceful obscurity of the monastic life. The father maintained a siege within the walls of Arles; but those walls must have yielded to the assailants, had not the city been unexpectedly relieved by the approach of an Italian army. The name of Honorius, the proclamation of a lawful emperor, astonished the contending parties of the rebels. Gerontius, abandoned by his own troops, escaped to the confines of Spain; and rescued his name from oblivion, by the Roman courage which appeared to animate the last moments of his life. In the middle of the night, a great body of his perfidious soldiers surrounded and attacked his house, which he had strongly barricaded. His wife, a valiant friend of the nation of the Alani, and some faithful slaves, were still attached to his person; and he used, with so much skill and resolution, a large magazine of darts and arrows, that above three hundred of the assailants lost their lives in the attempt. His slaves when all the missile weapons were spent, fled at the dawn of day; and Gerontius, if he had not been restrained by conjugal tenderness, might have imitated their example; till the soldiers, provoked by such obstinate resistance, applied fire on all sides to the house. In this fatal extremity, he complied with the request of his Barbarian friend, and cut off his head. The wife of Gerontius, who conjured him not to abandon her to a life of misery and disgrace, eagerly presented her neck to his sword; and the tragic scene was terminated by the death of the count himself, who, after three ineffectual strokes, drew a short dagger, and sheathed it in his heart. 151 The unprotected Maximus, whom he had invested with the purple, was indebted for his life to the contempt that was entertained of his power and abilities. The caprice of the Barbarians, who ravaged Spain, once more seated this Imperial phantom on the throne: but they soon resigned him to the justice of Honorius; and the tyrant Maximus, after he had been shown to the people of Ravenna and Rome, was publicly executed.
君士坦丁篡位一事,一向颇为顺遂,看来已然稳固——此人乃是由不列颠的军团拥上帝位、披上紫袍的。从安敦尼长城直到赫拉克勒斯之柱,人人承认他的帝号;值天下大乱之际,他与各蛮族部落瓜分了高卢与西班牙的治权和劫获——这些蛮族一路烧杀,再无莱茵河或比利牛斯山能阻其兵锋。他手上沾着霍诺留亲族的血,却又与拉文纳朝廷暗通款曲,从中硬逼对方追认了他这叛逆得来的名号。君士坦丁曾郑重许诺,要把意大利从哥特人手中解救出来;他一路推进到波河之滨,却不是助了他那胆怯的盟友一臂之力,反倒把对方吓得惊惶不安,随即又匆匆退回阿尔勒的宫中,纵情奢靡,去庆贺他那虚浮而张扬的所谓凯旋。然而这转瞬即逝的得意,很快便因革隆提乌斯伯爵的反叛而中断、告吹。此人是他麾下最勇猛的将领;当君士坦丁之子、早已加身紫袍的君士坦斯离开时,便留下他统辖西班牙诸行省。出于某种我们不得而知的缘由,革隆提乌斯并未自戴王冠,反把它加在友人马克西穆斯的头上;马克西穆斯把居所定在塔拉戈纳,而这位精力旺盛的伯爵则挥师越过比利牛斯山,要趁君士坦丁、君士坦斯这两位皇帝还来不及布防,出其不意将他们一举拿下。那做儿子的在维埃纳被俘,旋即处死;这不幸的青年几乎来不及痛悔自家的飞黄腾达——正是这份荣显,或诱使、或逼迫他亵渎神明,抛下了修道生活那份平静与默默无闻。那做父亲的则退入阿尔勒城中固守;若非一支意大利军队意外逼近,为该城解了围,那城墙本已非落入攻方之手不可。霍诺留之名,一位合法皇帝的旗号,令这些相互厮杀的叛党全都愕然。革隆提乌斯为自己的部众所弃,逃到西班牙边境;而在他生命的最后一刻,却仿佛焕发出罗马人般的勇气,使其名声免于湮没。深夜里,一大群叛变的士兵包围并攻打他那座严加设防的宅子。此刻仍不离其左右的,只有他的妻子——一位来自阿兰族的勇敢女子——以及几名忠心的奴仆;他手握一大批标枪与箭矢,运用得如此娴熟果决,以致三百余名来犯者命丧于此。待所有投射的兵器都耗尽,他的奴仆便在破晓时分四散逃走;革隆提乌斯若不是为夫妻情分所牵绊,本也可效法他们;士兵们被这般顽抗激怒,终于从四面纵火焚烧那宅子。到了这生死绝境,他依了那位蛮族友人的恳求,砍下了他的头。革隆提乌斯的妻子苦苦哀求他,莫要撇下自己去过那屈辱悲惨的余生,遂急切地把脖颈伸向他的刀锋;而这幕惨剧的收场,则是伯爵本人之死:他连刺三下都未能了断自己,最后抽出一柄短匕,将它插进了自己的心口。151 那位被他推上帝位、如今失了庇护的马克西穆斯,之所以能保住性命,全赖世人根本瞧不起他的权势与才具。蹂躏西班牙的蛮族一时兴起,又把这个徒有其名的皇帝重新扶上宝座;但不久便将他交由霍诺留处置。僭主马克西穆斯先是被押着示众于拉文纳和罗马的民众之前,继而当众处决。
The general, (Constantius was his name,) who raised by his approach the siege of Arles, and dissipated the troops of Gerontius, was born a Roman; and this remarkable distinction is strongly expressive of the decay of military spirit among the subjects of the empire. The strength and majesty which were conspicuous in the person of that general, 152 marked him, in the popular opinion, as a candidate worthy of the throne, which he afterwards ascended. In the familiar intercourse of private life, his manners were cheerful and engaging; nor would he sometimes disdain, in the license of convivial mirth, to vie with the pantomimes themselves, in the exercises of their ridiculous profession. But when the trumpet summoned him to arms; when he mounted his horse, and, bending down (for such was his singular practice) almost upon the neck, fiercely rolled his large animated eyes round the field, Constantius then struck terror into his foes, and inspired his soldiers with the assurance of victory. He had received from the court of Ravenna the important commission of extirpating rebellion in the provinces of the West; and the pretended emperor Constantine, after enjoying a short and anxious respite, was again besieged in his capital by the arms of a more formidable enemy. Yet this interval allowed time for a successful negotiation with the Franks and Alemanni and his ambassador, Edobic, soon returned at the head of an army, to disturb the operations of the siege of Arles. The Roman general, instead of expecting the attack in his lines, boldly and perhaps wisely, resolved to pass the Rhone, and to meet the Barbarians. His measures were conducted with so much skill and secrecy, that, while they engaged the infantry of Constantius in the front, they were suddenly attacked, surrounded, and destroyed, by the cavalry of his lieutenant Ulphilas, who had silently gained an advantageous post in their rear. The remains of the army of Edobic were preserved by flight or submission, and their leader escaped from the field of battle to the house of a faithless friend; who too clearly understood, that the head of his obnoxious guest would be an acceptable and lucrative present for the Imperial general. On this occasion, Constantius behaved with the magnanimity of a genuine Roman. Subduing, or suppressing, every sentiment of jealousy, he publicly acknowledged the merit and services of Ulphilas; but he turned with horror from the assassin of Edobic; and sternly intimated his commands, that the camp should no longer be polluted by the presence of an ungrateful wretch, who had violated the laws of friendship and hospitality. The usurper, who beheld, from the walls of Arles, the ruin of his last hopes, was tempted to place some confidence in so generous a conqueror. He required a solemn promise for his security; and after receiving, by the imposition of hands, the sacred character of a Christian Presbyter, he ventured to open the gates of the city. But he soon experienced that the principles of honor and integrity, which might regulate the ordinary conduct of Constantius, were superseded by the loose doctrines of political morality. The Roman general, indeed, refused to sully his laurels with the blood of Constantine; but the abdicated emperor, and his son Julian, were sent under a strong guard into Italy; and before they reached the palace of Ravenna, they met the ministers of death.
那位一到便解了阿尔勒之围、驱散革隆提乌斯部众的将领——他名叫君士坦提乌斯——生来便是罗马人;这一点竟成了值得一提的殊异,恰恰有力地道出了帝国臣民尚武之风的衰颓。这位将领身上那显而易见的雄健与威仪152,在众人眼中已使他俨然是配登帝位的人选;后来他也果真登上了皇位。私下交游之际,他举止爽朗,招人喜爱;在宴饮尽欢、百无禁忌之时,他甚至不惜与那些哑剧优伶一较高下,操演起他们那滑稽行当的把戏来。可一旦号角催他上阵,他翻身上马,几乎俯身贴到马颈之上(这是他独有的怪癖),一双炯炯有神的大眼凶悍地环扫战场——此时的君士坦提乌斯,便令敌人闻风丧胆,也让自己的士卒笃信必胜。他从拉文纳朝廷领受了一项重任:在西方各行省根除叛乱;那冒充皇帝的君士坦丁,在短暂而惶惶不安的喘息之后,又遭一个更为可畏的强敌兵临城下,重新围困于都城之中。不过,这段间隙也让他得以与法兰克人和阿勒曼尼人成功斡旋;他的使者埃多比克很快便率一支大军回师,前来搅扰阿尔勒的攻城战事。这位罗马将领没有在营垒中坐等敌军来攻,而是果敢地——或许也是明智地——决意渡过罗讷河,主动迎击蛮族。他调度得极为巧妙隐秘:当蛮族正与君士坦提乌斯的步兵在正面交锋时,他的部将乌尔菲拉斯早已悄然抢占了敌后的有利阵地,率骑兵骤然杀出,将其包围歼灭。埃多比克残部或逃或降,得以保全;其首领则逃出战场,投奔一个不讲信义的旧友。此人心里再清楚不过:把这位讨厌的客人的头颅献上,对那位帝国将领而言,将是一份既受欢迎又有厚利可图的礼物。而这一回,君士坦提乌斯却表现出真正罗马人的恢宏气度。他压下、或者说克制住心中一切嫉妒之情,当众褒扬乌尔菲拉斯的功劳与效力;可对那杀害埃多比克的凶手,他却厌恶地避而远之,并严词下令:不许这个背弃了友谊与待客之道的忘恩之徒再玷污营地。那僭主从阿尔勒城头眼看着最后的指望化为泡影,不禁想要对这样一位宽宏的征服者稍存几分信赖。他要求对方郑重立誓,保全自己的性命;又经按手礼领受了基督教长老的圣职之后,才壮着胆子打开了城门。然而他很快便领教到:那些或许能约束君士坦提乌斯平日言行的荣誉与正直准则,此刻已让位于政治道德中那套松弛的信条。这位罗马将领固然不肯以君士坦丁的血玷污自己的桂冠;但那退位的皇帝连同其子尤利安,仍被重兵押解往意大利,还没走到拉文纳的宫殿,便撞上了索命之人。
At a time when it was universally confessed, that almost every man in the empire was superior in personal merit to the princes whom the accident of their birth had seated on the throne, a rapid succession of usurpers, regardless of the fate of their predecessors, still continued to arise. This mischief was peculiarly felt in the provinces of Spain and Gaul, where the principles of order and obedience had been extinguished by war and rebellion. Before Constantine resigned the purple, and in the fourth month of the siege of Arles, intelligence was received in the Imperial camp, that Jovinus has assumed the diadem at Mentz, in the Upper Germany, at the instigation of Goar, king of the Alani, and of Guntiarius, king of the Burgundians; and that the candidate, on whom they had bestowed the empire, advanced with a formidable host of Barbarians, from the banks of the Rhine to those of the Rhone. Every circumstance is dark and extraordinary in the short history of the reign of Jovinus. It was natural to expect, that a brave and skilful general, at the head of a victorious army, would have asserted, in a field of battle, the justice of the cause of Honorius. The hasty retreat of Constantius might be justified by weighty reasons; but he resigned, without a struggle, the possession of Gaul; and Dardanus, the Prætorian praefect, is recorded as the only magistrate who refused to yield obedience to the usurper. 153 When the Goths, two years after the siege of Rome, established their quarters in Gaul, it was natural to suppose that their inclinations could be divided only between the emperor Honorius, with whom they had formed a recent alliance, and the degraded Attalus, whom they reserved in their camp for the occasional purpose of acting the part of a musician or a monarch. Yet in a moment of disgust, (for which it is not easy to assign a cause, or a date,) Adolphus connected himself with the usurper of Gaul; and imposed on Attalus the ignominious task of negotiating the treaty, which ratified his own disgrace. We are again surprised to read, that, instead of considering the Gothic alliance as the firmest support of his throne, Jovinus upbraided, in dark and ambiguous language, the officious importunity of Attalus; that, scorning the advice of his great ally, he invested with the purple his brother Sebastian; and that he most imprudently accepted the service of Sarus, when that gallant chief, the soldier of Honorius, was provoked to desert the court of a prince, who knew not how to reward or punish. Adolphus, educated among a race of warriors, who esteemed the duty of revenge as the most precious and sacred portion of their inheritance, advanced with a body of ten thousand Goths to encounter the hereditary enemy of the house of Balti. He attacked Sarus at an unguarded moment, when he was accompanied only by eighteen or twenty of his valiant followers. United by friendship, animated by despair, but at length oppressed by multitudes, this band of heroes deserved the esteem, without exciting the compassion, of their enemies; and the lion was no sooner taken in the toils, 154 than he was instantly despatched. The death of Sarus dissolved the loose alliance which Adolphus still maintained with the usurpers of Gaul. He again listened to the dictates of love and prudence; and soon satisfied the brother of Placidia, by the assurance that he would immediately transmit to the palace of Ravenna the heads of the two tyrants, Jovinus and Sebastian. The king of the Goths executed his promise without difficulty or delay; the helpless brothers, unsupported by any personal merit, were abandoned by their Barbarian auxiliaries; and the short opposition of Valentia was expiated by the ruin of one of the noblest cities of Gaul. The emperor, chosen by the Roman senate, who had been promoted, degraded, insulted, restored, again degraded, and again insulted, was finally abandoned to his fate; but when the Gothic king withdrew his protection, he was restrained, by pity or contempt, from offering any violence to the person of Attalus. The unfortunate Attalus, who was left without subjects or allies, embarked in one of the ports of Spain, in search of some secure and solitary retreat: but he was intercepted at sea, conducted to the presence of Honorius, led in triumph through the streets of Rome or Ravenna, and publicly exposed to the gazing multitude, on the second step of the throne of his invincible conqueror. The same measure of punishment, with which, in the days of his prosperity, he was accused of menacing his rival, was inflicted on Attalus himself; he was condemned, after the amputation of two fingers, to a perpetual exile in the Isle of Lipari, where he was supplied with the decent necessaries of life. The remainder of the reign of Honorius was undisturbed by rebellion; and it may be observed, that, in the space of five years, seven usurpers had yielded to the fortune of a prince, who was himself incapable either of counsel or of action.
当此之世,人人都承认:帝国之内,几乎随便哪个人,论个人才德都胜过那些仅凭出身之偶然便高踞帝位的君主;于是僭主一个接一个迅速冒出,全然不以前人的下场为戒。这股祸乱,在西班牙和高卢两地行省为害尤烈——那里的秩序与服从之念,早已被战争和叛乱消磨殆尽。就在君士坦丁交出紫袍之前、阿尔勒被围的第四个月,帝国营中传来消息:约维努斯在上日耳曼尼亚的美因茨戴上了王冠——此举出于阿兰人之王戈阿尔与勃艮第人之王贡提阿里乌斯的怂恿;而这个被他们奉上帝位的人选,正率着一支可畏的蛮族大军,从莱茵河畔向罗讷河畔进发。约维努斯短促的在位史,处处扑朔迷离、匪夷所思。人们自然会指望:一位勇武而善战的将领,统率一支得胜之师,本该在战场上一决高下,以彰霍诺留一方的正义。君士坦提乌斯的仓促撤退,或许自有重大理由可作辩解;但他终究不战而弃了高卢;据载,唯有禁卫军长官达尔达努斯一人,是拒绝向这僭主俯首听命的官员。153 罗马被围两年之后,哥特人在高卢安营扎寨;人们自然会揣测:他们的心意至多在两者之间摇摆——一边是新近与之结盟的霍诺留皇帝,一边是被他们贬黜、留在营中偶尔充当乐师或君主角色的阿塔卢斯。不料,在某个心生厌恶的时刻(其缘由与日期都不易考定),阿陶尔夫竟与高卢的这位僭主联起手来,还把一桩不光彩的差事强加给阿塔卢斯,命他去磋商那份等于坐实其自身耻辱的条约。读到下文,我们又不免诧异:约维努斯非但不把哥特同盟当作帝位最坚实的支柱,反而用晦涩含糊的言辞,斥责阿塔卢斯多事逢迎;他鄙弃这位强大盟友的忠告,把紫袍披到自己兄弟塞巴斯蒂安身上;更极其轻率地收纳了萨鲁斯——这位骁勇的首领本是霍诺留的部下,只因那位既不懂赏、也不知罚的君主惹恼了他,一怒之下才背弃了他的朝廷。阿陶尔夫成长于一个尚武的民族之中——这个民族把复仇之责奉为祖传遗产中最珍贵、最神圣的一份;他遂率一万哥特人前来迎击巴尔提家族的世仇。他趁萨鲁斯疏于防备之际发起攻击,那时萨鲁斯身边只有十八到二十名勇猛的随从。这一小队英雄以友情相结,凭绝望相激,终究寡不敌众;他们赢得了敌人的敬重,却未曾博得敌人的怜悯;这头雄狮一旦落网154,便即刻被了结了性命。萨鲁斯之死,瓦解了阿陶尔夫与高卢那些僭主之间尚存的松散同盟。他重又听从爱情与审慎的指引,不久便向普拉西狄亚的兄长许诺:立即把约维努斯与塞巴斯蒂安这两名僭主的首级送往拉文纳的宫廷,以此让对方称心。哥特王毫不费力、也毫不拖延地践了诺言;那两个无依无靠的兄弟,既无半点个人才德可恃,又遭蛮族援军的抛弃;瓦伦提亚一度的抵抗,则以这座高卢最负盛名的城市之一惨遭毁灭而告偿。那位由罗马元老院选立的皇帝,先被抬举,又遭贬黜、羞辱,复被扶起,再遭贬黜、再受羞辱,最终遭撇弃,听凭命运摆布;不过,哥特王虽收回了对他的庇护,却出于怜悯或轻蔑,并未对阿塔卢斯本人施加任何暴力。不幸的阿塔卢斯,既无臣民也无盟友,便从西班牙某个港口登船,去寻一处安稳而僻静的栖身之所;却在海上被截获,押到霍诺留面前,当作战利品游街于罗马或拉文纳的街衢,又被摆在他那不可战胜的征服者宝座的第二级台阶上,任围观的群众指指点点。当年得意之时,他曾被指以某种刑罚相威胁其对手;如今这同样的惩处,竟落到了阿塔卢斯自己头上:他被砍去两根手指,判处终身流放利帕里岛,在那里倒也供给他过得去的生活所需。霍诺留在位的余下岁月,再无叛乱来扰;值得一提的是:短短五年之间,七名僭主竟相继败于这样一位君主的气运之下——而他本人,却是既不能出谋、也不能行事之辈。
The part of a musician or a monarch: the fortunes of Attalus 偶尔充当乐师或君主角色:阿塔卢斯的浮沉 THE PART OF A MUSICIAN OR A MONARCH 偶尔充当乐师或君主角色 “reserved in their camp for the occasional purpose of acting the part of a musician or a monarch” 「留在营中偶尔充当乐师或君主角色」 PRAEFECT OF THE CITY 罗马城长官 Attalus held the praefecture of the city when Alaric seized the Port of Ostia 阿拉里克夺取奥斯提亚港时, 阿塔卢斯正任罗马城长官 CROWNED 紫袍加身 the suffrage of the Gothic conqueror bestowed the purple; conducted in tumultuous procession to the palace of Augustus and Trajan, he promised to unite Egypt and the East to the empire 哥特征服者投下一票,紫袍加身;他在喧闹的队伍簇拥下被送入 奥古斯都与图拉真曾居的宫殿,并许诺要把埃及与东方各行省 重新并入帝国版图 DEPOSED 遭废黜 publicly despoiled of the diadem and purple in a large plain near Rimini; the ensigns of royalty were sent to Honorius 在里米尼附近一片广袤的原野上被当众剥去冠冕与紫袍; 王权的标志被送给霍诺留 IN THE GOTHIC CAMP 随行哥特大营 desirous of life, and insensible of disgrace, he implored permission to follow the Gothic camp 他一心只求苟活,全然不觉羞耻, 竟乞求准他追随哥特大营 HE LEADS THE CHORUS 领唱祝婚的合唱 at the marriage of Adolphus and Placidia at Narbonne he was appointed to lead the chorus of the Hymeneal song, and might aspire to the praise of a skilful musician 在纳博讷阿陶尔夫与普拉西狄亚的婚礼上,他被派去领唱 祝婚的合唱;这位落魄的皇帝,倒也称得上一位技艺娴熟的乐师 NEGOTIATOR FOR JOVINUS 为约维努斯充当说客 imposed with the ignominious task of negotiating the treaty which ratified his own disgrace — and upbraided for his pains 被强加一桩不光彩的差事:去磋商那份等于坐实 其自身耻辱的条约——反遭斥责多事逢迎 ABANDONED AND TAKEN 遭撇弃而被截获 intercepted at sea, led in triumph through the streets of Rome or Ravenna, and exposed on the second step of the throne of his conqueror; he was condemned, after the amputation of two fingers, to a perpetual exile in the Isle of Lipari, where he was supplied with the decent necessaries of life 在海上被截获,被当作战利品游街于罗马或拉文纳的街衢, 又被摆在征服者宝座的第二级台阶上示众;被砍去两根手指后, 判处终身流放利帕里岛,在那里倒也供给他过得去的生活所需 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 “promoted, degraded, insulted, restored, again degraded, and again insulted” 「先被抬举,又遭贬黜、羞辱,复被扶起,再遭贬黜、再受羞辱」 7 usurpers 名僭主 5 years 年之间 In the space of five years, seven usurpers had yielded to the fortune of a prince who was himself incapable either of counsel or of action. 短短五年之间,七名僭主竟相继败于这样一位君主的气运之下——而他本人,却是既不能出谋、也不能行事之辈。
Fig. 31.9 — The part of a musician or a monarch: Attalus, the emperor chosen by the Roman senate, was promoted, degraded, insulted, restored, again degraded, and again insulted — and at last, after the amputation of two fingers, was condemned to a perpetual exile in the Isle of Lipari, where he was supplied with the decent necessaries of life. 图31.9——「偶尔充当乐师或君主角色」:由罗马元老院选立的皇帝阿塔卢斯,先被抬举,又遭贬黜、羞辱,复被扶起,再遭贬黜、再受羞辱;末了被砍去两根手指,判处终身流放利帕里岛,在那里倒也供给他过得去的生活所需。

Notes 注释

130
Orosius, l. vii. c. 43, p. 584, 585. He was sent by St. Augustin in the year 415, from Africa to Palestine, to visit St. Jerom, and to consult with him on the subject of the Pelagian controversy.
Orosius, l. vii. c. 43, p. 584, 585. 他于公元 415 年受圣奥古斯丁之遣,从阿非利加前往巴勒斯坦,去拜访圣哲罗姆,并就佩拉纠派之争的问题向他求教。
131
Jornandes supposes, without much probability, that Adolphus visited and plundered Rome a second time, (more locustarum erasit) Yet he agrees with Orosius in supposing that a treaty of peace was concluded between the Gothic prince and Honorius. See Oros. l. vii. c. 43 p. 584, 585. Jornandes, de Reb. Geticis, c. 31, p. 654, 655.
约达尼斯猜想(此说不甚可信),阿陶尔夫曾第二度进入并劫掠罗马(more locustarum erasit,“如蝗群般扫荡而过”)。不过,他与奥罗修斯一致认为,这位哥特君王与霍诺留之间缔结了和约。参见 Oros. l. vii. c. 43 p. 584, 585. Jornandes, de Reb. Geticis, c. 31, p. 654, 655.
132
The retreat of the Goths from Italy, and their first transactions in Gaul, are dark and doubtful. I have derived much assistance from Mascou, (Hist. of the Ancient Germans, l. viii. c. 29, 35, 36, 37,) who has illustrated, and connected, the broken chronicles and fragments of the times.
哥特人撤离意大利、以及他们在高卢最初的所作所为,都晦暗难明、扑朔迷离。我从马斯科夫(Hist. of the Ancient Germans, l. viii. c. 29, 35, 36, 37)那里获益良多,他把当时残缺的编年史与断简残篇一一疏解、贯串起来。
133
See an account of Placidia in Ducange Fam. Byzant. p. 72; and Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 260, 386, &c. tom. vi. p. 240.
关于普拉西狄亚的生平,参见 Ducange, Fam. Byzant. p. 72;以及 Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 260, 386, &c. tom. vi. p. 240.
134
Zosim. l. v. p. 350.
Zosim. l. v. p. 350.
135
Zosim. l. vi. p. 383. Orosius, (l. vii. c. 40, p. 576,) and the Chronicles of Marcellinus and Idatius, seem to suppose, that the Goths did not carry away Placidia till after the last siege of Rome.
Zosim. l. vi. p. 383. 奥罗修斯(l. vii. c. 40, p. 576),以及马尔切利努斯与伊达提乌斯的编年史,似乎都认为,哥特人直到罗马末次被围之后,才把普拉西狄亚掳走。
136
See the pictures of Adolphus and Placidia, and the account of their marriage, in Jornandes, de Reb. Geticis, c. 31, p. 654, 655. With regard to the place where the nuptials were stipulated, or consummated, or celebrated, the Mss. of Jornandes vary between two neighboring cities, Forli and Imola, (Forum Livii and Forum Cornelii.) It is fair and easy to reconcile the Gothic historian with Olympiodorus, (see Mascou, l. viii. c. 46:) but Tillemont grows peevish, and swears that it is not worth while to try to conciliate Jornandes with any good authors.
关于阿陶尔夫与普拉西狄亚的形貌描摹,以及他们成婚的经过,见 Jornandes, de Reb. Geticis, c. 31, p. 654, 655。至于这桩婚事究竟在何处议定、圆房或举行庆典,约达尼斯的各种抄本说法不一,在两座相邻的城市——福尔利与伊莫拉(Forum Livii 与 Forum Cornelii)——之间摇摆不定。要把这位哥特史家与奥林匹奥多罗斯的记载调和起来,本是既合情又容易的事(见 Mascou, l. viii. c. 46);但蒂耶蒙却动了脾气,赌咒说犯不着费力去把约达尼斯同任何像样的权威撮合到一处。
137
The Visigoths (the subjects of Adolphus) restrained by subsequent laws, the prodigality of conjugal love. It was illegal for a husband to make any gift or settlement for the benefit of his wife during the first year of their marriage; and his liberality could not at any time exceed the tenth part of his property. The Lombards were somewhat more indulgent: they allowed the morgingcap immediately after the wedding night; and this famous gift, the reward of virginity might equal the fourth part of the husband’s substance. Some cautious maidens, indeed, were wise enough to stipulate beforehand a present, which they were too sure of not deserving. See Montesquieu, Esprit des Loix, l. xix. c. 25. Muratori, delle Antichita Italiane, tom. i. Dissertazion, xx. p. 243.
西哥特人(即阿陶尔夫的臣民)后来以法律约束夫妻间恩爱的挥霍无度。丈夫在婚后头一年内,不得为妻子的利益作任何馈赠或财产处置;而且无论何时,他的慷慨都不得超过其财产的十分之一。伦巴第人则稍微宽纵一些:他们准许在新婚之夜后立即赠予“晨礼”(morgingcap);这份著名的礼物,作为对贞洁的酬报,可高达丈夫家产的四分之一。的确,有些精明的姑娘竟聪明到事先便讲定这样一份礼物——她们心里再清楚不过,自己是断然当不起的。参见 Montesquieu, Esprit des Loix, l. xix. c. 25. Muratori, delle Antichita Italiane, tom. i. Dissertazion, xx. p. 243.
138
We owe the curious detail of this nuptial feast to the historian Olympiodorus, ap. Photium, p. 185, 188.
这场婚宴的种种奇趣细节,我们全赖史家奥林匹奥多罗斯得知(ap. Photium, p. 185, 188)。
139
See in the great collection of the Historians of France by Dom Bouquet, tom. ii. Greg. Turonens. l. iii. c. 10, p. 191. Gesta Regum Francorum, c. 23, p. 557. The anonymous writer, with an ignorance worthy of his times, supposes that these instruments of Christian worship had belonged to the temple of Solomon. If he has any meaning it must be, that they were found in the sack of Rome.
见布凯所编《法兰西史家》大型丛书,tom. ii. Greg. Turonens. l. iii. c. 10, p. 191. Gesta Regum Francorum, c. 23, p. 557。那位佚名作者,以一种颇合其时代的无知,竟以为这些基督教礼拜用的器物原属所罗门圣殿。若他这话还有什么意思,那也只能是:它们是在罗马遭劫时被搜得的。
140
Consult the following original testimonies in the Historians of France, tom. ii. Fredegarii Scholastici Chron. c. 73, p. 441. Fredegar. Fragment. iii. p. 463. Gesta Regis Dagobert, c. 29, p. 587. The accession of Sisenand to the throne of Spain happened A.D. 631. The 200,000 pieces of gold were appropriated by Dagobert to the foundation of the church of St. Denys.
原始文献可查阅《法兰西史家》丛书,tom. ii. Fredegarii Scholastici Chron. c. 73, p. 441. Fredegar. Fragment. iii. p. 463. Gesta Regis Dagobert, c. 29, p. 587。西塞南德登上西班牙王位是在公元 631 年。那二十万枚金币,被达戈贝尔特拨作兴建圣但尼教堂之用。
141
The president Goguet (Origine des Loix, &c., tom. ii. p. 239) is of opinion, that the stupendous pieces of emerald, the statues and columns which antiquity has placed in Egypt, at Gades, at Constantinople, were in reality artificial compositions of colored glass. The famous emerald dish, which is shown at Genoa, is supposed to countenance the suspicion.
戈盖院长(Origine des Loix, &c., tom. ii. p. 239)认为:古人置于埃及、加德斯、君士坦丁堡的那些硕大无朋的祖母绿块,以及那些雕像与石柱,其实都是彩色玻璃的人造仿制品。热那亚所展示的那只著名的“祖母绿盘”,据说也为这一疑虑提供了佐证。
142
Elmacin. Hist. Saracenica, l. i. p. 85. Roderic. Tolet. Hist. Arab. c. 9. Cardonne, Hist. de l’Afrique et de l’Espagne sous les Arabes tom. i. p. 83. It was called the Table of Solomon, according to the custom of the Orientals, who ascribe to that prince every ancient work of knowledge or magnificence.
Elmacin. Hist. Saracenica, l. i. p. 85. Roderic. Tolet. Hist. Arab. c. 9. Cardonne, Hist. de l’Afrique et de l’Espagne sous les Arabes, tom. i. p. 83. 它被称作“所罗门之桌”——依东方人的习俗,凡古时一切充满智慧或华美绝伦的造物,他们都归之于这位君王名下。
143
His three laws are inserted in the Theodosian Code, l. xi. tit. xxviii. leg. 7. L. xiii. tit. xi. leg. 12. L. xv. tit. xiv. leg. 14 The expressions of the last are very remarkable; since they contain not only a pardon, but an apology.
他的这三道法令载于《狄奥多西法典》,l. xi. tit. xxviii. leg. 7;L. xiii. tit. xi. leg. 12;L. xv. tit. xiv. leg. 14。最后一道的措辞尤其引人注目:因为它不单是一纸赦免,简直是一篇道歉。
144
Olympiodorus ap. Phot. p. 188. Philostorgius (l. xii. c. 5) observes, that when Honorius made his triumphal entry, he encouraged the Romans, with his hand and voice, to rebuild their city; and the Chronicle of Prosper commends Heraclian, qui in Romanae urbis reparationem strenuum exhibuerat ministerium.
Olympiodorus ap. Phot. p. 188. 菲洛斯托尔吉乌斯(l. xii. c. 5)记述:霍诺留举行凯旋入城式时,曾以手势和话语鼓励罗马人重建其城;而普罗斯佩尔的编年史则称赞赫拉克利安“qui in Romanae urbis reparationem strenuum exhibuerat ministerium”(为重建罗马城尽心竭力效劳)。
145
The date of the voyage of Claudius Rutilius Numatianus is clogged with some difficulties; but Scaliger has deduced from astronomical characters, that he left Rome the 24th of September and embarked at Porto the 9th of October, A.D. 416. See Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom, v. p. 820. In this poetical Itinerary, Rutilius (l. i. 115, &c.) addresses Rome in a high strain of congratulation:—
克劳狄乌斯·鲁提利乌斯·努马提安努斯此番航行的确切日期,颇有些疑难纠缠不清;但斯卡利杰根据星象推断:他于九月二十四日离开罗马,十月九日在波尔图登船,时在公元 416 年。参见 Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom, v. p. 820。在这部诗体《行纪》中,鲁提利乌斯(l. i. 115, &c.)以激昂的笔调向罗马道贺——
146
Orosius composed his history in Africa, only two years after the event; yet his authority seems to be overbalanced by the improbability of the fact. The Chronicle of Marcellinus gives Heraclian 700 ships and 3000 men: the latter of these numbers is ridiculously corrupt; but the former would please me very much.
奥罗修斯是在阿非利加撰写其史书的,距事件发生仅两年;然而,此事本身之难以置信,似乎已盖过了他作为权威的分量。马尔切利努斯的编年史给赫拉克利安记的是 700 艘船与 3000 名兵士:后一个数字荒谬得显然有讹;但前一个数字却颇合我意。
147
The Chronicle of Idatius affirms, without the least appearance of truth, that he advanced as far as Otriculum, in Umbria, where he was overthrown in a great battle, with the loss of 50,000 men.
伊达提乌斯的编年史断言(却毫无半点可信之处):他一直推进到翁布里亚的奥特里库卢姆,在那里的一场大战中被击溃,损失了五万人。
148
See Cod. Theod. l. xv. tit. xiv. leg. 13. The legal acts performed in his name, even the manumission of slaves, were declared invalid, till they had been formally repeated.
参见 Cod. Theod. l. xv. tit. xiv. leg. 13. 凡以他的名义所行的法律行为,乃至奴隶的释放,一概宣告无效,除非经过正式的重新办理。
149
I have disdained to mention a very foolish, and probably a false, report, (Procop. de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 2,) that Honorius was alarmed by the loss of Rome, till he understood that it was not a favorite chicken of that name, but only the capital of the world, which had been lost. Yet even this story is some evidence of the public opinion.
有一则极其愚蠢、多半也不实的传闻(Procop. de Bell. Vandal. l. i. c. 2),我本不屑一提:据说罗马陷落的消息曾令霍诺留惊惶失措,直到弄明白丢掉的并非一只他心爱的、也叫“罗马”的母鸡,而只不过是这世界之都,他才安下心来。不过,即便这样的故事,也多少能反映当时的舆情。
150
The materials for the lives of all these tyrants are taken from six contemporary historians, two Latins and four Greeks: Orosius, l. vii. c. 42, p. 581, 582, 583; Renatus Profuturus Frigeridus, apud Gregor Turon. l. ii. c. 9, in the Historians of France, tom. ii. p. 165, 166; Zosimus, l. v. p. 370, 371; Olympiodorus, apud Phot. p. 180, 181, 184, 185; Sozomen, l. ix. c. 12, 13, 14, 15; and Philostorgius, l. xii. c. 5, 6, with Godefroy’s Dissertation, p. 477-481; besides the four Chronicles of Prosper Tyro, Prosper of Aquitain, Idatius, and Marcellinus.
叙述这些僭主生平的材料,取自六位同时代的史家——两位拉丁人、四位希腊人:Orosius, l. vii. c. 42, p. 581, 582, 583;Renatus Profuturus Frigeridus, apud Gregor Turon. l. ii. c. 9,见 the Historians of France, tom. ii. p. 165, 166;Zosimus, l. v. p. 370, 371;Olympiodorus, apud Phot. p. 180, 181, 184, 185;Sozomen, l. ix. c. 12, 13, 14, 15;以及 Philostorgius, l. xii. c. 5, 6,并 Godefroy’s Dissertation, p. 477-481;此外还有普罗斯佩尔·提罗、阿基坦的普罗斯佩尔、伊达提乌斯与马尔切利努斯这四部编年史。
151
The praises which Sozomen has bestowed on this act of despair, appear strange and scandalous in the mouth of an ecclesiastical historian. He observes (p. 379) that the wife of Gerontius was a Christian; and that her death was worthy of her religion, and of immortal fame.
索佐门对这一绝望之举大加赞美,出自一位教会史家之口,着实显得离奇而有伤体统。他说(p. 379),革隆提乌斯的妻子是位基督徒,而她的死无愧于她的信仰,足以名垂不朽。
152
It is the expression of Olympiodorus, which he seems to have borrowed from Aeolus, a tragedy of Euripides, of which some fragments only are now extant, (Euripid. Barnes, tom. ii. p. 443, ver 38.) This allusion may prove, that the ancient tragic poets were still familiar to the Greeks of the fifth century.
这是奥林匹奥多罗斯的用语,他似乎是从欧里庇得斯的悲剧《埃俄罗斯》里借来的——该剧如今仅存若干残篇(Euripid. Barnes, tom. ii. p. 443, ver 38)。这一典故或可证明:古代的悲剧诗人,对五世纪的希腊人来说仍不陌生。
153
Sidonius Apollinaris, (l. v. epist. 9, p. 139, and Not. Sirmond. p. 58,) after stigmatizing the inconstancy of Constantine, the facility of Jovinus, the perfidy of Gerontius, continues to observe, that all the vices of these tyrants were united in the person of Dardanus. Yet the praefect supported a respectable character in the world, and even in the church; held a devout correspondence with St. Augustin and St. Jerom; and was complimented by the latter (tom. iii. p. 66) with the epithets of Christianorum Nobilissime, and Nobilium Christianissime.
西多尼乌斯·阿波利纳里斯(l. v. epist. 9, p. 139,及 Not. Sirmond. p. 58)先痛斥君士坦丁的反复无常、约维努斯的轻信易惑、革隆提乌斯的背信弃义,接着又说:这些僭主的种种恶德,竟集于达尔达努斯一身。然而这位禁卫军长官在世人眼中、乃至在教会之内,都保持着令人敬重的名声;他与圣奥古斯丁、圣哲罗姆虔诚地书信往还;后者(tom. iii. p. 66)还以“Christianorum Nobilissime”(基督徒中最高贵者)与“Nobilium Christianissime”(权贵中最虔诚的基督徒)相赞誉。
154
The expression may be understood almost literally: Olympiodorus says a sack, or a loose garment; and this method of entangling and catching an enemy, laciniis contortis, was much practised by the Huns, (Ammian. xxxi. 2.) Il fut pris vif avec des filets, is the translation of Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 608. * Note: Bekker in his Photius reads something, but in the new edition of the Bysantines, he retains the old version, which is translated Scutis, as if they protected him with their shields, in order to take him alive. Photius, Bekker, p. 58.—M
这话几乎可以照字面理解:奥林匹奥多罗斯说的是一只口袋,或一件宽松的外衣;而这种以“laciniis contortis”(绞缠的衣角)缠住并擒获敌人的法子,匈人极为惯用(Ammian. xxxi. 2)。“Il fut pris vif avec des filets”(他被网活捉)是蒂耶蒙的译法,见 Hist. des Empereurs, tom. v. p. 608。* 按:贝克尔在其校订的《佛提乌》中另有读法,但在新版的拜占庭丛书里,他仍保留旧的读法,即译作“Scutis”——仿佛他们是用盾牌护住他,以便将其生擒。Photius, Bekker, p. 58.—M