Chapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By Barbarians.—Part V. 第三十一章 阿拉里克入侵;罗马城的陷落——第五节

Whatever might be the numbers of equestrian or plebeian rank, who perished in the massacre of Rome, it is confidently affirmed that only one senator lost his life by the sword of the enemy. 108 But it was not easy to compute the multitudes, who, from an honorable station and a prosperous fortune, were suddenly reduced to the miserable condition of captives and exiles. As the Barbarians had more occasion for money than for slaves, they fixed at a moderate price the redemption of their indigent prisoners; and the ransom was often paid by the benevolence of their friends, or the charity of strangers. 109 The captives, who were regularly sold, either in open market, or by private contract, would have legally regained their native freedom, which it was impossible for a citizen to lose, or to alienate. 110 But as it was soon discovered that the vindication of their liberty would endanger their lives; and that the Goths, unless they were tempted to sell, might be provoked to murder, their useless prisoners; the civil jurisprudence had been already qualified by a wise regulation, that they should be obliged to serve the moderate term of five years, till they had discharged by their labor the price of their redemption. 111 The nations who invaded the Roman empire, had driven before them, into Italy, whole troops of hungry and affrighted provincials, less apprehensive of servitude than of famine. The calamities of Rome and Italy dispersed the inhabitants to the most lonely, the most secure, the most distant places of refuge. While the Gothic cavalry spread terror and desolation along the sea-coast of Campania and Tuscany, the little island of Igilium, separated by a narrow channel from the Argentarian promontory, repulsed, or eluded, their hostile attempts; and at so small a distance from Rome, great numbers of citizens were securely concealed in the thick woods of that sequestered spot. 112 The ample patrimonies, which many senatorian families possessed in Africa, invited them, if they had time, and prudence, to escape from the ruin of their country, to embrace the shelter of that hospitable province. The most illustrious of these fugitives was the noble and pious Proba, 113 the widow of the praefect Petronius. After the death of her husband, the most powerful subject of Rome, she had remained at the head of the Anician family, and successively supplied, from her private fortune, the expense of the consulships of her three sons. When the city was besieged and taken by the Goths, Proba supported, with Christian resignation, the loss of immense riches; embarked in a small vessel, from whence she beheld, at sea, the flames of her burning palace, and fled with her daughter Laeta, and her granddaughter, the celebrated virgin, Demetrias, to the coast of Africa. The benevolent profusion with which the matron distributed the fruits, or the price, of her estates, contributed to alleviate the misfortunes of exile and captivity. But even the family of Proba herself was not exempt from the rapacious oppression of Count Heraclian, who basely sold, in matrimonial prostitution, the noblest maidens of Rome to the lust or avarice of the Syrian merchants. The Italian fugitives were dispersed through the provinces, along the coast of Egypt and Asia, as far as Constantinople and Jerusalem; and the village of Bethlem, the solitary residence of St. Jerom and his female converts, was crowded with illustrious beggars of either sex, and every age, who excited the public compassion by the remembrance of their past fortune. 114 This awful catastrophe of Rome filled the astonished empire with grief and terror. So interesting a contrast of greatness and ruin, disposed the fond credulity of the people to deplore, and even to exaggerate, the afflictions of the queen of cities. The clergy, who applied to recent events the lofty metaphors of oriental prophecy, were sometimes tempted to confound the destruction of the capital and the dissolution of the globe.
无论在这场罗马大屠杀中丧生的骑士与平民究竟有多少,人们言之凿凿地断言:死于敌人刀剑之下的元老仅有一人。108然而,本处尊位、家道殷实,一朝沦为俘虏与流亡者、陷入凄惨境地的人,却多得难以计算。蛮族需要的是钱财而非奴隶,因此为那些贫寒的俘虏定下不高的赎价;赎金往往由亲友出于善意、或由陌生人出于仁慈代为支付。109那些经公开拍卖或私下成交而正式售出的俘虏,按律本应重获与生俱来的自由身;罗马公民的自由,本就既不能丧失,也不能让渡。110但人们很快发觉,若一味主张恢复其自由,反会危及他们的性命:哥特人一旦无利可图,与其留着这些无用的俘虏,不如索性将其杀掉。于是民法预先定下一条明智的变通规定:这些人须服役五年,以劳作抵偿赎身的价钱;这一期限倒也不算苛刻。111入侵罗马帝国的各支蛮族,把成群结队、又饥又惧的行省居民驱赶到意大利境内;这些人所畏惧的,与其说是沦为奴隶,不如说是活活饿死。罗马与意大利遭此浩劫,居民四散逃难,避往最荒僻、最安全、最遥远的去处。哥特骑兵沿坎帕尼亚(Campania)与托斯卡纳海岸横行,所到之处人心惶恐、满目荒凉;而伊吉利乌姆(Igilium)小岛,与阿根塔里亚海角(Argentarian promontory)隔着一道窄窄的海峡,却击退或躲过了他们的进犯。这处僻地离罗马近在咫尺,大批市民藏身岛上的密林,竟安然无恙。112许多元老家族在阿非利加拥有广袤的祖传田产;他们只要来得及、又有远见,便可逃离故国的废墟,投奔这个好客的行省,寻求庇护。这些逃亡者中最为显赫的,是出身高贵、笃信虔诚的普罗芭(Proba),113她是禁卫军长官佩特罗尼乌斯(Petronius)的遗孀。她丈夫曾是全罗马权势最盛的臣子;他死后,普罗芭仍执掌阿尼奇家族(Anician family),先后以私产供给三个儿子出任执政官的开销。当哥特人围攻并攻陷罗马城时,普罗芭以基督徒的顺从之心,坦然承受万贯家财的损失;她登上一叶小舟,在海上远远望见自家宫邸燃起的火光,携女儿蕾塔(Laeta)与孙女——即那位声名远播的贞女德梅特里亚斯(Demetrias)——一同逃往阿非利加海岸。这位贵妇拿出田产的收成、或变卖田产所得的钱款,慷慨施舍,多少减轻了流亡者与俘虏的苦难。然而,即便普罗芭自己的家族,也未能逃脱赫拉克利安(Heraclian)伯爵的贪婪盘剥:此人竟卑劣地假婚配之名、行卖淫之实,把罗马最高贵的少女卖给叙利亚商人,任由这些商人或逞淫欲、或图牟利。意大利的逃亡者散布于各行省,沿埃及与亚细亚的海岸一路流散,远至君士坦丁堡与耶路撒冷;伯利恒(Bethlem)村本是圣哲罗姆(Jerom)及其女弟子清修独居之地,此时也挤满了出身显贵的乞丐,男女老幼都有;世人念及他们昔日的荣华,纷纷心生怜悯。114罗马遭此可怖的浩劫,举国震骇,悲恸与恐惧弥漫。由盛极而倾覆,前后对照如此扣人心弦;民众本就轻信而多愁,于是为这座万城之后的劫难悲叹不已,乃至言过其实、极尽渲染。教士们把东方先知那些宏大的比喻套用到眼前的时事上,有时竟不免把帝京的毁灭与整个尘世的终结混为一谈。
There exists in human nature a strong propensity to depreciate the advantages, and to magnify the evils, of the present times. Yet, when the first emotions had subsided, and a fair estimate was made of the real damage, the more learned and judicious contemporaries were forced to confess, that infant Rome had formerly received more essential injury from the Gauls, than she had now sustained from the Goths in her declining age. 115 The experience of eleven centuries has enabled posterity to produce a much more singular parallel; and to affirm with confidence, that the ravages of the Barbarians, whom Alaric had led from the banks of the Danube, were less destructive than the hostilities exercised by the troops of Charles the Fifth, a Catholic prince, who styled himself Emperor of the Romans. 116 The Goths evacuated the city at the end of six days, but Rome remained above nine months in the possession of the Imperialists; and every hour was stained by some atrocious act of cruelty, lust, and rapine. The authority of Alaric preserved some order and moderation among the ferocious multitude which acknowledged him for their leader and king; but the constable of Bourbon had gloriously fallen in the attack of the walls; and the death of the general removed every restraint of discipline from an army which consisted of three independent nations, the Italians, the Spaniards, and the Germans. In the beginning of the sixteenth century, the manners of Italy exhibited a remarkable scene of the depravity of mankind. They united the sanguinary crimes that prevail in an unsettled state of society, with the polished vices which spring from the abuse of art and luxury; and the loose adventurers, who had violated every prejudice of patriotism and superstition to assault the palace of the Roman pontiff, must deserve to be considered as the most profligate of the Italians. At the same era, the Spaniards were the terror both of the Old and New World: but their high-spirited valor was disgraced by gloomy pride, rapacious avarice, and unrelenting cruelty. Indefatigable in the pursuit of fame and riches, they had improved, by repeated practice, the most exquisite and effectual methods of torturing their prisoners: many of the Castilians, who pillaged Rome, were familiars of the holy inquisition; and some volunteers, perhaps, were lately returned from the conquest of Mexico. The Germans were less corrupt than the Italians, less cruel than the Spaniards; and the rustic, or even savage, aspect of those Tramontane warriors, often disguised a simple and merciful disposition. But they had imbibed, in the first fervor of the reformation, the spirit, as well as the principles, of Luther. It was their favorite amusement to insult, or destroy, the consecrated objects of Catholic superstition; they indulged, without pity or remorse, a devout hatred against the clergy of every denomination and degree, who form so considerable a part of the inhabitants of modern Rome; and their fanatic zeal might aspire to subvert the throne of Anti-christ, to purify, with blood and fire, the abominations of the spiritual Babylon. 117
人性中有一种根深蒂固的倾向:总爱贬低当世的好处,夸大当世的祸患。然而,待到最初的激动平息,人们平心估量了实际的损失,当时学识较深、见事明达的人也不得不承认:罗马当年尚在襁褓,遭高卢人(Gauls)所受的实质创伤,反比如今垂暮之年遭哥特人所受的更为惨重。115历经十一个世纪,后人凭着这段阅历,又能举出一桩离奇得多的对照,并可断言:阿拉里克(Alaric)从多瑙河畔带来的蛮族,肆行蹂躏,竟不及查理五世(Charles V)麾下军队的暴行惨烈;而这位查理五世,是一位天主教君主,还自称罗马人的皇帝。116哥特人六天之后便撤出了罗马城,而帝国军队却占据罗马达九个多月;其间无时无刻不有残暴、淫乱、劫掠的恶行玷污着这座城市。阿拉里克凭着自己的威权,尚能让奉他为首领与国王的凶悍群氓保持几分秩序与节制;波旁(Bourbon)统帅却在攻城之役中壮烈阵亡。这支军队由意大利人、西班牙人、德意志人三个互不统属的民族组成,主将一死,便再无任何军纪可以约束。十六世纪之初,意大利世风败坏,人性堕落之深,令人触目惊心。当时的意大利人,既犯下乱世中盛行的血腥罪行,又沾染了滥用文艺与奢华而滋生的精致恶习;而那些放浪的冒险之徒,竟不惜把出于爱国之情与迷信之心的种种顾忌统统抛诸脑后,去攻打罗马教宗的宫邸,自然堪称意大利人中最无耻放荡之辈。同一时代,西班牙人令新旧两大陆闻风丧胆;他们勇武昂扬,却又阴郁傲慢、贪得无厌、冷酷无情,玷污了这份勇武。他们孜孜不倦地追逐名利,又借着反复操练,把折磨俘虏的种种手段锤炼得既精巧又奏效;洗劫罗马的卡斯蒂利亚人(Castilians)中,许多本就是神圣宗教裁判所的差役;另有一些自愿投军者,或许刚从征服墨西哥(Mexico)的战事中归来。德意志人不如意大利人那般腐化,也不如西班牙人那般残忍;这些来自阿尔卑斯山北的战士,外表粗野、甚至近乎蛮荒,底下却往往藏着一副淳朴而仁厚的心肠。然而,在宗教改革初起的狂热中,他们不仅接受了路德(Luther)的教义,也承袭了路德那股激烈的气性。他们最爱以侮辱、毁坏天主教迷信所奉的圣物为乐;他们对各宗派、各品级的教士纵情发泄一腔虔诚的仇恨,既无怜悯,也无悔意;而在近代罗马,教士本就占了居民的相当一部分。满腔狂热之下,他们或许还妄想颠覆敌基督的宝座,以血与火涤净那属灵巴比伦的种种可憎之物。117
Six days and nine months: the two sacks of Rome compared 六天与九个多月:罗马两番遭劫之比较 THE TWO SACKS OF ROME COMPARED 罗马两番遭劫之比较 When a fair estimate was made of the real damage, the more learned and judicious contemporaries were forced to confess that infant Rome had formerly received more essential injury from the Gauls, than she had now sustained from the Goths in her declining age. 待人们对实际的损失作出公允估量之后,那些较为博学而明达的当代人也不得不承认: 当年尚在襁褓中的罗马遭高卢人所受的实质创伤,反比如今垂暮之年的她遭哥特人所受的更为惨重。 0 30 60 90 120 150 180 210 240 270 days 天 THE GOTHS, WHOM ALARIC HAD LED FROM THE BANKS OF THE DANUBE 阿拉里克从多瑙河畔率来的哥特人 6 days — the Goths evacuated the city 天——哥特人便撤出了罗马城 the authority of Alaric preserved some order and moderation among the ferocious multitude which acknowledged him for their leader and king 阿拉里克的威权,尚能在那奉他为首领与国王的凶悍群氓中 维持几分秩序与节制 The experience of eleven centuries enabled posterity to produce a much more singular parallel 此后十一个世纪的经历,又让后人得以举出一桩更为离奇的对照 THE TROOPS OF CHARLES THE FIFTH 查理五世麾下的军队 in the beginning of the sixteenth century 十六世纪之初 >9 months 个月 Rome remained above nine months in the possession of the Imperialists, and every hour was stained by some atrocious act of cruelty, lust, and rapine; the constable of Bourbon had gloriously fallen in the attack of the walls, and the death of the general removed every restraint of discipline 帝国军队占据罗马达九个多月,其间无时无刻不有残暴、淫乱、劫掠的恶行玷污着这座城市; 波旁统帅在攻城之役中壮烈阵亡,主将一死,军纪便再无任何约束 an army which consisted of three independent nations 一支由三支互不统属的队伍拼凑而成的军队 THE ITALIANS 意大利人 they united the sanguinary crimes that prevail in an unsettled state of society with the polished vices which spring from the abuse of art and luxury 那里既有动荡社会中盛行的血腥罪行, 又兼有滥用文艺与奢华所滋生的精致恶习 THE SPANIARDS 西班牙人 many of the Castilians who pillaged Rome were familiars of the holy inquisition; and some volunteers, perhaps, were lately returned from the conquest of Mexico 洗劫罗马的卡斯蒂利亚人中,许多本就是神圣宗教裁判所的差役; 另有一些自愿投军者,或许刚从征服墨西哥的战事中归来 THE GERMANS 德意志人 less corrupt than the Italians, less cruel than the Spaniards; but they had imbibed, in the first fervor of the reformation, the spirit, as well as the principles, of Luther 不如意大利人那般腐化,也不如西班牙人那般残忍;然而在宗教 改革初起的狂热中,他们不仅接受了路德的教义,也承袭了他的气性 “the ravages of the Barbarians, whom Alaric had led from the banks of the Danube, were less destructive than the hostilities exercised by the troops of Charles the Fifth, a Catholic prince, who styled himself Emperor of the Romans” 「阿拉里克从多瑙河畔带来的蛮族,肆行蹂躏,竟不及查理五世麾下军队的暴行惨烈; 而这位查理五世,是一位天主教君主,还自称罗马人的皇帝」
Fig. 31.7 — The two sacks of Rome compared: the Goths evacuated the city at the end of six days, but Rome remained above nine months in the possession of the troops of Charles the Fifth — a Catholic prince, who styled himself Emperor of the Romans — and every hour was stained by some atrocious act of cruelty, lust, and rapine. 图31.7——罗马两番遭劫之比较:哥特人六天之后便撤出了罗马城,而查理五世麾下的军队却占据罗马达九个多月——查理五世乃是一位天主教君主,且自称罗马人的皇帝——其间无时无刻不有残暴、淫乱、劫掠的恶行玷污着这座城市。
The retreat of the victorious Goths, who evacuated Rome on the sixth day, 118 might be the result of prudence; but it was not surely the effect of fear. 119 At the head of an army encumbered with rich and weighty spoils, their intrepid leader advanced along the Appian way into the southern provinces of Italy, destroying whatever dared to oppose his passage, and contenting himself with the plunder of the unresisting country. The fate of Capua, the proud and luxurious metropolis of Campania, and which was respected, even in its decay, as the eighth city of the empire, 120 is buried in oblivion; whilst the adjacent town of Nola 121 has been illustrated, on this occasion, by the sanctity of Paulinus, 122 who was successively a consul, a monk, and a bishop. At the age of forty, he renounced the enjoyment of wealth and honor, of society and literature, to embrace a life of solitude and penance; and the loud applause of the clergy encouraged him to despise the reproaches of his worldly friends, who ascribed this desperate act to some disorder of the mind or body. 123 An early and passionate attachment determined him to fix his humble dwelling in one of the suburbs of Nola, near the miraculous tomb of St. Faelix, which the public devotion had already surrounded with five large and populous churches. The remains of his fortune, and of his understanding, were dedicated to the service of the glorious martyr; whose praise, on the day of his festival, Paulinus never failed to celebrate by a solemn hymn; and in whose name he erected a sixth church, of superior elegance and beauty, which was decorated with many curious pictures, from the history of the Old and New Testament. Such assiduous zeal secured the favor of the saint, 124 or at least of the people; and, after fifteen years’ retirement, the Roman consul was compelled to accept the bishopric of Nola, a few months before the city was invested by the Goths. During the siege, some religious persons were satisfied that they had seen, either in dreams or visions, the divine form of their tutelar patron; yet it soon appeared by the event, that Faelix wanted power, or inclination, to preserve the flock of which he had formerly been the shepherd. Nola was not saved from the general devastation; 125 and the captive bishop was protected only by the general opinion of his innocence and poverty. Above four years elapsed from the successful invasion of Italy by the arms of Alaric, to the voluntary retreat of the Goths under the conduct of his successor Adolphus; and, during the whole time, they reigned without control over a country, which, in the opinion of the ancients, had united all the various excellences of nature and art. The prosperity, indeed, which Italy had attained in the auspicious age of the Antonines, had gradually declined with the decline of the empire.
得胜的哥特人于第六日撤离罗马,118这一退兵或出于审慎,却断然不是出于畏惧。119他们无畏的首领率领着满载丰厚而沉重战利品的大军,沿阿庇亚大道向意大利南部诸行省进发,凡敢于阻挡去路者一概摧毁,而对不加抵抗的地方,则只满足于劫掠一番。卡普亚(Capua)曾是坎帕尼亚繁华骄矜的都会,即便衰落之后,仍被推崇为帝国第八大城;120而它此番的遭遇,却已湮没无闻,无人记述。反倒是邻近的诺拉(Nola)城,121此番因保利努斯(Paulinus)的圣德而名留史册;122此人先后做过执政官、修士与主教。四十岁时,他抛弃了财富与荣耀、交游与文墨的种种享受,甘愿过起隐居苦修的生活;教士们对他大加称颂,令他愈发敢于蔑视世俗友人的责难——那些人把他这一决绝之举归咎于他身心的某种失常。123早年萌生的一片炽热眷恋,促使他把简陋的居所安在诺拉的一处近郊,紧邻圣费利克斯那座灵验的坟墓;信众出于虔诚,早已在墓旁修起五座宏大的教堂,香火鼎盛。他把残余的家财与理智,尽数奉献于侍奉这位荣耀的殉道者;每逢殉道者的节庆之日,保利努斯必以一首庄严的圣歌颂赞他;他又以这位圣徒的名义建起第六座教堂,格外精美华丽,堂内以取材于《旧约》《新约》故事的许多别致图画作装饰。这般孜孜不倦的热忱,博得了这位圣徒的青睐,124至少也博得了世人的好感;隐居十五年之后,这位曾任罗马执政官的人被迫接掌诺拉主教之职——此时距哥特人围城只剩几个月。围城期间,一些虔信之人深信自己曾在梦中或异象里,亲眼见到他们的守护圣徒的神圣形貌;可事实很快表明,费利克斯或是无力、或是无意,护佑他昔日牧养的这群羊。诺拉终究未能免于这场普遍的浩劫;125被俘的主教所仰仗的护身之物,也不过是众人公认他的清白与贫寒罢了。自阿拉里克挥师成功入侵意大利,到哥特人在其继任者阿陶尔夫(Adolphus)率领下自愿撤离,前后历时四年有余;这期间,哥特人在这片国土上肆意妄为,无人能制,而在古人看来,这里本是集天工与人巧种种美善于一身之地。诚然,意大利在安敦尼诸帝(Antonines)那昌隆之世所臻至的繁盛,早已随帝国的衰落而逐步凋敝了。
The fruits of a long peace perished under the rude grasp of the Barbarians; and they themselves were incapable of tasting the more elegant refinements of luxury, which had been prepared for the use of the soft and polished Italians. Each soldier, however, claimed an ample portion of the substantial plenty, the corn and cattle, oil and wine, that was daily collected and consumed in the Gothic camp; and the principal warriors insulted the villas and gardens, once inhabited by Lucullus and Cicero, along the beauteous coast of Campania. Their trembling captives, the sons and daughters of Roman senators, presented, in goblets of gold and gems, large draughts of Falernian wine to the haughty victors; who stretched their huge limbs under the shade of plane-trees, 126 artificially disposed to exclude the scorching rays, and to admit the genial warmth, of the sun. These delights were enhanced by the memory of past hardships: the comparison of their native soil, the bleak and barren hills of Scythia, and the frozen banks of the Elbe and Danube, added new charms to the felicity of the Italian climate. 127
长久和平结下的果实,都毁在了蛮族粗暴的攫取之下;奢华中那些更精致的讲究,本是为娇弱文雅的意大利人备下的,蛮族自己也无从领略。不过,哥特营中每日征来谷物与牲畜、油与酒,又每日耗尽,这份实实在在的丰足,每个士兵都要分得一大份;为首的武士们则在坎帕尼亚秀美的海岸一带,肆意糟蹋卢库鲁斯(Lucullus)与西塞罗当年住过的别墅与园林。他们那些瑟瑟发抖的俘虏——罗马元老们的儿女——用嵌着宝石的黄金酒杯,向倨傲的征服者奉上满斟的法勒尼安(Falernian)美酒;而胜利者则在悬铃木的树荫下舒展着魁梧的肢体;126那些树是特意栽植布置的,既遮挡炎炎烈日,又放进和煦的暖阳。想起往日的艰辛,这些享乐更添了几分滋味:故土是斯基泰(Scythia)荒凉贫瘠的山丘,是易北河(Elbe)与多瑙河冰封的两岸,两相对照,意大利宜人的气候便更显迷人,令人陶醉。127
Whether fame, or conquest, or riches, were the object or Alaric, he pursued that object with an indefatigable ardor, which could neither be quelled by adversity nor satiated by success. No sooner had he reached the extreme land of Italy, than he was attracted by the neighboring prospect of a fertile and peaceful island. Yet even the possession of Sicily he considered only as an intermediate step to the important expedition, which he already meditated against the continent of Africa. The Straits of Rhegium and Messina 128 are twelve miles in length, and, in the narrowest passage, about one mile and a half broad; and the fabulous monsters of the deep, the rocks of Scylla, and the whirlpool of Charybdis, could terrify none but the most timid and unskilful mariners. Yet as soon as the first division of the Goths had embarked, a sudden tempest arose, which sunk, or scattered, many of the transports; their courage was daunted by the terrors of a new element; and the whole design was defeated by the premature death of Alaric, which fixed, after a short illness, the fatal term of his conquests. The ferocious character of the Barbarians was displayed in the funeral of a hero whose valor and fortune they celebrated with mournful applause. By the labor of a captive multitude, they forcibly diverted the course of the Busentinus, a small river that washes the walls of Consentia. The royal sepulchre, adorned with the splendid spoils and trophies of Rome, was constructed in the vacant bed; the waters were then restored to their natural channel; and the secret spot, where the remains of Alaric had been deposited, was forever concealed by the inhuman massacre of the prisoners, who had been employed to execute the work. 129
无论阿拉里克所图的是声名、征服还是财富,他都孜孜以求,热忱不倦:逆境挫不了他的锐气,成功也不能令他餍足。他刚一抵达意大利的极南之地,近在眼前那座富饶而宁静的岛屿便吸引住了他。不过,即便夺取西西里,在他看来也不过是一块跳板,通往他心中早已筹划的那场大举——远征阿非利加大陆。雷吉乌姆(Rhegium)与墨西拿(Messina)之间的海峡,128长十二英里,最窄处宽约一英里半;至于传说中的深海妖怪、斯库拉(Scylla)的礁石与卡律布狄斯(Charybdis)的漩涡,除了最胆怯、最拙劣的水手,谁也吓不住。然而,哥特人的第一批队伍刚一登船,便骤起一阵狂风暴雨,把许多运输船只或击沉、或吹散;他们初历海上这陌生的凶险,勇气为之一挫。而阿拉里克短暂患病之后过早离世,他的征伐就此终结,整个计划也彻底落空。蛮族的凶悍本性,在这位英雄的葬礼上暴露无遗;他们以悲怆的赞颂,缅怀他的勇武与际遇。他们驱使大批俘虏劳作,强行改引布森提努斯河(Busentinus)的河道——这是一条流经孔森提亚(Consentia)城墙下的小河。他们在裸露的河床上,为这位王者营建陵墓,以从罗马掠得的辉煌战利品与战胜纪念物加以装饰;随后又将河水放回原来的河道;而安放阿拉里克遗骸的这处隐秘之地,则因那些参与施工的俘虏惨遭屠戮而永远无人知晓。129
The sepulchre in the river: the burial of Alaric 河床之中的王陵:阿拉里克的葬礼 THE SEPULCHRE IN THE RIVER 河床之中的王陵 1½ miles broad, in the narrowest passage 英里宽,最窄之处 12 miles in length 英里长 RHEGIUM 雷吉乌姆 MESSINA 墨西拿 SICILY 西西里 SCYLLA 斯库拉 CHARYBDIS 卡律布狄斯 Sicily he considered only as an intermediate step to the important expedition which he already meditated against the continent of Africa 即便夺取西西里,在他看来也不过是一块跳板, 通往他心中早已筹划的那场大举——远征阿非利加大陆 the fabulous monsters of the deep, the rocks of Scylla, and the whirlpool of Charybdis, could terrify none but the most timid and unskilful mariners 传说中的深海妖怪、斯库拉的礁石与卡律布狄斯的漩涡, 除了最胆怯、最拙劣的水手,谁也吓不住 as soon as the first division of the Goths had embarked, a sudden tempest arose, which sunk, or scattered, many of the transports 哥特人的第一批队伍刚一登船,便骤起一阵狂风暴雨, 把许多运输船只或击沉、或吹散 the whole design was defeated by the premature death of Alaric, which fixed, after a short illness, the fatal term of his conquests 整个计划终因阿拉里克的猝然离世而彻底落空——一场短暂的 病痛之后,他的征伐之途便就此画上了致命的句点 I. THE RIVER TURNED ASIDE 一、改引河道 CONSENTIA 孔森提亚 By the labor of a captive multitude, they forcibly diverted the course of the Busentinus, a small river that washes the walls of Consentia 他们驱使大批俘虏劳作,强行改引布森提努斯河的河道—— 这是一条流经孔森提亚城墙下的小河 the new channel, cut across the bend 横切河湾开凿的新水道 II. THE SEPULCHRE IN THE VACANT BED 二、于裸露的河床营建王陵 CONSENTIA 孔森提亚 The royal sepulchre, adorned with the splendid spoils and trophies of Rome, was constructed in the vacant bed 他们在裸露的河床上,为这位王者营建陵墓, 以从罗马掠得的辉煌战利品与战胜纪念物加以装饰 the royal sepulchre, adorned with the splendid spoils and trophies of Rome 王陵以从罗马掠得的辉煌 战利品与战胜纪念物加以装饰 III. THE WATERS RESTORED 三、河水复归故道 CONSENTIA 孔森提亚 The waters were then restored to their natural channel; and the secret spot, where the remains of Alaric had been deposited, was forever concealed 随后他们又将河水放回原来的河道;而安放阿拉里克遗骸的这处隐秘之地, 从此永远无人知晓 the tomb sealed beneath the restored stream 王陵就此封锁于复流的河水之下 by the inhuman massacre of the prisoners who had been employed to execute the work 那些参与施工的俘虏惨遭屠戮 “the secret spot, where the remains of Alaric had been deposited, was forever concealed by the inhuman massacre of the prisoners, who had been employed to execute the work.” 「而安放阿拉里克遗骸的这处隐秘之地,则因那些参与施工的俘虏惨遭屠戮而永远无人知晓。」
Fig. 31.8 — The sepulchre of Alaric: by the labor of a captive multitude the Goths diverted the Busentinus, the small river that washes the walls of Consentia, built the royal tomb, adorned with the spoils and trophies of Rome, in the vacant bed, and then restored the waters to their natural channel; the secret spot was forever concealed by the inhuman massacre of the prisoners. 图31.8——阿拉里克之墓:哥特人驱使大批俘虏,强行改引流经孔森提亚城墙下的小河布森提努斯河,在裸露的河床上营建饰有罗马战利品的王陵,随后将河水放回原来的河道;而这处隐秘之地,则因参与施工的俘虏惨遭屠戮而永远无人知晓。

Notes 注释

108 ↩
Orosius (l. ii. c. 19, p. 142) compares the cruelty of the Gauls and the clemency of the Goths. Ibi vix quemquam inventum senatorem, qui vel absens evaserit; hic vix quemquam requiri, qui forte ut latens perierit. But there is an air of rhetoric, and perhaps of falsehood, in this antithesis; and Socrates (l. vii. c. 10) affirms, perhaps by an opposite exaggeration, that many senators were put to death with various and exquisite tortures.
奥罗修斯(l. ii. c. 19, p. 142)将高卢人的残暴与哥特人的宽仁两相对照:Ibi vix quemquam inventum senatorem, qui vel absens evaserit; hic vix quemquam requiri, qui forte ut latens perierit.(大意:前一次,几乎找不出一个哪怕身在别处而幸免的元老;后一次,则几乎找不出一个因藏匿而偶然丧命的元老。)但这一对照颇有修辞的意味,或许还掺了几分不实;而苏格拉底(l. vii. c. 10)则断言许多元老死于种种精心设计的酷刑,这或许又是往相反方向夸大了。
109 ↩
Multi... Christiani incaptivitatem ducti sunt. Augustin, de Civ Dei, l. i. c. 14; and the Christians experienced no peculiar hardships.
Multi ... Christiani in captivitatem ducti sunt.(大意:许多基督徒被掳为俘。)见 Augustin, de Civ. Dei, l. i. c. 14;而基督徒并未因其信仰而遭受什么特别的苦难。
110 ↩
See Heineccius, Antiquitat. Juris Roman. tom. i. p. 96.
参见 Heineccius, Antiquitat. Juris Roman. tom. i. p. 96.
111 ↩
Appendix Cod. Theodos. xvi. in Sirmond. Opera, tom. i. p. 735. This edict was published on the 11th of December, A.D. 408, and is more reasonable than properly belonged to the ministers of Honorius.
见 Appendix Cod. Theodos. xvi. in Sirmond. Opera, tom. i. p. 735.。此敕令颁布于公元 408 年 12 月 11 日,明达合理,实在不像出自霍诺留(Honorius)麾下那班大臣之手。
112 ↩
Eminus Igilii sylvosa cacumina miror; Quem fraudare nefas laudis honore suae.
Haec proprios nuper tutata est insula saltus;
Sive loci ingenio, seu Domini genio.
Gurgite cum modico victricibus obstitit
armis, Tanquam longinquo dissociata mari.
Haec multos lacera suscepit ab urbe fugates,
Hic fessis posito certa timore salus.
Plurima terreno populaverat aequora bello,
Contra naturam classe timendus eques:
Unum, mira fides, vario discrimine portum!
Tam prope Romanis, tam procul esse Getis.
—-Rutilius, in Itinerar. l. i. 325
The island is now called Giglio. See Cluver. Ital. Antiq. l. ii.
Eminus Igilii sylvosa cacumina miror; Quem fraudare nefas laudis honore suae.(大意:我远远望见伊吉利乌姆林木葱茏的峰顶,不禁心生赞叹;若不将它应得的赞誉归之于它,实为罪过。)
(鲁提利乌斯(Rutilius)《归程记》咏伊吉利乌姆岛。Rutilius, in Itinerar. l. i. 325)
此岛新近庇护了自家的林麓,
或凭地利之天成,或赖岛主之神佑。
它以一道浅浅水流,抗拒得胜的刀兵,
仿佛被浩渺大海远远隔开。
它收留了众多自残破都城逃出的流亡者,
疲惫之人一旦卸下恐惧,便在此得享安稳。
那本是陆战之敌,却违逆天性、驾舟弄舰,
在万顷波涛间大肆劫掠;
唯独此一港湾竟得幸免——真乃奇事!
距罗马如此之近,离哥特人又如此之远。
此岛今名吉利奥(Giglio)。参见 Cluver. Ital. Antiq. l. ii.
113 ↩
As the adventures of Proba and her family are connected with the life of St. Augustin, they are diligently illustrated by Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xiii. p. 620-635. Some time after their arrival in Africa, Demetrias took the veil, and made a vow of virginity; an event which was considered as of the highest importance to Rome and to the world. All the Saints wrote congratulatory letters to her; that of Jerom is still extant, (tom. i. p. 62-73, ad Demetriad. de servand Virginitat.,) and contains a mixture of absurd reasoning, spirited declamation, and curious facts, some of which relate to the siege and sack of Rome.
普罗芭及其家族的遭遇与圣奥古斯丁的生平相关联,故蒂耶蒙(Tillemont)在 Mem. Eccles. tom. xiii. p. 620-635 中对此作了详尽的考述。她们抵达阿非利加后不久,德梅特里亚斯便领受面纱、立誓守贞;时人把此事看作关乎罗马、乃至关乎整个世界的头等大事。众圣徒纷纷致信道贺;其中哲罗姆的贺信至今尚存(tom. i. p. 62-73, ad Demetriad. de servand. Virginitat.),信中夹杂着荒谬的推理、慷慨激昂的说教与种种奇闻,有些还牵涉罗马的围城与劫掠。
114 ↩
See the pathetic complaint of Jerom, (tom. v. p. 400,) in his preface to the second book of his Commentaries on the Prophet Ezekiel.
参见哲罗姆那段哀婉的悲叹(tom. v. p. 400),见于他为《以西结(Ezekiel)先知书注》第二卷所作的序言之中。
115 ↩
Orosius, though with some theological partiality, states this comparison, l. ii. c. 19, p. 142, l. vii. c. 39, p. 575. But, in the history of the taking of Rome by the Gauls, every thing is uncertain, and perhaps fabulous. See Beaufort sur l’Incertitude, &c., de l’Histoire Romaine, p. 356; and Melot, in the Mem. de l’Academie des Inscript. tom. xv. p. 1-21.
奥罗修斯尽管带有某种神学上的偏袒,仍作了这番对照,见 l. ii. c. 19, p. 142 与 l. vii. c. 39, p. 575。但关于高卢人攻陷罗马的那段历史,一切皆不可确知,或许纯属虚构。参见 Beaufort, sur l'Incertitude, &c., de l'Histoire Romaine, p. 356;以及 Melot, in the Mem. de l'Academie des Inscript. tom. xv. p. 1-21.
116 ↩
The reader who wishes to inform himself of the circumstances of his famous event, may peruse an admirable narrative in Dr. Robertson’s History of Charles V. vol. ii. p. 283; or consult the Annali d’Italia of the learned Muratori, tom. xiv. p. 230-244, octavo edition. If he is desirous of examining the originals, he may have recourse to the eighteenth book of the great, but unfinished, history of Guicciardini. But the account which most truly deserves the name of authentic and original, is a little book, entitled, Il Sacco di Roma, composed, within less than a month after the assault of the city, by the brother of the historian Guicciardini, who appears to have been an able magistrate and a dispassionate writer.
读者若想了解这桩著名事件的来龙去脉,可读罗伯逊(Robertson)博士《查理五世史》第二卷第 283 页中一篇出色的记述;或查阅博学的穆拉托里(Muratori)所著《意大利编年史》(Annali d'Italia)八开本 tom. xiv. p. 230-244。若欲查考原始记载,可求诸圭恰尔迪尼(Guicciardini)那部宏大却未竟的史著第十八卷。但最当得起“翔实而原始”之名的记述,则是一本题为《罗马之劫》(Il Sacco di Roma)的小书;它由史家圭恰尔迪尼之兄在罗马遭袭后不到一个月内写成,此人看来是一位干练的行政官,又是一位平心静气的作者。
117 ↩
The furious spirit of Luther, the effect of temper and enthusiasm, has been forcibly attacked, (Bossuet, Hist. des Variations des Eglises Protestantes, livre i. p. 20-36,) and feebly defended, (Seckendorf. Comment. de Lutheranismo, especially l. i. No. 78, p. 120, and l. iii. No. 122, p. 556.)
路德那股狂暴的气性,实乃其性情与狂热的产物;博叙埃(Bossuet)对此曾予有力抨击(Bossuet, Hist. des Variations des Eglises Protestantes, livre i. p. 20-36),塞肯多夫(Seckendorf)则为之作了软弱无力的辩护(Seckendorf. Comment. de Lutheranismo,尤见 l. i. No. 78, p. 120 与 l. iii. No. 122, p. 556)。
118 ↩
Marcellinus, in Chron. Orosius, (l. vii. c. 39, p. 575,) asserts, that he left Rome on the third day; but this difference is easily reconciled by the successive motions of great bodies of troops.
见 Marcellinus, in Chron.。奥罗修斯(l. vii. c. 39, p. 575)则断言他是在第三日离开罗马的;但只要想到大批军队是分批先后开拔的,这一出入便不难调和。
119 ↩
Socrates (l. vii. c. 10) pretends, without any color of truth, or reason, that Alaric fled on the report that the armies of the Eastern empire were in full march to attack him.
苏格拉底(l. vii. c. 10)声称——毫无事实或情理的依据——阿拉里克是听闻东罗马帝国大军正倾巢来攻,才仓皇撤走的。
120 ↩
Ausonius de Claris Urbibus, p. 233, edit. Toll. The luxury of Capua had formerly surpassed that of Sybaris itself. See Athenaeus Deipnosophist. l. xii. p. 528, edit. Casaubon.
见 Ausonius de Claris Urbibus, p. 233, edit. Toll.。卡普亚昔日的奢靡,一度更胜锡巴里斯(Sybaris)本身。参见 Athenaeus Deipnosophist. l. xii. p. 528, edit. Casaubon.
121 ↩
Forty-eight years before the foundation of Rome, (about 800 before the Christian era,) the Tuscans built Capua and Nola, at the distance of twenty-three miles from each other; but the latter of the two cities never emerged from a state of mediocrity.
在罗马建城前四十八年(约公元前 800 年),托斯卡纳(Tuscany)人建起了卡普亚与诺拉两城,两城相距二十三英里;然而后者始终未能摆脱平庸的境地。
122 ↩
Tillemont (Mem. Eccles. tom. xiv. p. 1-46) has compiled, with his usual diligence, all that relates to the life and writings of Paulinus, whose retreat is celebrated by his own pen, and by the praises of St. Ambrose, St. Jerom, St. Augustin, Sulpicius Severus, &c., his Christian friends and contemporaries.
蒂耶蒙(Mem. Eccles. tom. xiv. p. 1-46)一如既往地勤勉,把有关保利努斯生平与著作的一切资料汇集起来;保利努斯的隐修生活,既有他本人的笔墨加以颂扬,也有圣安布罗斯(Ambrose)、圣哲罗姆、圣奥古斯丁、苏尔皮基乌斯·塞维鲁(Sulpicius Severus)等他那些基督徒友人与同时代人的赞美。
123 ↩
See the affectionate letters of Ausonius (epist. xix.—xxv. p. 650-698, edit. Toll.) to his colleague, his friend, and his disciple, Paulinus. The religion of Ausonius is still a problem, (see Mem. de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xv. p. 123-138.) I believe that it was such in his own time, and, consequently, that in his heart he was a Pagan.
参见奥索尼乌斯(Ausonius)写给他的同僚、友人兼弟子保利努斯的那些情谊深挚的书信(epist. xix.—xxv. p. 650-698, edit. Toll.)。奥索尼乌斯的宗教信仰至今仍是一桩悬案(参见 Mem. de l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xv. p. 123-138)。我以为,这在他自己的时代便已是悬案;由此推之,他心底里其实是个异教徒。
124 ↩
The humble Paulinus once presumed to say, that he believed St. Faelix did love him; at least, as a master loves his little dog.
谦卑的保利努斯有一次竟斗胆声称,他相信圣费利克斯是爱他的;至少,就像主人爱他的小狗那般。
125 ↩
See Jornandes, de Reb. Get. c. 30, p. 653. Philostorgius, l. xii. c. 3. Augustin. de Civ. Dei, l.i.c. 10. Baronius, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 410, No. 45, 46.
参见 Jornandes, de Reb. Get. c. 30, p. 653;Philostorgius, l. xii. c. 3;Augustin. de Civ. Dei, l. i. c. 10;Baronius, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 410, No. 45, 46.
126 ↩
The platanus, or plane-tree, was a favorite of the ancients, by whom it was propagated, for the sake of shade, from the East to Gaul. Plin. Hist. Natur. xii. 3, 4, 5. He mentions several of an enormous size; one in the Imperial villa, at Velitrae, which Caligula called his nest, as the branches were capable of holding a large table, the proper attendants, and the emperor himself, whom Pliny quaintly styles pars umbroe; an expression which might, with equal reason, be applied to Alaric
悬铃木(platanus,即梧桐之属)是古人钟爱的树种,他们为求荫凉,把它从东方一路移植到高卢(Gaul)。见 Plin. Hist. Natur. xii. 3, 4, 5。普林尼提到几株体量惊人的悬铃木;其中一株长在韦利特莱(Velitrae)的皇家别墅里,卡利古拉(Caligula)称之为自己的“巢”,因为它的枝干竟能容下一张大餐桌、随侍的仆从,连皇帝本人也在其上——普林尼别出心裁地把皇帝称作 pars umbrae(“树荫的一部分”);这个说法,用在阿拉里克身上也同样贴切。
127 ↩
The prostrate South to the destroyer yields
Her boasted titles, and her golden fields;
With grim delight the brood of winter view
A brighter day, and skies of azure hue;
Scent the new fragrance of the opening rose,
And quaff the pendent vintage as it grows.
See Gray’s Poems, published by Mr. Mason, p. 197. Instead of compiling tables of chronology and natural history, why did not Mr. Gray apply the powers of his genius to finish the philosophic poem, of which he has left such an exquisite specimen?
俯伏的南国,向那毁灭者俯首献上——
她引以为傲的荣衔,与她金黄的田畴;
严冬孕育的儿郎,怀着狞厉的欢欣,
饱览这更明媚的白昼、这蔚蓝的天穹;
轻嗅初绽玫瑰的芬芳,
又将那垂枝欲熟的新酿开怀畅饮。

见格雷(Gray)《诗集》(Gray's Poems),梅森(Mason)先生(Mr. Mason)刊行,第197页。格雷先生与其埋首编纂年代表与博物学图表,何不施展其天才之力,把这首哲理诗写完呢?——他留下的这一断章,已是何等精妙的范本。
128 ↩
For the perfect description of the Straits of Messina, Scylla, Clarybdis, &c., see Cluverius, (Ital. Antiq. l. iv. p. 1293, and Sicilia Antiq. l. i. p. 60-76), who had diligently studied the ancients, and surveyed with a curious eye the actual face of the country.
关于墨西拿海峡、斯库拉与卡律布狄斯等处的详尽描述,参见克吕韦里乌斯(Ital. Antiq. l. iv. p. 1293,及 Sicilia Antiq. l. i. p. 60-76);此人既勤研古籍,又以好奇之眼实地考察过当地的真实面貌。
129 ↩
Jornandes, de Reb Get. c. 30, p. 654.
见 Jornandes, de Reb. Get. c. 30, p. 654.