Chapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By Barbarians.—Part III. 第三十一章 阿拉里克入侵;罗马城的陷落——第三节

In populous cities, which are the seat of commerce and manufactures, the middle ranks of inhabitants, who derive their subsistence from the dexterity or labor of their hands, are commonly the most prolific, the most useful, and, in that sense, the most respectable part of the community. But the plebeians of Rome, who disdained such sedentary and servile arts, had been oppressed from the earliest times by the weight of debt and usury; and the husbandman, during the term of his military service, was obliged to abandon the cultivation of his farm. 50 The lands of Italy which had been originally divided among the families of free and indigent proprietors, were insensibly purchased or usurped by the avarice of the nobles; and in the age which preceded the fall of the republic, it was computed that only two thousand citizens were possessed of an independent substance. 51 Yet as long as the people bestowed, by their suffrages, the honors of the state, the command of the legions, and the administration of wealthy provinces, their conscious pride alleviated in some measure, the hardships of poverty; and their wants were seasonably supplied by the ambitious liberality of the candidates, who aspired to secure a venal majority in the thirty-five tribes, or the hundred and ninety-three centuries, of Rome. But when the prodigal commons had not only imprudently alienated the use, but the inheritance of power, they sunk, under the reign of the Caesars, into a vile and wretched populace, which must, in a few generations, have been totally extinguished, if it had not been continually recruited by the manumission of slaves, and the influx of strangers. As early as the time of Hadrian, it was the just complaint of the ingenuous natives, that the capital had attracted the vices of the universe, and the manners of the most opposite nations. The intemperance of the Gauls, the cunning and levity of the Greeks, the savage obstinacy of the Egyptians and Jews, the servile temper of the Asiatics, and the dissolute, effeminate prostitution of the Syrians, were mingled in the various multitude, which, under the proud and false denomination of Romans, presumed to despise their fellow-subjects, and even their sovereigns, who dwelt beyond the precincts of the Eternal City. 52
凡工商荟萃、人烟稠密的都会,居民中的中等阶层往往人丁最旺、效用最广,就此而言也最堪敬重:他们全凭一双手的巧艺与勤劳谋生。然而罗马的平民却不屑于这类枯坐劳形、近乎奴役的手艺;自古以来,他们便饱受债务与高利盘剥之苦;至于务农者,一旦应征入伍,服役期间便不得不撂下自家的田地。50 意大利的土地本已分给一个个自由而贫寒的自耕农之家,却在贵族的贪欲下被渐渐买去或侵夺;到共和国覆亡前的那个时代,据估算,全罗马拥有独立家产者仅余两千公民。51 不过,只要国家的荣衔、军团的统兵之权、富庶行省的治理之职仍由人民投票授予,他们那份自觉的骄傲便多少能冲淡贫困之苦;而每逢所需,自有那些觊觎权位的候选人慷慨解囊、及时接济——这些人一心要在罗马的三十五个部族、或一百九十三个百人团中,买到足以取胜的多数票。可是,当这挥霍无度的平民不仅轻率地让渡了权力的行使、更断送了权力的世袭之后,他们便在诸恺撒治下沦为一群卑贱可怜的乌合之众;若非奴隶不断获释、外乡人源源涌入加以补充,不出数代,这群人恐怕早已消亡殆尽。早在哈德良之世,土生土长的罗马人便有过一句公允的怨言:说这座都城把天下的恶习、把各族迥异的习气,尽数招引了来。高卢人的酗酒无度,希腊人的狡黠轻浮,埃及人与犹太人的野蛮顽固,亚细亚人的奴颜婢膝,叙利亚人那放荡而柔靡的淫风——凡此种种,都混杂在这形形色色的人群之中;而他们竟顶着“罗马人”这个既骄矜又名不副实的称号,敢于蔑视自己的同胞臣民,甚至蔑视那些居于永恒之城疆界之外的君主。52
Yet the name of that city was still pronounced with respect: the frequent and capricious tumults of its inhabitants were indulged with impunity; and the successors of Constantine, instead of crushing the last remains of the democracy by the strong arm of military power, embraced the mild policy of Augustus, and studied to relieve the poverty, and to amuse the idleness, of an innumerable people. 53 I. For the convenience of the lazy plebeians, the monthly distributions of corn were converted into a daily allowance of bread; a great number of ovens were constructed and maintained at the public expense; and at the appointed hour, each citizen, who was furnished with a ticket, ascended the flight of steps, which had been assigned to his peculiar quarter or division, and received, either as a gift, or at a very low price, a loaf of bread of the weight of three pounds, for the use of his family. II. The forest of Lucania, whose acorns fattened large droves of wild hogs, 54 afforded, as a species of tribute, a plentiful supply of cheap and wholesome meat. During five months of the year, a regular allowance of bacon was distributed to the poorer citizens; and the annual consumption of the capital, at a time when it was much declined from its former lustre, was ascertained, by an edict from Valentinian the Third, at three millions six hundred and twenty-eight thousand pounds. 55 III. In the manners of antiquity, the use of oil was indispensable for the lamp, as well as for the bath; and the annual tax, which was imposed on Africa for the benefit of Rome, amounted to the weight of three millions of pounds, to the measure, perhaps, of three hundred thousand English gallons. IV. The anxiety of Augustus to provide the metropolis with sufficient plenty of corn, was not extended beyond that necessary article of human subsistence; and when the popular clamor accused the dearness and scarcity of wine, a proclamation was issued, by the grave reformer, to remind his subjects that no man could reasonably complain of thirst, since the aqueducts of Agrippa had introduced into the city so many copious streams of pure and salubrious water. 56 This rigid sobriety was insensibly relaxed; and, although the generous design of Aurelian 57 does not appear to have been executed in its full extent, the use of wine was allowed on very easy and liberal terms. The administration of the public cellars was delegated to a magistrate of honorable rank; and a considerable part of the vintage of Campania was reserved for the fortunate inhabitants of Rome.
尽管如此,这座城市的名字念起来仍带着敬意;城中居民动辄闹事、变幻无常,却总能逍遥法外;君士坦丁的历代继承者,也不肯动用军力的铁腕去铲平这残存的最后一点民主,反倒承袭了奥古斯都那套温和之策,一心设法救济这数不清的民众之贫、排遣他们之闲。53 一、为图这些懒散平民的便利,每月一次的谷物配给改成了每日发放面包;官府出资建造并维持了大量烤炉;到规定的时辰,每个持票的公民便登上指派给自己所属街区的那段台阶,或作为馈赠、或以极低的价钱,领取一条三磅重的面包,供一家食用。二、卢卡尼亚的森林,橡实养肥了成群的野猪,54 便作为一种贡赋,充足地供应着廉价而卫生的肉食。每年有五个月,较贫穷的公民会按例分得一份腌猪肉;据瓦伦提尼安三世的一道敕令,即便在这座都城已远不如昔日繁华的年月,它一年的腌肉消耗量仍确定为三百六十二万八千磅。55 三、按古人的习俗,油既是点灯所必需,也是沐浴所不可缺;为供罗马之用而向阿非利加行省课征的年税,其油达三百万磅之重,约合三十万英制加仑之量。四、奥古斯都一心要让京城谷物充裕无缺,其操心却止于这一维系生计的必需品;每当民众喧嚷抱怨酒价高昂、供应不足,这位一本正经的改革者便颁下告示,提醒臣民:谁也没有理由抱怨口渴,因为阿格里帕的引水渠早已把那么多清冽甘美的水流引入城中。56 这般严苛的节制后来渐渐松弛;奥勒良那慷慨的规划 57 虽似未曾全盘落实,饮酒却已在极为宽松优渥的条件下获准。公共酒窖的管理交由一位品秩尊贵的官员执掌;坎帕尼亚一年所酿之酒,也留出了相当一部分,专供罗马那些有福的居民享用。
The stupendous aqueducts, so justly celebrated by the praises of Augustus himself, replenished the Thermoe, or baths, which had been constructed in every part of the city, with Imperial magnificence. The baths of Antoninus Caracalla, which were open, at stated hours, for the indiscriminate service of the senators and the people, contained above sixteen hundred seats of marble; and more than three thousand were reckoned in the baths of Diocletian. 58 The walls of the lofty apartments were covered with curious mosaics, that imitated the art of the pencil in the elegance of design, and the variety of colors. The Egyptian granite was beautifully encrusted with the precious green marble of Numidia; the perpetual stream of hot water was poured into the capacious basins, through so many wide mouths of bright and massy silver; and the meanest Roman could purchase, with a small copper coin, the daily enjoyment of a scene of pomp and luxury, which might excite the envy of the kings of Asia. 59 From these stately palaces issued a swarm of dirty and ragged plebeians, without shoes and without a mantle; who loitered away whole days in the street of Forum, to hear news and to hold disputes; who dissipated in extravagant gaming, the miserable pittance of their wives and children; and spent the hours of the night in the obscure taverns, and brothels, in the indulgence of gross and vulgar sensuality. 60
那些宏伟的引水渠,连奥古斯都本人也曾极口称颂,实属名副其实;它们把水源源不断地注入遍布全城、气象恢弘如帝王之居的温浴场(Thermae)。安敦尼·卡拉卡拉浴场按规定时辰开放,元老与平民不分贵贱皆可入内,场中大理石座位逾一千六百;戴克里先浴场的座位据计更在三千以上。58 高敞厅堂的墙壁上,满饰精巧的马赛克镶嵌画,其构图之雅致、色彩之繁富,直追画笔之工。埃及的花岗岩上,精美地镶嵌着努米底亚珍贵的绿色大理石;滚烫的热水经由一个个宽大的出水口——皆以明亮而厚重的白银铸成——长流不息地注入宽阔的浴池;而最卑微的罗马人,只消一枚小小的铜币,便可日日享受这般豪奢排场的景象——纵是亚洲诸王见了,也难免艳羡。59 然而,从这些堂皇殿宇里涌出的,却是一群群衣衫褴褛、浑身污秽的平民,赤脚而无外袍;他们整日价在广场一带的街市上闲荡,打探消息、争辩不休;把妻儿仅有的一点可怜钱财挥霍在豪赌之中;夜间则厮混于幽暗的酒肆与妓院,纵情于粗鄙下流的声色之乐。60
But the most lively and splendid amusement of the idle multitude, depended on the frequent exhibition of public games and spectacles. The piety of Christian princes had suppressed the inhuman combats of gladiators; but the Roman people still considered the Circus as their home, their temple, and the seat of the republic. The impatient crowd rushed at the dawn of day to secure their places, and there were many who passed a sleepless and anxious night in the adjacent porticos. From the morning to the evening, careless of the sun, or of the rain, the spectators, who sometimes amounted to the number of four hundred thousand, remained in eager attention; their eyes fixed on the horses and charioteers, their minds agitated with hope and fear, for the success of the colors which they espoused: and the happiness of Rome appeared to hang on the event of a race. 61 The same immoderate ardor inspired their clamors and their applause, as often as they were entertained with the hunting of wild beasts, and the various modes of theatrical representation. These representations in modern capitals may deserve to be considered as a pure and elegant school of taste, and perhaps of virtue. But the Tragic and Comic Muse of the Romans, who seldom aspired beyond the imitation of Attic genius, 62 had been almost totally silent since the fall of the republic; 63 and their place was unworthily occupied by licentious farce, effeminate music, and splendid pageantry. The pantomimes, 64 who maintained their reputation from the age of Augustus to the sixth century, expressed, without the use of words, the various fables of the gods and heroes of antiquity; and the perfection of their art, which sometimes disarmed the gravity of the philosopher, always excited the applause and wonder of the people. The vast and magnificent theatres of Rome were filled by three thousand female dancers, and by three thousand singers, with the masters of the respective choruses. Such was the popular favor which they enjoyed, that, in a time of scarcity, when all strangers were banished from the city, the merit of contributing to the public pleasures exempted them from a law, which was strictly executed against the professors of the liberal arts. 65
不过,这群闲人最热闹、最耀目的消遣,还得靠频频上演的公共竞技与观赏表演。基督教君主出于虔敬,已废除了角斗士那种惨无人道的搏杀;然而在罗马人心目中,竞技场仍是他们的家园、他们的神殿,也是共和国之所在。天刚破晓,迫不及待的人群便涌去抢占座位;更有许多人,索性在近旁的柱廊下焦灼难眠,熬了一整夜。从早到晚,任凭日晒雨淋,观众——有时多达四十万人——始终屏息凝神,目不转睛地盯着赛马与御手,为自己所拥护的那一方战车的胜负而心潮起伏、忽喜忽惧:仿佛整个罗马的祸福,全系于一场赛车的输赢。61 每当有猎兽表演或各式各样的戏剧演出供其取乐,同样过度的狂热也会激起他们的喧呼与喝彩。在近代各国的都城里,这类演出或许称得上是一所陶冶趣味、乃至砥砺德行的高雅学堂。可是罗马的悲剧缪斯与喜剧缪斯,向来志不过模仿阿提卡的天才,62 自共和国覆亡以来便几乎全然喑哑;63 取而代之、忝居其位的,是淫猥的闹剧、靡靡的乐曲和铺张的排场。哑剧优伶 64 自奥古斯都之世直到六世纪,始终盛名不衰;他们不假一言,便将古时神明与英雄的种种传说演绎出来;其技艺之精妙,有时连一本正经的哲人也为之解颐,更总能博得民众的喝彩与惊叹。罗马那些宏大壮丽的剧场里,容纳了三千名女舞者、三千名歌者,以及各自歌队的领班。他们所受的民众宠爱竟至如此:某回饥荒,凡外乡人一律被逐出城,而他们却因有功于公众娱乐得以豁免——那条法令,对治学授业的文人可是严格执行的。65
It is said, that the foolish curiosity of Elagabalus attempted to discover, from the quantity of spiders’ webs, the number of the inhabitants of Rome. A more rational method of inquiry might not have been undeserving of the attention of the wisest princes, who could easily have resolved a question so important for the Roman government, and so interesting to succeeding ages. The births and deaths of the citizens were duly registered; and if any writer of antiquity had condescended to mention the annual amount, or the common average, we might now produce some satisfactory calculation, which would destroy the extravagant assertions of critics, and perhaps confirm the modest and probable conjectures of philosophers. 66 The most diligent researches have collected only the following circumstances; which, slight and imperfect as they are, may tend, in some degree, to illustrate the question of the populousness of ancient Rome. I. When the capital of the empire was besieged by the Goths, the circuit of the walls was accurately measured, by Ammonius, the mathematician, who found it equal to twenty-one miles. 67 It should not be forgotten that the form of the city was almost that of a circle; the geometrical figure which is known to contain the largest space within any given circumference. II. The architect Vitruvius, who flourished in the Augustan age, and whose evidence, on this occasion, has peculiar weight and authority, observes, that the innumerable habitations of the Roman people would have spread themselves far beyond the narrow limits of the city; and that the want of ground, which was probably contracted on every side by gardens and villas, suggested the common, though inconvenient, practice of raising the houses to a considerable height in the air. 68 But the loftiness of these buildings, which often consisted of hasty work and insufficient materials, was the cause of frequent and fatal accidents; and it was repeatedly enacted by Augustus, as well as by Nero, that the height of private edifices within the walls of Rome, should not exceed the measure of seventy feet from the ground. 69 III. Juvenal 70 laments, as it should seem from his own experience, the hardships of the poorer citizens, to whom he addresses the salutary advice of emigrating, without delay, from the smoke of Rome, since they might purchase, in the little towns of Italy, a cheerful commodious dwelling, at the same price which they annually paid for a dark and miserable lodging. House-rent was therefore immoderately dear: the rich acquired, at an enormous expense, the ground, which they covered with palaces and gardens; but the body of the Roman people was crowded into a narrow space; and the different floors, and apartments, of the same house, were divided, as it is still the custom of Paris, and other cities, among several families of plebeians. IV. The total number of houses in the fourteen regions of the city, is accurately stated in the description of Rome, composed under the reign of Theodosius, and they amount to forty-eight thousand three hundred and eighty-two. 71 The two classes of domus and of insulæ, into which they are divided, include all the habitations of the capital, of every rank and condition from the marble palace of the Anicii, with a numerous establishment of freedmen and slaves, to the lofty and narrow lodging-house, where the poet Codrus and his wife were permitted to hire a wretched garret immediately under the tiles. If we adopt the same average, which, under similar circumstances, has been found applicable to Paris, 72 and indifferently allow about twenty-five persons for each house, of every degree, we may fairly estimate the inhabitants of Rome at twelve hundred thousand: a number which cannot be thought excessive for the capital of a mighty empire, though it exceeds the populousness of the greatest cities of modern Europe. 73 7311
据说,埃拉伽巴路斯曾出于愚妄的好奇,想凭蛛网的数量来推算罗马的居民之数。其实,一种较为合理的调查办法,本不难得到最贤明君主的垂顾;他们大可轻易解决这个问题——它对罗马的治理如此重要,也令后世如此感兴趣。公民的生卒本有登记在册;倘若古代哪位作家肯屈尊记下每年的数目、或通常的平均数,我们今日便能算出一个令人满意的结果,足以推翻某些考据家夸张的断言,或许还能印证哲人们那审慎而近乎情理的推测。66 尽最勤勉的考索,也只搜集到以下几点情形;它们虽零星而残缺,却多少有助于说明古罗马人口稠密与否的问题。一、当帝国的都城遭哥特人围困时,数学家阿摩尼乌斯曾精确测量过城墙的周长,得出的结果是二十一英里。67 不可忘记的是,这座城市的轮廓近乎一个圆——众所周知,在周长一定时,圆能围出最大的面积。二、建筑师维特鲁威活跃于奥古斯都时代,他在此事上的见证尤具分量与权威。他指出:罗马人那数不清的住所,本会远远蔓延到城界狭窄的范围之外;而地皮的匮乏——四面大概都为花园与别墅所侵占蚕食——才促成了一种虽不便却通行的做法:把房屋高高地向空中垒起。68 可这些建筑既高,又往往赶工草率、用料不足,遂酿成一桩桩频发而致命的事故;为此,奥古斯都与尼禄都曾一再立法,规定罗马城墙以内的私宅,其高度自地面起不得超过七十英尺。69 三、尤维纳利斯 70 大概是根据亲身体验,慨叹较贫穷的市民之艰辛;他向他们进以良言,劝其趁早逃离罗马的烟尘——因为在意大利的小城镇里,只需付出他们每年为一间阴暗破屋所付的同等租金,便能买下一处明爽宽敞的居所。由此可见,罗马的房租贵得离谱:富人不惜巨资购置地皮,在上面建起宫邸与园林;而罗马民众的主体,却挤在逼仄的空间里,同一栋楼的不同楼层与套间,分租给好几户平民——这正如巴黎及其他城市至今仍沿袭的习惯。四、狄奥多西在位时编成的一部罗马城志,准确载明了全城十四个区的房屋总数,共计四万八千三百八十二栋。71 这些房屋分为“宅邸”(domus)与“公寓楼”(insulæ)两类,囊括了京城中形形色色、高下不等的一切居所:上至阿尼奇家族那座豢养着众多释奴与家奴的大理石宫邸,下至那种又高又窄的出租楼——诗人科德鲁斯夫妇便获准在其中租下一间紧挨屋瓦的破败阁楼。倘若我们采用同一平均数——在类似情形下,它已证明适用于巴黎,72 并不加区分地为每栋房屋、无论等第一律估作约二十五人,那么罗马居民合理估计可达一百二十万:对一个泱泱大国的都城而言,这个数目算不得过分,尽管它已超过近代欧洲最大城市的人口。73 7311
The populousness of ancient Rome: Gibbon's computation 古罗马的人口稠密与否:吉本的推算 THE POPULOUSNESS OF ANCIENT ROME 古罗马的人口稠密与否 It is said, that the foolish curiosity of Elagabalus attempted to discover, from the quantity of spiders’ webs, the number of the inhabitants of Rome 据说,埃拉伽巴路斯曾出于愚妄的好奇,想凭蛛网的数量来推算罗马的居民之数 The most diligent researches have collected only the following circumstances 尽最勤勉的考索,也只搜集到以下几点情形 I II III THE CIRCUIT OF THE WALLS 城墙的周长 21 miles 英里 accurately measured by Ammonius the mathematician, when the capital of the empire was besieged by the Goths 当帝国的都城遭哥特人围困时, 数学家阿摩尼乌斯曾精确测量 the form of the city was almost that of a circle — the figure which contains the largest space within a given circumference 这座城市的轮廓近乎一个圆—— 在周长一定时,圆能围出最大的面积 THE HEIGHT OF THE HOUSES 房屋的高度 70 feet 英尺 repeatedly enacted by Augustus, as well as by Nero: the height of private edifices within the walls should not exceed seventy feet from the ground 奥古斯都与尼禄都曾一再立法:罗马城墙以内的私宅, 其高度自地面起不得超过七十英尺 the want of ground — probably contracted on every side by gardens and villas — forced the habitations of the Roman people upward into the air (Vitruvius) 地皮的匮乏——四面大概都为花园与别墅所侵占蚕食—— 迫使罗马人的住所向空中垒起(维特鲁威) THE PRICE OF LODGING 房租之贵 ANNUAL RENT 每年租金 PURCHASE PRICE 买下之价 = a dark and miserable lodging at Rome 罗马一间阴暗破屋 a cheerful commodious dwelling in the little towns of Italy 意大利小城镇里 一处明爽宽敞的居所 Juvenal laments the hardships of the poorer citizens: house-rent at Rome was immoderately dear 尤维纳利斯慨叹较贫穷市民的艰辛: 罗马的房租贵得离谱 the different floors and apartments of the same house were divided, as it is still the custom of Paris, among several families of plebeians 同一栋楼的不同楼层与套间分租给好几户平民—— 这正如巴黎至今仍沿袭的习惯 IV THE HOUSES OF THE FOURTEEN REGIONS 十四个区的房屋总数 1,780 domus, or great houses 「宅邸」(domus),即大宅 46,602 insulæ, or plebeian habitations 「公寓楼」(insulæ),即平民住所 48,382 houses in all, accurately stated in the description of Rome composed under the reign of Theodosius 全城房屋总数,狄奥多西在位时编成的一部罗马城志准确载明 from the marble palace of the Anicii, with a numerous establishment of freedmen and slaves… 上至阿尼奇家族那座豢养着众多释奴与家奴的大理石宫邸…… …to the lofty and narrow lodging-house, where the poet Codrus and his wife were permitted to hire a wretched garret immediately under the tiles ……下至那种又高又窄的出租楼——诗人科德鲁斯夫妇 便获准在其中租下一间紧挨屋瓦的破败阁楼 48,382 × ≈25 = 1,200,000 houses, of every degree 各等房屋 persons for each house 每栋房屋人数 inhabitants of Rome 罗马居民 “If we adopt the same average, which, under similar circumstances, has been found applicable to Paris, and indifferently allow about twenty-five persons for each house, of every degree…” 「倘若我们采用同一平均数——在类似情形下,它已证明适用于巴黎—— 并不加区分地为每栋房屋、无论等第一律估作约二十五人……」 “…we may fairly estimate the inhabitants of Rome at twelve hundred thousand: a number which cannot be thought excessive for the capital of a mighty empire” 「……罗马居民合理估计可达一百二十万:对一个泱泱大国的都城而言,这个数目算不得过分」
Fig. 31.3 — The populousness of ancient Rome, from the circumstances which the most diligent researches have collected: a circuit of twenty-one miles, measured by Ammonius the mathematician; the seventy-foot limit of Augustus and Nero; and forty-eight thousand three hundred and eighty-two houses — which, if we indifferently allow about twenty-five persons for each, may fairly estimate the inhabitants at twelve hundred thousand. 图31.3——古罗马的人口稠密与否,据最勤勉的考索所得的几点情形:数学家阿摩尼乌斯实测的二十一英里城墙周长;奥古斯都与尼禄所定的七十英尺限高;以及四万八千三百八十二栋房屋——倘若不加区分地为每栋一律估作约二十五人,则罗马居民合理估计可达一百二十万。
Such was the state of Rome under the reign of Honorius; at the time when the Gothic army formed the siege, or rather the blockade, of the city. 74 By a skilful disposition of his numerous forces, who impatiently watched the moment of an assault, Alaric encompassed the walls, commanded the twelve principal gates, intercepted all communication with the adjacent country, and vigilantly guarded the navigation of the Tyber, from which the Romans derived the surest and most plentiful supply of provisions. The first emotions of the nobles, and of the people, were those of surprise and indignation, that a vile Barbarian should dare to insult the capital of the world: but their arrogance was soon humbled by misfortune; and their unmanly rage, instead of being directed against an enemy in arms, was meanly exercised on a defenceless and innocent victim. Perhaps in the person of Serena, the Romans might have respected the niece of Theodosius, the aunt, nay, even the adoptive mother, of the reigning emperor: but they abhorred the widow of Stilicho; and they listened with credulous passion to the tale of calumny, which accused her of maintaining a secret and criminal correspondence with the Gothic invader. Actuated, or overawed, by the same popular frenzy, the senate, without requiring any evidence of his guilt, pronounced the sentence of her death. Serena was ignominiously strangled; and the infatuated multitude were astonished to find, that this cruel act of injustice did not immediately produce the retreat of the Barbarians, and the deliverance of the city. That unfortunate city gradually experienced the distress of scarcity, and at length the horrid calamities of famine. The daily allowance of three pounds of bread was reduced to one half, to one third, to nothing; and the price of corn still continued to rise in a rapid and extravagant proportion. The poorer citizens, who were unable to purchase the necessaries of life, solicited the precarious charity of the rich; and for a while the public misery was alleviated by the humanity of Laeta, the widow of the emperor Gratian, who had fixed her residence at Rome, and consecrated to the use of the indigent the princely revenue which she annually received from the grateful successors of her husband. 75 But these private and temporary donatives were insufficient to appease the hunger of a numerous people; and the progress of famine invaded the marble palaces of the senators themselves. The persons of both sexes, who had been educated in the enjoyment of ease and luxury, discovered how little is requisite to supply the demands of nature; and lavished their unavailing treasures of gold and silver, to obtain the coarse and scanty sustenance which they would formerly have rejected with disdain. The food the most repugnant to sense or imagination, the aliments the most unwholesome and pernicious to the constitution, were eagerly devoured, and fiercely disputed, by the rage of hunger. A dark suspicion was entertained, that some desperate wretches fed on the bodies of their fellow-creatures, whom they had secretly murdered; and even mothers, (such was the horrid conflict of the two most powerful instincts implanted by nature in the human breast,) even mothers are said to have tasted the flesh of their slaughtered infants! 76 Many thousands of the inhabitants of Rome expired in their houses, or in the streets, for want of sustenance; and as the public sepulchres without the walls were in the power of the enemy the stench, which arose from so many putrid and unburied carcasses, infected the air; and the miseries of famine were succeeded and aggravated by the contagion of a pestilential disease. The assurances of speedy and effectual relief, which were repeatedly transmitted from the court of Ravenna, supported for some time, the fainting resolution of the Romans, till at length the despair of any human aid tempted them to accept the offers of a praeternatural deliverance. Pompeianus, praefect of the city, had been persuaded, by the art or fanaticism of some Tuscan diviners, that, by the mysterious force of spells and sacrifices, they could extract the lightning from the clouds, and point those celestial fires against the camp of the Barbarians. 77 The important secret was communicated to Innocent, the bishop of Rome; and the successor of St. Peter is accused, perhaps without foundation, of preferring the safety of the republic to the rigid severity of the Christian worship. But when the question was agitated in the senate; when it was proposed, as an essential condition, that those sacrifices should be performed in the Capitol, by the authority, and in the presence, of the magistrates, the majority of that respectable assembly, apprehensive either of the Divine or of the Imperial displeasure, refused to join in an act, which appeared almost equivalent to the public restoration of Paganism. 78
霍诺留在位之时,罗马便是这般景象;恰在此际,哥特大军对这座城市展开了围攻——或者不如说,是封锁。74 阿拉里克巧妙地部署了麾下大军——这些人正按捺不住,只等一声令下便发起强攻;他环城布阵,扼守十二座主要城门,切断了城内与近郊的一切往来,又严密封锁了台伯河的水道——罗马人最可靠、最丰足的粮食供应,正是仰赖此河。起初,无论贵族还是平民,心中都又惊又怒:一个卑贱的蛮子,竟敢来羞辱这世界之都!然而灾祸很快挫平了他们的傲气;他们那股窝囊的怒火,非但没有冲着持械的敌人发作,反倒卑劣地泄到了一个手无寸铁、无辜受戮的牺牲者身上。塞雷娜其人,本该令罗马人心存敬意:她是狄奥多西的侄女,是当朝皇帝的姑母,甚至是他的养母;可他们偏憎恶这位斯提利科的遗孀,轻信而狂热地听信了一桩诽谤之词,指她与那哥特入侵者暗通款曲、图谋不轨。元老院或受这同一股民间狂潮的驱使、或为其所慑,竟不索取任何罪证,便判了她死刑。塞雷娜就这样受尽屈辱、被绞杀而死;而那群昏了头的民众,却惊讶地发现:这桩残忍不义之举,并未立时换来蛮族的撤退和全城的解围。这座不幸的城市渐渐尝到了物资匮乏之苦,终至陷入饥荒的可怖惨祸。每日三磅面包的配给,先减到一半,再减到三分之一,最后化为乌有;谷价却仍以骇人的速度节节飞涨。较贫穷的市民买不起活命的必需品,只得向富人乞求那朝不保夕的施舍;一度,公众的苦难曾赖蕾塔的仁心得到纾解——她是格拉提安皇帝的遗孀,定居罗马,把自己每年从丈夫那些心怀感念的继任者手中所得的丰厚岁入,悉数捐给了穷人。75 然而,这类私人的、一时的赈济,终究填不饱如许众多之人的辘辘饥肠;饥荒步步进逼,连元老们自家的大理石宫邸也未能幸免。那些自幼在安逸奢华中长大的男男女女,这才明白:维持性命所需其实何其微薄;他们挥掷起金银——如今这些财宝已派不上用场——只为换取一点粗劣稀少的口粮,而这样的食物,从前他们是会不屑一顾、掉头拒绝的。凡最令人反胃、最难以想象的食物,凡最不卫生、最戕害身体的东西,饥火中烧之下,人们无不争相攫食、恶狠狠地哄抢。更有一种阴森的疑虑在流传:说是某些走投无路的可怜虫,暗中杀害同类,以其尸身果腹;甚至连做母亲的——造化在人心中植下两种最强烈的本能,此刻竟这般惨烈地相搏——甚至连做母亲的,据说都尝过自己亲手宰杀的婴孩之肉!76 成千上万的罗马居民因缺食而死,或殒命家中,或倒毙街头;城外的公共墓地又落在敌人手里,无数腐烂而无从掩埋的尸骸腥臭熏天,污染了空气;饥荒的惨况过后,接踵而至并使之雪上加霜的,是一场瘟疫的蔓延。拉文纳的朝廷一再传来讯息,保证迅速而有效的援救即将到来,这一度支撑着罗马人几近崩溃的意志;直到最后,对一切人力救援彻底绝望,才诱使他们去接受一种超自然解救的许诺。罗马城长官蓬培阿努斯,为几名托斯卡纳占卜师的方术或狂热所说动,信了他们的说法:凭借符咒与祭祀的神秘之力,他们能从云中引下闪电,把这天上的火焰对准蛮族的营地。77 这桩要紧的秘密透露给了罗马主教英诺森;有人指责这位圣彼得的继任者,说他把国家的安危置于基督教礼拜的森严戒律之上——不过此说或许并无根据。但当此事在元老院引起争论,当有人提出一个必要的前提——这些祭祀须在卡皮托利山上、经官员授权并在其亲临之下举行——这个可敬的会议中的多数人,或惧触怒上帝、或惧触怒皇帝,便拒绝参与这一举动:因为它几乎无异于公然恢复异教。78
The last resource of the Romans was in the clemency, or at least in the moderation, of the king of the Goths. The senate, who in this emergency assumed the supreme powers of government, appointed two ambassadors to negotiate with the enemy. This important trust was delegated to Basilius, a senator, of Spanish extraction, and already conspicuous in the administration of provinces; and to John, the first tribune of the notaries, who was peculiarly qualified, by his dexterity in business, as well as by his former intimacy with the Gothic prince. When they were introduced into his presence, they declared, perhaps in a more lofty style than became their abject condition, that the Romans were resolved to maintain their dignity, either in peace or war; and that, if Alaric refused them a fair and honorable capitulation, he might sound his trumpets, and prepare to give battle to an innumerable people, exercised in arms, and animated by despair. “The thicker the hay, the easier it is mowed,” was the concise reply of the Barbarian; and this rustic metaphor was accompanied by a loud and insulting laugh, expressive of his contempt for the menaces of an unwarlike populace, enervated by luxury before they were emaciated by famine. He then condescended to fix the ransom, which he would accept as the price of his retreat from the walls of Rome: all the gold and silver in the city, whether it were the property of the state, or of individuals; all the rich and precious movables; and all the slaves that could prove their title to the name of Barbarians. The ministers of the senate presumed to ask, in a modest and suppliant tone, “If such, O king, are your demands, what do you intend to leave us?” “Your Lives!” replied the haughty conqueror: they trembled, and retired. Yet, before they retired, a short suspension of arms was granted, which allowed some time for a more temperate negotiation. The stern features of Alaric were insensibly relaxed; he abated much of the rigor of his terms; and at length consented to raise the siege, on the immediate payment of five thousand pounds of gold, of thirty thousand pounds of silver, of four thousand robes of silk, of three thousand pieces of fine scarlet cloth, and of three thousand pounds weight of pepper. 79 But the public treasury was exhausted; the annual rents of the great estates in Italy and the provinces, had been exchanged, during the famine, for the vilest sustenance; the hoards of secret wealth were still concealed by the obstinacy of avarice; and some remains of consecrated spoils afforded the only resource that could avert the impending ruin of the city. As soon as the Romans had satisfied the rapacious demands of Alaric, they were restored, in some measure, to the enjoyment of peace and plenty. Several of the gates were cautiously opened; the importation of provisions from the river and the adjacent country was no longer obstructed by the Goths; the citizens resorted in crowds to the free market, which was held during three days in the suburbs; and while the merchants who undertook this gainful trade made a considerable profit, the future subsistence of the city was secured by the ample magazines which were deposited in the public and private granaries. A more regular discipline than could have been expected, was maintained in the camp of Alaric; and the wise Barbarian justified his regard for the faith of treaties, by the just severity with which he chastised a party of licentious Goths, who had insulted some Roman citizens on the road to Ostia. His army, enriched by the contributions of the capital, slowly advanced into the fair and fruitful province of Tuscany, where he proposed to establish his winter quarters; and the Gothic standard became the refuge of forty thousand Barbarian slaves, who had broke their chains, and aspired, under the command of their great deliverer, to revenge the injuries and the disgrace of their cruel servitude. About the same time, he received a more honorable reenforcement of Goths and Huns, whom Adolphus, 80 the brother of his wife, had conducted, at his pressing invitation, from the banks of the Danube to those of the Tyber, and who had cut their way, with some difficulty and loss, through the superior number of the Imperial troops. A victorious leader, who united the daring spirit of a Barbarian with the art and discipline of a Roman general, was at the head of a hundred thousand fighting men; and Italy pronounced, with terror and respect, the formidable name of Alaric. 81
罗马人最后的指望,只剩下哥特王的仁慈——至少是他的节制。元老院在这危急关头接掌了政府的最高权力,指派两名使节前去与敌人谈判。这一重任托付给了两个人:一是巴西利乌斯,西班牙裔的元老,早已在行省治理中崭露头角;一是约翰,众书记官的首席,此人既办事干练,又素与那位哥特君王相熟,尤其胜任此职。两位使节被引到他面前,便声言(那口吻之高傲,或许与他们卑弱的处境颇不相称):罗马人已下定决心维护自身的尊严,无论是战是和;倘若阿拉里克不肯给他们一个公平而体面的受降条件,他大可吹响号角,准备与一个人数无穷、久经沙场、又因绝望而斗志昂扬的民族一决高下。“草长得越密,割起来越省事,”蛮王的回答就这么简短;说着这句村野的比方,他还爆出一阵响亮而侮慢的大笑,尽显他对这群不谙征战之民的威胁何等不屑——他们尚未因饥荒而形销骨立之前,早已被奢靡掏空了筋骨。随后,他才屈尊开出赎价,作为自己从罗马城下撤军的条件:城中所有的金银,无论属于国库还是私人;一切贵重的动产;以及所有能证明自己蛮族出身的奴隶。元老院的使者壮着胆子,以谦卑而恳求的口吻问道:“大王,倘若您的要求当真如此,那您打算给我们留下什么呢?”“你们的命!”这傲慢的征服者答道。二人不禁战栗,怏怏而退。不过,在他们退下之前,对方允准了短暂的休战,好腾出些时间进行较为和缓的磋商。阿拉里克那副冷峻的面容不觉渐渐舒缓;他大大放宽了苛刻的条件,终于答应撤围,只要对方立即付清:黄金五千磅、白银三万磅、丝袍四千件、上等猩红呢绒三千匹,外加胡椒三千磅。79 可国库已然告罄;饥荒期间,意大利与各行省那些大庄园的年租,早已换成了最粗贱的口粮;私藏的财富,仍为贪吝之人执意藏匿;唯有一些献神祭品的残余,成了能够挽救全城于即将倾覆之际的仅有财源。罗马人一满足了阿拉里克贪得无厌的索求,便多少重新过上了太平丰足的日子。几座城门谨慎地开启了;哥特人不再阻挠粮食经由河道和近郊运入城中;市民成群结队涌向城郊那连开三天的自由集市;经营这桩买卖的商人固然赚得盆满钵满,而公私粮仓中囤积的充足储备,也保障了全城日后的生计。阿拉里克的营中,纪律之严整远出人们意料;有一伙放肆的哥特人在通往奥斯提亚的路上欺凌了几名罗马市民,这位明智的蛮王便公正而严厉地惩处了他们,以此表明自己对条约信义的看重。他的军队因京城的进贡而愈发富足,缓缓开进富饶秀美的托斯卡纳行省——他打算在那里扎下冬营;哥特人的旗帜下,聚拢了四万挣脱锁链的蛮族奴隶,他们前来投奔,一心要在这位伟大解放者的统领下,一雪自己惨遭奴役的苦楚与耻辱。约在同时,他还得到了一支更为体面的援军,由哥特人和匈人组成,是他妻子的兄弟阿陶尔夫 80 应他再三之邀,从多瑙河畔一路带到台伯河畔的;这支人马费了些周折、也蒙受了些损失,才杀开一条血路,穿过了数量占优的帝国军队。这位百战百胜的统帅,兼有蛮族的骁勇胆魄与罗马将领的谋略与治军之道,如今麾下已是十万雄兵;整个意大利提起阿拉里克这可畏的名字,无不又惧又敬。81
“Your lives!” — the ransom of Rome 「你们的命!」——罗马城的赎金 THE PRICE OF ALARIC’S RETREAT FROM ROME 阿拉里克自罗马城下撤军的赎价 “The thicker the hay, the easier it is mowed” 「草长得越密,割起来越省事」 — the concise reply of the Barbarian to the lofty menaces of the ambassadors, accompanied by a loud and insulting laugh ——蛮王对使者高傲威胁之词的简短回答,说着还爆出一阵响亮而侮慢的大笑 THE DEMAND 索求 he condescended to fix the ransom he would accept as the price of his retreat 他屈尊开出赎价,作为自己从罗马城下撤军的条件 all the gold and silver in the city, whether it were the property of the state, or of individuals 城中所有的金银,无论属于国库还是私人 all the rich and precious movables 一切贵重的动产 all the slaves that could prove their title to the name of Barbarians 所有能证明自己蛮族出身的奴隶 “If such, O king, are your demands, what do you intend to leave us?” 「大王,倘若您的要求当真如此, 那您打算给我们留下什么呢?」 “YOUR LIVES!” 「你们的命!」 replied the haughty conqueror; they trembled, and retired 这傲慢的征服者答道;二人不禁战栗,怏怏而退 THE SETTLEMENT 议定的赎金 the stern features of Alaric were insensibly relaxed; he abated much of the rigor of his terms 阿拉里克那副冷峻的面容不觉渐渐舒缓,他大大放宽了苛刻的条件 BY WEIGHT — pounds 按重量——磅 5,000 gold 黄金 30,000 silver 白银 3,000 pepper 胡椒 0 10,000 20,000 30,000 BY TALE — robes and pieces 按件数——件与匹 4,000 robes of silk 丝袍 3,000 pieces of fine scarlet cloth 上等猩红呢绒 0 1,000 2,000 3,000 4,000 the two scales are distinct: the three weights are told in pounds, the two stuffs by the piece 两把标尺各不相同:三样按磅计重,两样按件(匹)计数 But the public treasury was exhausted; the hoards of secret wealth were still concealed by the obstinacy of avarice; and some remains of consecrated spoils afforded the only resource that could avert the impending ruin of the city. 可国库已然告罄;私藏的财富,仍为贪吝之人执意藏匿;唯有一些献神祭品的残余, 成了能够挽救全城于即将倾覆之际的仅有财源。 The senate appointed two ambassadors: Basilius, a senator of Spanish extraction, and John, the first tribune of the notaries 元老院指派两名使节:西班牙裔的元老巴西利乌斯,以及众书记官的首席约翰
Fig. 31.4 — The price of Alaric's retreat from the walls of Rome. To the ministers' modest question, what he intended to leave them, the conqueror replied, “Your Lives!”; yet his stern features insensibly relaxed, and the ransom was fixed at five thousand pounds of gold, thirty thousand of silver, four thousand robes of silk, three thousand pieces of fine scarlet cloth, and three thousand pounds weight of pepper. 图31.4——阿拉里克自罗马城下撤军的赎价。使者谦卑地问他打算给罗马人留下什么,这位征服者答道:「你们的命!」然而他那副冷峻的面容不觉渐渐舒缓,赎金终于议定:黄金五千磅、白银三万磅、丝袍四千件、上等猩红呢绒三千匹,外加胡椒三千磅。

Notes 注释

50
The histories of Livy (see particularly vi. 36) are full of the extortions of the rich, and the sufferings of the poor debtors. The melancholy story of a brave old soldier (Dionys. Hal. l. vi. c. 26, p. 347, edit. Hudson, and Livy, ii. 23) must have been frequently repeated in those primitive times, which have been so undeservedly praised.
李维的史书(尤见第六卷第36节)满纸都是富人的敲诈勒索与贫穷债户的苦难。一名勇敢老兵的凄惨故事(Dionys. Hal. l. vi. c. 26, p. 347, edit. Hudson,及 Livy, ii. 23),在那些被人过誉的蒙昧初世,想必是屡见不鲜的。
51
Non esse in civitate duo millia hominum qui rem habereni. Cicero. Offic. ii. 21, and Comment. Paul. Manut. in edit. Graev. This vague computation was made A. U. C. 649, in a speech of the tribune Philippus, and it was his object, as well as that of the Gracchi, (see Plutarch,) to deplore, and perhaps to exaggerate, the misery of the common people.
Non esse in civitate duo millia hominum qui rem habereni.(拉丁文,大意:城中拥有家产者不足两千人。)语出西塞罗《论义务》第二卷第21节,并参格雷维乌斯版中保卢斯·马努提乌斯的评注。这个含糊的估算作于罗马建城649年,见于保民官菲利普斯的一篇演说;他与格拉古兄弟一样(见普鲁塔克),意在痛陈——或许还有意夸大——平民的悲苦。
52
See the third Satire (60-125) of Juvenal, who indignantly complains,
Quamvis quota portio faecis Achaei!
Jampridem Syrus in Tiberem defluxit Orontes;
Et linguam et mores, &c.
Seneca, when he proposes to comfort his mother (Consolat. ad Helv. c. 6) by the reflection, that a great part of mankind were in a state of exile, reminds her how few of the inhabitants of Rome were born in the city.
见尤维纳利斯《讽刺诗集》第三首(60—125行),他在其中愤然抱怨道:
Quamvis quota portio faecis Achaei! Jampridem Syrus in Tiberem defluxit Orontes; et linguam et mores, &c.(此系尤维纳利斯的讽刺诗句,大意谓:罗马的渣滓之中,希腊人尚且只占几分?叙利亚的奥龙特斯河早已注入台伯河,连它的语言与风习也一并带了来。)塞涅卡在《致赫尔维娅的慰问》第六章中宽慰母亲,说世人大半都身处流放之境,并借此提醒她:罗马的居民当中,真正生于此城者何其寥寥。
53
Almost all that is said of the bread, bacon, oil, wine, &c., may be found in the fourteenth book of the Theodosian Code; which expressly treats of the police of the great cities. See particularly the titles iii. iv. xv. xvi. xvii. xxiv. The collateral testimonies are produced in Godefroy’s Commentary, and it is needless to transcribe them. According to a law of Theodosius, which appreciates in money the military allowance, a piece of gold (eleven shillings) was equivalent to eighty pounds of bacon, or to eighty pounds of oil, or to twelve modii (or pecks) of salt, (Cod. Theod. l. viii. tit. iv. leg. 17.) This equation, compared with another of seventy pounds of bacon for an amphora, (Cod. Theod. l. xiv. tit. iv. leg. 4,) fixes the price of wine at about sixteenpence the gallon.
关于面包、腌肉、油、酒等等的记述,几乎全可在《狄奥多西法典》第十四卷中找到——该卷专门论及各大城市的治理。尤见其中第三、四、十五、十六、十七、二十四诸题。旁证已辑于戈德弗鲁瓦的注疏之中,无须在此转录。据狄奥多西的一条法令(它把军饷折算成钱币),一枚金币(合十一先令)相当于八十磅腌肉,或八十磅油,或十二莫迪(modii,即配克)盐(Cod. Theod. l. viii. tit. iv. leg. 17)。将此折算与另一条“每一安佛拉(amphora)合七十磅腌肉”(Cod. Theod. l. xiv. tit. iv. leg. 4)相比照,便可定出酒价约为每加仑十六便士。
54
The anonymous author of the Description of the World (p. 14. in tom. iii. Geograph. Minor. Hudson) observes of Lucania, in his barbarous Latin, Regio optima, et ipsa omnibus habundans, et lardum multum foras. Proptor quod est in montibus, cujus aescam animalium rariam, &c.
《世界志》的佚名作者(见 Geograph. Minor. 哈德森版第三卷第14页)以其粗劣的拉丁文记卢卡尼亚道:Regio optima, et ipsa omnibus habundans, et lardum multum foras. Propter quod est in montibus, cujus aescam animalium rariam, &c.(大意谓:此乃绝佳之地,百物丰饶,且大量外销腌猪肉;因其地处山中,牲畜之食……云云。)
55
See Novell. ad calcem Cod. Theod. D. Valent. l. i. tit. xv. This law was published at Rome, June 29th, A.D. 452.
见《狄奥多西法典》卷末所附瓦伦提尼安《新律》第一卷第十五题(Novell. ad calcem Cod. Theod. D. Valent. l. i. tit. xv)。此律于公元452年6月29日在罗马颁布。
56
Sueton. in August. c. 42. The utmost debauch of the emperor himself, in his favorite wine of Rhaetia, never exceeded a sextarius, (an English pint.) Id. c. 77. Torrentius ad loc. and Arbuthnot’s Tables, p. 86.
见苏埃托尼乌斯《奥古斯都传》第42章。这位皇帝本人最放纵之时,纵情于他钟爱的雷提亚葡萄酒,也从不超过一塞克斯塔里乌斯(sextarius,合英制一品脱)。同书第77章。并参托伦提乌斯该处注释及阿巴思诺特《度量衡表》第86页。
57
His design was to plant vineyards along the sea-coast of Hetruria, (Vopiscus, in Hist. August. p. 225;) the dreary, unwholesome, uncultivated Maremme of modern Tuscany
他的构想是沿伊特鲁里亚的海岸遍植葡萄园(沃皮斯库斯,见《奥古斯都史》第225页)——那便是今日托斯卡纳一带荒凉、不宜居、无人耕垦的马雷马沼地。
58
Olympiodor. apud Phot. p. 197.
奥林匹奥多罗斯,转引自佛提乌,第197页。
59
Seneca (epistol. lxxxvi.) compares the baths of Scipio Africanus, at his villa of Liternum, with the magnificence (which was continually increasing) of the public baths of Rome, long before the stately Thermae of Antoninus and Diocletian were erected. The quadrans paid for admission was the quarter of the as, about one eighth of an English penny.
塞涅卡(《书信集》第86封)把大西庇阿在利特尔努姆别墅中的浴室,与罗马公共浴场那日益增长的豪华(其时安敦尼与戴克里先那些宏伟的温浴场还远未建起)相比照。入浴所付的一夸德兰斯(quadrans),乃一阿斯(as)的四分之一,约合英制一便士的八分之一。
60
Ammianus, (l. xiv. c. 6, and l. xxviii. c. 4,) after describing the luxury and pride of the nobles of Rome, exposes, with equal indignation, the vices and follies of the common people.
阿米阿努斯(卷十四第6章,及卷二十八第4章)在描摹罗马权贵的骄奢之后,又以同样的愤慨,揭露了平民的种种恶习与愚行。
61
Juvenal. Satir. xi. 191, &c. The expressions of the historian Ammianus are not less strong and animated than those of the satirist and both the one and the other painted from the life. The numbers which the great Circus was capable of receiving are taken from the original Notitioe of the city. The differences between them prove that they did not transcribe each other; but the same may appear incredible, though the country on these occasions flocked to the city.
尤维纳利斯《讽刺诗集》第十一首第191行以下。史家阿米阿努斯的笔触,其有力而生动不亚于这位讽刺诗人,且二人皆是照着实况描摹的。大竞技场所能容纳的人数,取自该城原始的《城区志》。诸本数字互有出入,正可证明它们并非彼此抄袭;不过即便这些数字看似难以置信,逢此盛况,乡间之人也确会蜂拥入城。
62
Sometimes indeed they composed original pieces.
Vestigia Graeca
Ausi deserere et celeb rare domestica facta.
Horat. Epistol. ad Pisones, 285, and the learned, though perplexed note of Dacier, who might have allowed the name of tragedies to the Brutus and the Decius of Pacuvius, or to the Cato of Maternus. The Octavia, ascribed to one of the Senecas, still remains a very unfavorable specimen of Roman tragedy.
有时他们确也创作原创的剧作。
Vestigia Graeca ausi deserere et celebrare domestica facta.(此系贺拉斯的诗句,大意谓罗马诗人敢于抛开希腊的旧辙,转而讴歌本邦的事迹。)见贺拉斯《致皮索父子书》第285行,并参达西耶那条虽博学却颇费解的注释——他本可把“悲剧”之名许给帕库维乌斯的《布鲁图斯》和《德西乌斯》,或马特尔努斯的《加图》。至于归在某位塞涅卡名下的《屋大维娅》,至今仍是罗马悲剧中一个很不体面的样本。
63
In the time of Quintilian and Pliny, a tragic poet was reduced to the imperfect method of hiring a great room, and reading his play to the company, whom he invited for that purpose. (See Dialog. de Oratoribus, c. 9, 11, and Plin. Epistol. vii. 17.)
在昆体良与普林尼的时代,一位悲剧诗人竟落到这般不济的地步:只能租一间大厅,把为此邀来的宾客聚在一处,向他们朗读自己的剧本。(见《演说家对话录》第9、11章,及普林尼《书信集》第七卷第17封。)
64
See the dialogue of Lucian, entitled the Saltatione, tom. ii. p. 265-317, edit. Reitz. The pantomimes obtained the honorable name; and it was required, that they should be conversant with almost every art and science. Burette (in the Mémoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. i. p. 127, &c.) has given a short history of the art of pantomimes.
见琉善题为《论舞蹈》的对话(赖茨版第二卷,第265—317页)。哑剧优伶获得了这一荣衔;人们要求他们几乎通晓一切技艺与学问。比雷特(见《铭文学院论文集》第一卷第127页以下)曾简述哑剧这门技艺的历史。
65
Ammianus, l. xiv. c. 6. He complains, with decent indignation that the streets of Rome were filled with crowds of females, who might have given children to the state, but whose only occupation was to curl and dress their hair, and jactari volubilibus gyris, dum experimunt innumera simulacra, quae finxere fabulae theatrales.
阿米阿努斯,卷十四第6章。他以得体的愤慨抱怨道:罗马街头满是成群的女子,她们本可为国家生儿育女,唯一的营生却是卷发梳妆,jactari volubilibus gyris, dum experimunt innumera simulacra, quae finxere fabulae theatrales.(拉丁文,大意谓:随着旋转的舞步翩翩回旋,演绎戏剧编造的无数角色。)
66
Lipsius (tom. iii. p. 423, de Magnitud. Romana, l. iii. c. 3) and Isaac Vossius (Observant. Var. p. 26-34) have indulged strange dreams, of four, or eight, or fourteen, millions in Rome. Mr. Hume, (Essays, vol. i. p. 450-457,) with admirable good sense and scepticism betrays some secret disposition to extenuate the populousness of ancient times.
利普修斯(《论罗马之伟大》第三卷第3章,见其著作第三卷第423页)与伊萨克·福修斯(《杂考》第26—34页)曾做过种种离奇的臆想,称罗马有四百万、八百万、乃至一千四百万人口。休谟先生(《论说文集》第一卷第450—457页)则以令人钦佩的见识与怀疑精神,隐隐透出几分要贬低古代人口之众的私心。
67
Olympiodor. ap. Phot. p. 197. See Fabricius, Bibl. Graec. tom. ix. p. 400.
奥林匹奥多罗斯,转引自佛提乌,第197页。并参法布里丘斯《希腊文库》第九卷第400页。
68
In ea autem majestate urbis, et civium infinita frequentia, innumerabiles habitationes opus fuit explicare. Ergo cum recipero non posset area plana tantam multitudinem in urbe, ad auxilium altitudinis aedificiorum res ipsa coegit devenire. Vitruv. ii. 8. This passage, which I owe to Vossius, is clear, strong, and comprehensive.
In ea autem majestate urbis, et civium infinita frequentia, innumerabiles habitationes opus fuit explicare. Ergo cum recipere non posset area plana tantam multitudinem in urbe, ad auxilium altitudinis aedificiorum res ipsa coegit devenire.(拉丁文,大意:城市既如此宏伟,市民又如此无穷众多,便不得不辟出数不清的住所。既然平地容纳不下城中这许多人,形势本身便迫使人们求助于建筑的高度。)语出维特鲁威卷二第8节。此段承福修斯见示,文意清晰、有力而周详。
69
The successive testimonies of Pliny, Aristides, Claudian, Rutilius, &c., prove the insufficiency of these restrictive edicts. See Lipsius, de Magnitud. Romana, l. iii. c. 4.
Tabulata tibi jam tertia fumant;
Tu nescis; nam si gradibus trepidatur ab imis
Ultimus ardebit, quem tegula sola tuetur
A pluvia. —-Juvenal. Satir. iii. 199
普林尼、阿里斯提德斯、克劳狄安、鲁提利乌斯等人先后的记述,都证明这些限高的敕令收效甚微。参利普修斯《论罗马之伟大》第三卷第4章。
Tabulata tibi jam tertia fumant; tu nescis; nam si gradibus trepidatur ab imis, ultimus ardebit, quem tegula sola tuetur a pluvia.(此系尤维纳利斯的讽刺诗句,大意谓:你脚下第三层楼已在冒烟,你却浑然不觉;火警一旦从底层的台阶烧起,最后葬身火海的,正是那住在顶层、头上只有一片瓦遮雨的人。)——尤维纳利斯《讽刺诗集》第三首第199行。
70
Read the whole third satire, but particularly 166, 223, &c. The description of a crowded insula, or lodging-house, in Petronius, (c. 95, 97,) perfectly tallies with the complaints of Juvenal; and we learn from legal authority, that, in the time of Augustus, (Heineccius, Hist. Juris. Roman. c. iv. p. 181,) the ordinary rent of the several coenacula, or apartments of an insula, annually produced forty thousand sesterces, between three and four hundred pounds sterling, (Pandect. l. xix. tit. ii. No. 30,) a sum which proves at once the large extent, and high value, of those common buildings.
通读整篇第三首讽刺诗,尤见第166、223行以下。佩特罗尼乌斯(第95、97章)对一座拥挤的公寓楼(insula)的描写,与尤维纳利斯的怨言若合符节;我们又从法律典籍中得知,在奥古斯都时代(海涅克丘斯《罗马法史》第四章第181页),一座公寓楼中若干套间(coenacula)的寻常租金,一年可得四万塞斯特斯,约合三四百英镑(《学说汇纂》第十九卷第二题第30条)——这个数目,恰恰同时印证了这类普通楼房规模之大、价值之高。
71
This sum total is composed of 1780 domus, or great houses of 46,602 insulæ, or plebeian habitations, (see Nardini, Roma Antica, l. iii. p. 88;) and these numbers are ascertained by the agreement of the texts of the different Notitioe. Nardini, l. viii. p. 498, 500.
这个总数由1780栋“宅邸”(domus,即大宅)与46,602栋“公寓楼”(insulæ,即平民住所)构成(见纳尔迪尼《古罗马》第三卷第88页);这些数字,因各种《城区志》文本彼此吻合而得以确定。见纳尔迪尼,第八卷,第498、500页。
72
See that accurate writer M. de Messance, Recherches sur la Population, p. 175-187. From probable, or certain grounds, he assigns to Paris 23,565 houses, 71,114 families, and 576,630 inhabitants.
参见严谨的作家梅桑斯先生《人口研究》第175—187页。他根据或然或确凿的依据,估定巴黎有房屋23,565栋、家庭71,114户、居民576,630人。
73
This computation is not very different from that which M. Brotier, the last editor of Tacitus, (tom. ii. p. 380,) has assumed from similar principles; though he seems to aim at a degree of precision which it is neither possible nor important to obtain.
这一估算,与塔西佗最新一位校订者布罗蒂埃先生(第二卷第380页)依据类似原则所作的推算相去不远;只是他似乎一味追求某种精确,而那种精确既无从企及,也无关紧要。
7311
M. Dureau de la Malle (Economic Politique des Romaines, t. i. p. 369) quotes a passage from the xvth chapter of Gibbon, in which he estimates the population of Rome at not less than a million, and adds (omitting any reference to this passage,) that he (Gibbon) could not have seriously studied the question. M. Dureau de la Malle proceeds to argue that Rome, as contained within the walls of Servius Tullius, occupying an area only one fifth of that of Paris, could not have contained 300,000 inhabitants; within those of Aurelian not more than 560,000, inclusive of soldiers and strangers. The suburbs, he endeavors to show, both up to the time of Aurelian, and after his reign, were neither so extensive, nor so populous, as generally supposed. M. Dureau de la Malle has but imperfectly quoted the important passage of Dionysius, that which proves that when he wrote (in the time of Augustus) the walls of Servius no longer marked the boundary of the city. In many places they were so built upon, that it was impossible to trace them. There was no certain limit, where the city ended and ceased to be the city; it stretched out to so boundless an extent into the country. Ant. Rom. iv. 13. None of M. de la Malle’s arguments appear to me to prove, against this statement, that these irregular suburbs did not extend so far in many parts, as to make it impossible to calculate accurately the inhabited area of the city. Though no doubt the city, as reconstructed by Nero, was much less closely built and with many more open spaces for palaces, temples, and other public edifices, yet many passages seem to prove that the laws respecting the height of houses were not rigidly enforced. A great part of the lower especially of the slave population, were very densely crowded, and lived, even more than in our modern towns, in cellars and subterranean dwellings under the public edifices. Nor do M. de la Malle’s arguments, by which he would explain the insulae insulae (of which the Notitiae Urbis give us the number) as rows of shops, with a chamber or two within the domus, or houses of the wealthy, satisfy me as to their soundness of their scholarship. Some passages which he adduces directly contradict his theory; none, as appears to me, distinctly prove it. I must adhere to the old interpretation of the word, as chiefly dwellings for the middling or lower classes, or clusters of tenements, often perhaps, under the same roof. On this point, Zumpt, in the Dissertation before quoted, entirely disagrees with M. de la Malle. Zumpt has likewise detected the mistake of M. de la Malle as to the “canon” of corn, mentioned in the life of Septimius Severus by Spartianus. On this canon the French writer calculates the inhabitants of Rome at that time. But the “canon” was not the whole supply of Rome, but that quantity which the state required for the public granaries to supply the gratuitous distributions to the people, and the public officers and slaves; no doubt likewise to keep down the general price. M. Zumpt reckons the population of Rome at 2,000,000. After careful consideration, I should conceive the number in the text, 1,200,000, to be nearest the truth—M. 1845.
迪罗·德拉马勒先生(《罗马人的政治经济学》第一卷第369页)引用了吉本第十五章中的一段话,其中吉本估计罗马人口不下百万;他却又补一句(且对这段话只字不提),说吉本本人不可能认真研究过这个问题。迪罗·德拉马勒先生进而论证:罗马若限于塞尔维乌斯·图利乌斯的城墙之内,所占面积仅及巴黎的五分之一,容不下三十万居民;即便在奥勒良的城墙之内,连士兵与外乡人算在一起,也不过五十六万。他力图表明,无论在奥勒良之前还是其后,罗马的近郊都不像人们通常设想的那样广袤、那样人烟稠密。迪罗·德拉马勒先生对狄奥尼修斯那段要紧的文字引述得并不完整——那段文字恰恰证明:在他写作之时(即奥古斯都时代),塞尔维乌斯的城墙已不再标示城市的边界。许多地段上房屋盖满了城墙,以致根本无从辨认其走向。城市究竟在何处终止、从何处起不再是城市,并无确切的界限;它漫无边际地向乡野伸展开去。见《罗马古事记》第四卷第13节。在我看来,德拉马勒先生的种种论据,没有一条足以驳倒这一说法而证明:这些参差不齐的近郊在许多方向上并未延展得那么远,远到使人无法精确计算城市有人居住的面积。诚然,尼禄重建后的罗马无疑房屋密度大减,为宫殿、神庙及其他公共建筑留出了多得多的空地,但许多文献似乎都证明,那些关于房屋高度的法令并未得到严格执行。下层民众——尤其是奴隶——有很大一部分挤居得极其密集,比我们近代的城镇更甚,栖身于公共建筑底下的地窖与地下居所之中。德拉马勒先生还试图把“公寓楼”(insulae,其数目见于《城区志》)解释为一排排店铺,另在富人的“宅邸”(domus)之内附带一两间房;但这些论据在考据上是否可靠,同样不能令我信服。他所援引的某些段落,径直与他的理论相抵触;在我看来,没有一处能明确地证成其说。我只得坚持这个词的旧解:它主要是供中下阶层居住的房屋,或成片的租屋,或许往往还同处一个屋顶之下。在这一点上,灿普特在前引的论文中,与德拉马勒先生全然相左。灿普特还查出了德拉马勒先生的一处错误,即关于斯巴尔提亚努斯所撰《塞普蒂米乌斯·塞维鲁传》中提到的谷物“配额”(canon)。这位法国作者正是依据这一配额,推算当时罗马的居民数目。然而这“配额”并非罗马全部的粮食供应,而只是国家为公共粮仓所需的那部分数量,用以向民众、公职人员及官奴无偿发放,无疑也兼有平抑总体粮价之意。灿普特估定罗马人口为二百万。几经斟酌,我以为正文所给的一百二十万这个数字,最接近实情。—M,1845年
74
For the events of the first siege of Rome, which are often confounded with those of the second and third, see Zosimus, l. v. p. 350-354, Sozomen, l. ix. c. 6, Olympiodorus, ap. Phot. p. 180, Philostorgius, l. xii. c. 3, and Godefroy, Dissertat. p. 467-475.
罗马第一次被围之事,常与第二、第三次相混淆,参佐西莫斯第五卷第350—354页、索佐门第九卷第6章、奥林匹奥多罗斯(转引自佛提乌,第180页)、菲洛斯托尔吉乌斯第十二卷第3章,以及戈德弗鲁瓦《论集》第467—475页。
75
The mother of Laeta was named Pissumena. Her father, family, and country, are unknown. Ducange, Fam. Byzantium, p. 59.
蕾塔的母亲名叫皮苏梅娜。她的父亲、家世与籍贯均不可考。见杜康热《拜占庭家族谱》第59页。
76
Ad nefandos cibos erupit esurientium rabies, et sua invicem membra laniarunt, dum mater non parcit lactenti infantiae; et recipit utero, quem paullo ante effuderat. Jerom. ad Principiam, tom. i. p. 121. The same horrid circumstance is likewise told of the sieges of Jerusalem and Paris. For the latter, compare the tenth book of the Henriade, and the Journal de Henri IV. tom. i. p. 47-83; and observe that a plain narrative of facts is much more pathetic, than the most labored descriptions of epic poetry
Ad nefandos cibos erupit esurientium rabies, et sua invicem membra laniarunt, dum mater non parcit lactenti infantiae; et recipit utero, quem paullo ante effuderat.(拉丁文,大意:饥民的疯狂爆发为骇人听闻的食人之举,他们彼此撕食对方的肢体;连母亲也不放过襁褓中的婴儿,把不久前才生下的孩儿重新纳入腹中。)语出哲罗姆《致普林奇皮娅书》第一卷第121页。同样可怖的情形,也见于耶路撒冷与巴黎被围之时的记载。关于后者,可比照《亨利亚德》第十卷及《亨利四世纪事》第一卷第47—83页;并请留意:平实的事实叙述,远比史诗最费心雕琢的铺陈更为动人。
77
Zosimus (l. v. p. 355, 356) speaks of these ceremonies like a Greek unacquainted with the national superstition of Rome and Tuscany. I suspect, that they consisted of two parts, the secret and the public; the former were probably an imitation of the arts and spells, by which Numa had drawn down Jupiter and his thunder on Mount Aventine.
Quid agant laqueis, quae carmine dicant,
Quaque trahant superis sedibus arte Jovem,
Scire nefas homini.
The ancilia, or shields of Mars, the pignora Imperii, which were carried in solemn procession on the calends of March, derived their origin from this mysterious event, (Ovid. Fast. iii. 259-398.) It was probably designed to revive this ancient festival, which had been suppressed by Theodosius. In that case, we recover a chronological date (March the 1st, A.D. 409) which has not hitherto been observed. * Note: On this curious question of the knowledge of conducting lightning, processed by the ancients, consult Eusebe Salverte, des Sciences Occultes, l. xxiv. Paris, 1829.—M.
佐西莫斯(第五卷第355、356页)谈及这些仪式时,俨然一个对罗马与托斯卡纳本地迷信一无所知的希腊人。我猜想,这些仪式分为两部分,一秘一公;秘密的那部分,大概是在摹仿努马当年把朱庇特及其雷霆引下阿文提努斯山所用的方术与符咒。
Quid agant laqueis, quae carmine dicant, quaque trahant superis sedibus arte Jovem, scire nefas homini.(此系拉丁诗句,大意谓:他们以绳结施何法术,在咒语中念些什么,又凭何术把朱庇特从天庭引下——凡人是不许知晓的。)玛尔斯的诸盾,即阿恩基利亚圣盾(ancilia),人称“帝国的信物”(pignora Imperii),每年三月朔日都要在庄严的仪仗中抬行,其来历便出自这桩神秘的旧事(奥维德《岁时记》卷三,259—398行)。此番作法大概意在重振这一古老的节庆——它先前曾被狄奥多西废止。果真如此,我们便寻回了一个此前无人留意的确切日期(公元409年3月1日)。* 编者按:关于古人是否掌握导引闪电之术这一奇诡的问题,可参阅厄泽布·萨尔韦特《隐秘科学论》卷二十四,1829年巴黎版。—M
78
Sozomen (l. ix. c. 6) insinuates that the experiment was actually, though unsuccessfully, made; but he does not mention the name of Innocent: and Tillemont, (Mem. Eccles. tom. x. p. 645) is determined not to believe, that a pope could be guilty of such impious condescension.
索佐门(第九卷第6章)暗示这场试验确曾举行,只是未获成功;但他并未提及英诺森之名。而蒂耶蒙(《教会史录》第十卷第645页)则铁了心不肯相信,一位教宗竟会犯下如此渎神的迁就之罪。
79
Pepper was a favorite ingredient of the most expensive Roman cookery, and the best sort commonly sold for fifteen denarii, or ten shillings, the pound. See Pliny, Hist. Natur. xii. 14. It was brought from India; and the same country, the coast of Malabar, still affords the greatest plenty: but the improvement of trade and navigation has multiplied the quantity and reduced the price. See Histoire Politique et Philosophique, &c., tom. i. p. 457.
胡椒是罗马最昂贵菜肴中备受青睐的作料,上等胡椒通常每磅售十五第纳里乌斯,合十先令。参普林尼《自然史》第十二卷第14节。它自印度贩运而来;如今出产最丰的仍是那片土地,即马拉巴尔海岸;只是贸易与航海的进步,已使其数量倍增、价格大跌。参《政治与哲学史》等,第一卷第457页。
80
This Gothic chieftain is called by Jornandes and Isidore, Athaulphus; by Zosimus and Orosius, Ataulphus; and by Olympiodorus, Adaoulphus. I have used the celebrated name of Adolphus, which seems to be authorized by the practice of the Swedes, the sons or brothers of the ancient Goths.
这位哥特首领,约达尼斯与伊西多尔称之为 Athaulphus,佐西莫斯与奥罗修斯作 Ataulphus,奥林匹奥多罗斯则作 Adaoulphus。我采用了“阿陶尔夫”这个著名的名字,它似乎有瑞典人的惯例为据——瑞典人乃是古代哥特人的子弟或兄弟。
81
The treaty between Alaric and the Romans, &c., is taken from Zosimus, l. v. p. 354, 355, 358, 359, 362, 363. The additional circumstances are too few and trifling to require any other quotation.
阿拉里克与罗马人所订的条约等事,取自佐西莫斯第五卷第354、355、358、359、362、363页。其余情节太过零星琐碎,无需另行征引。