Chapter XXXI: Invasion Of Italy, Occupation Of Territories By Barbarians.—Part II. 第三十一章 阿拉里克入侵;罗马城的陷落——第二节
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“The marbles of the Anician palace,” were used as a proverbial expression of opulence and splendor; 23 but the nobles and senators of Rome aspired, in due gradation, to imitate that illustrious family. The accurate description of the city, which was composed in the Theodosian age, enumerates one thousand seven hundred and eighty houses, the residence of wealthy and honorable citizens. 24 Many of these stately mansions might almost excuse the exaggeration of the poet; that Rome contained a multitude of palaces, and that each palace was equal to a city: since it included within its own precincts every thing which could be subservient either to use or luxury; markets, hippodromes, temples, fountains, baths, porticos, shady groves, and artificial aviaries. 25 The historian Olympiodorus, who represents the state of Rome when it was besieged by the Goths, 26 continues to observe, that several of the richest senators received from their estates an annual income of four thousand pounds of gold, above one hundred and sixty thousand pounds sterling; without computing the stated provision of corn and wine, which, had they been sold, might have equalled in value one third of the money. Compared to this immoderate wealth, an ordinary revenue of a thousand or fifteen hundred pounds of gold might be considered as no more than adequate to the dignity of the senatorian rank, which required many expenses of a public and ostentatious kind. Several examples are recorded, in the age of Honorius, of vain and popular nobles, who celebrated the year of their praetorship by a festival, which lasted seven days, and cost above one hundred thousand pounds sterling. 27 The estates of the Roman senators, which so far exceeded the proportion of modern wealth, were not confined to the limits of Italy. Their possessions extended far beyond the Ionian and Aegean Seas, to the most distant provinces: the city of Nicopolis, which Augustus had founded as an eternal monument of the Actian victory, was the property of the devout Paula; 28 and it is observed by Seneca, that the rivers, which had divided hostile nations, now flowed through the lands of private citizens. 29 According to their temper and circumstances, the estates of the Romans were either cultivated by the labor of their slaves, or granted, for a certain and stipulated rent, to the industrious farmer. The economical writers of antiquity strenuously recommend the former method, wherever it may be practicable; but if the object should be removed, by its distance or magnitude, from the immediate eye of the master, they prefer the active care of an old hereditary tenant, attached to the soil, and interested in the produce, to the mercenary administration of a negligent, perhaps an unfaithful, steward. 30
“阿尼奇府邸的大理石”一语,当时已成为形容豪奢华贵的俗谚;23 而罗马的显贵与元老,也无不按各自的身份等级,争相仿效这一门望族。狄奥多西时代编成的一部罗马城详志,逐一列举了一千七百八十座宅邸,都是富有而体面的市民的居所。24 这些巍峨的府第中,有许多几乎可以为诗人的夸张之词开脱——诗人曾说,罗马城中宫邸林立,每一座宫邸都抵得上一座城市;因为它在自家围墙之内,凡供实用或享乐之物无所不备:市场、赛马场、神庙、喷泉、浴场、柱廊、绿荫成林的园圃,还有人工鸟苑。25 史家奥林匹奥多罗斯记述了罗马遭哥特人围困时的景况,26 他还提到,几位最富有的元老单是田产每年便有黄金四千磅的进项,折合英镑十六万有余;这还不算那按例征收的谷物与美酒——倘若变卖,其值又抵得上前述款项的三分之一。比起这等富可敌国的家财,一千至一千五百磅黄金的寻常岁入,只能算勉强撑得起元老之尊——毕竟这一身份还须应付种种铺排门面的公众开销。霍诺留在位之世,便有几桩显例:某些好虚荣、图声望的贵族,为庆贺自己出任大法官之年,大摆连续七日的庆典,耗资竟逾十万英镑。27 罗马元老们的田产,其规模远非今日富豪所能比拟,且并不限于意大利一境。他们的产业远越爱奥尼亚海与爱琴海,直抵最偏远的行省:奥古斯都当年为永志亚克兴大捷而兴建的尼科波利斯城,如今便归虔诚的保拉一人所有;28 塞涅卡也曾感叹:昔日分隔敌国的条条大河,如今竟都从私人的田庄间流过。29 罗马人经营田产,因各人性情与境况而异:或役使奴隶亲耕,或按约定的固定租额,佃与勤勉的农户。古代论农事的作家极力主张:凡可行之处,皆以前一法为上;然而田产若因路途遥远或幅员太广,主人无从亲自照看,则他们宁取世代相守、眷恋乡土、又切身关心收成的老佃户勤加打理,也不愿委诸只图酬劳、疏懒怠事、说不定还心怀不轨的管家。30
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The opulent nobles of an immense capital, who were never excited by the pursuit of military glory, and seldom engaged in the occupations of civil government, naturally resigned their leisure to the business and amusements of private life. At Rome, commerce was always held in contempt: but the senators, from the first age of the republic, increased their patrimony, and multiplied their clients, by the lucrative practice of usury; and the obselete laws were eluded, or violated, by the mutual inclinations and interest of both parties. 31 A considerable mass of treasure must always have existed at Rome, either in the current coin of the empire, or in the form of gold and silver plate; and there were many sideboards in the time of Pliny which contained more solid silver, than had been transported by Scipio from vanquished Carthage. 32 The greater part of the nobles, who dissipated their fortunes in profuse luxury, found themselves poor in the midst of wealth, and idle in a constant round of dissipation. Their desires were continually gratified by the labor of a thousand hands; of the numerous train of their domestic slaves, who were actuated by the fear of punishment; and of the various professions of artificers and merchants, who were more powerfully impelled by the hopes of gain. The ancients were destitute of many of the conveniences of life, which have been invented or improved by the progress of industry; and the plenty of glass and linen has diffused more real comforts among the modern nations of Europe, than the senators of Rome could derive from all the refinements of pompous or sensual luxury. 33 Their luxury, and their manners, have been the subject of minute and laborious disposition: but as such inquiries would divert me too long from the design of the present work, I shall produce an authentic state of Rome and its inhabitants, which is more peculiarly applicable to the period of the Gothic invasion. Ammianus Marcellinus, who prudently chose the capital of the empire as the residence the best adapted to the historian of his own times, has mixed with the narrative of public events a lively representation of the scenes with which he was familiarly conversant. The judicious reader will not always approve of the asperity of censure, the choice of circumstances, or the style of expression; he will perhaps detect the latent prejudices, and personal resentments, which soured the temper of Ammianus himself; but he will surely observe, with philosophic curiosity, the interesting and original picture of the manners of Rome. 34
这座庞大都城里的豪富贵族,既从不为追逐军功而心动,又极少插手民政事务,自然把闲暇一概交付给私人生活中的营生与消遣。在罗马,经商向来为人所不齿;然而元老们自共和国肇始之初,便靠着放高利贷这一生财之道扩充祖产、广纳门客;至于那些早已形同虚设的禁令,则因借贷双方两相情愿、利之所在,或遭规避,或被公然践踏。31 罗马城中素来必藏有巨额财富,或为帝国通行的钱币,或化作金银器皿;普林尼的时代,多少人家一具餐具橱里所盛的纯银,竟比西庇阿从战败的迦太基运回的还要多。32 大多数贵族在挥金如土的奢靡中散尽家财,坐拥财富却自觉贫乏,日日周旋于纵情享乐之中却又百无聊赖。他们的种种欲望,全靠千百双手不断供奉:一是成群的家奴,慑于刑罚而奔走效力;二是形形色色的工匠与商贾,更为牟利的指望所驱策,愈发卖力。古人缺少许多生活上的便利之物,而这些如今都已随工艺的进步或被发明、或臻完善;单是玻璃与亚麻布之丰足,便为近代欧洲各国带来了实实在在的舒适,其分量远胜罗马元老们从一切铺张浮华、纵欲享乐的精巧讲究中所能得到的。33 关于他们的奢华与风习,前人已有细密而繁琐的考述;然而这类探究若详加铺陈,未免使我离本书的宗旨太远,故此我只援引一份可信的罗马及其居民的实录,它尤其切合哥特人入侵的这段时期。阿米阿努斯·马尔切利努斯审慎地择定帝国京城为居所,认为此地最宜于一位记述当代之事的史家;他在叙述公众大事之余,又穿插了对自己耳濡目染的种种世相的生动描摹。明达的读者未必处处赞同他那严苛的贬责、所择取的事例或行文的笔调;或许还能察觉到潜藏其间、令阿米阿努斯本人性情变得刻薄的成见与私怨;然而读者定会怀着一种探究者的好奇,去端详这幅妙趣横生、别开生面的罗马风习图卷。34
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“The greatness of Rome”—such is the language of the historian—“was founded on the rare, and almost incredible, alliance of virtue and of fortune. The long period of her infancy was employed in a laborious struggle against the tribes of Italy, the neighbors and enemies of the rising city. In the strength and ardor of youth, she sustained the storms of war; carried her victorious arms beyond the seas and the mountains; and brought home triumphal laurels from every country of the globe. At length, verging towards old age, and sometimes conquering by the terror only of her name, she sought the blessings of ease and tranquillity. The venerable city, which had trampled on the necks of the fiercest nations, and established a system of laws, the perpetual guardians of justice and freedom, was content, like a wise and wealthy parent, to devolve on the Caesars, her favorite sons, the care of governing her ample patrimony. 35 A secure and profound peace, such as had been once enjoyed in the reign of Numa, succeeded to the tumults of a republic; while Rome was still adored as the queen of the earth; and the subject nations still reverenced the name of the people, and the majesty of the senate. But this native splendor,” continues Ammianus, “is degraded, and sullied, by the conduct of some nobles, who, unmindful of their own dignity, and of that of their country, assume an unbounded license of vice and folly. They contend with each other in the empty vanity of titles and surnames; and curiously select, or invent, the most lofty and sonorous appellations, Reburrus, or Fabunius, Pagonius, or Tarasius, 36 which may impress the ears of the vulgar with astonishment and respect. From a vain ambition of perpetuating their memory, they affect to multiply their likeness, in statues of bronze and marble; nor are they satisfied, unless those statues are covered with plates of gold; an honorable distinction, first granted to Acilius the consul, after he had subdued, by his arms and counsels, the power of King Antiochus. The ostentation of displaying, of magnifying, perhaps, the rent-roll of the estates which they possess in all the provinces, from the rising to the setting sun, provokes the just resentment of every man, who recollects, that their poor and invincible ancestors were not distinguished from the meanest of the soldiers, by the delicacy of their food, or the splendor of their apparel. But the modern nobles measure their rank and consequence according to the loftiness of their chariots, 37 and the weighty magnificence of their dress. Their long robes of silk and purple float in the wind; and as they are agitated, by art or accident, they occasionally discover the under garments, the rich tunics, embroidered with the figures of various animals. 38 Followed by a train of fifty servants, and tearing up the pavement, they move along the streets with the same impetuous speed as if they travelled with post-horses; and the example of the senators is boldly imitated by the matrons and ladies, whose covered carriages are continually driving round the immense space of the city and suburbs. Whenever these persons of high distinction condescend to visit the public baths, they assume, on their entrance, a tone of loud and insolent command, and appropriate to their own use the conveniences which were designed for the Roman people. If, in these places of mixed and general resort, they meet any of the infamous ministers of their pleasures, they express their affection by a tender embrace; while they proudly decline the salutations of their fellow-citizens, who are not permitted to aspire above the honor of kissing their hands, or their knees. As soon as they have indulged themselves in the refreshment of the bath, they resume their rings, and the other ensigns of their dignity, select from their private wardrobe of the finest linen, such as might suffice for a dozen persons, the garments the most agreeable to their fancy, and maintain till their departure the same haughty demeanor; which perhaps might have been excused in the great Marcellus, after the conquest of Syracuse. Sometimes, indeed, these heroes undertake more arduous achievements; they visit their estates in Italy, and procure themselves, by the toil of servile hands, the amusements of the chase. 39 If at any time, but more especially on a hot day, they have courage to sail, in their painted galleys, from the Lucrine Lake 40 to their elegant villas on the seacoast of Puteoli and Cayeta, 41 they compare their own expeditions to the marches of Caesar and Alexander. Yet should a fly presume to settle on the silken folds of their gilded umbrellas; should a sunbeam penetrate through some unguarded and imperceptible chink, they deplore their intolerable hardships, and lament, in affected language, that they were not born in the land of the Cimmerians, 42 the regions of eternal darkness. In these journeys into the country, 43 the whole body of the household marches with their master. In the same manner as the cavalry and infantry, the heavy and the light armed troops, the advanced guard and the rear, are marshalled by the skill of their military leaders; so the domestic officers, who bear a rod, as an ensign of authority, distribute and arrange the numerous train of slaves and attendants. The baggage and wardrobe move in the front; and are immediately followed by a multitude of cooks, and inferior ministers, employed in the service of the kitchens, and of the table. The main body is composed of a promiscuous crowd of slaves, increased by the accidental concourse of idle or dependent plebeians. The rear is closed by the favorite band of eunuchs, distributed from age to youth, according to the order of seniority. Their numbers and their deformity excite the horror of the indignant spectators, who are ready to execrate the memory of Semiramis, for the cruel art which she invented, of frustrating the purposes of nature, and of blasting in the bud the hopes of future generations. In the exercise of domestic jurisdiction, the nobles of Rome express an exquisite sensibility for any personal injury, and a contemptuous indifference for the rest of the human species. When they have called for warm water, if a slave has been tardy in his obedience, he is instantly chastised with three hundred lashes: but should the same slave commit a wilful murder, the master will mildly observe, that he is a worthless fellow; but that, if he repeats the offence, he shall not escape punishment. Hospitality was formerly the virtue of the Romans; and every stranger, who could plead either merit or misfortune, was relieved, or rewarded by their generosity. At present, if a foreigner, perhaps of no contemptible rank, is introduced to one of the proud and wealthy senators, he is welcomed indeed in the first audience, with such warm professions, and such kind inquiries, that he retires, enchanted with the affability of his illustrious friend, and full of regret that he had so long delayed his journey to Rome, the active seat of manners, as well as of empire. Secure of a favorable reception, he repeats his visit the ensuing day, and is mortified by the discovery, that his person, his name, and his country, are already forgotten. If he still has resolution to persevere, he is gradually numbered in the train of dependants, and obtains the permission to pay his assiduous and unprofitable court to a haughty patron, incapable of gratitude or friendship; who scarcely deigns to remark his presence, his departure, or his return. Whenever the rich prepare a solemn and popular entertainment; 44 whenever they celebrate, with profuse and pernicious luxury, their private banquets; the choice of the guests is the subject of anxious deliberation. The modest, the sober, and the learned, are seldom preferred; and the nomenclators, who are commonly swayed by interested motives, have the address to insert, in the list of invitations, the obscure names of the most worthless of mankind. But the frequent and familiar companions of the great, are those parasites, who practise the most useful of all arts, the art of flattery; who eagerly applaud each word, and every action, of their immortal patron; gaze with rapture on his marble columns and variegated pavements; and strenuously praise the pomp and elegance which he is taught to consider as a part of his personal merit. At the Roman tables, the birds, the squirrels, 45 or the fish, which appear of an uncommon size, are contemplated with curious attention; a pair of scales is accurately applied, to ascertain their real weight; and, while the more rational guests are disgusted by the vain and tedious repetition, notaries are summoned to attest, by an authentic record, the truth of such a marvelous event. Another method of introduction into the houses and society of the great, is derived from the profession of gaming, or, as it is more politely styled, of play. The confederates are united by a strict and indissoluble bond of friendship, or rather of conspiracy; a superior degree of skill in the Tesserarian art (which may be interpreted the game of dice and tables) 46 is a sure road to wealth and reputation. A master of that sublime science, who in a supper, or assembly, is placed below a magistrate, displays in his countenance the surprise and indignation which Cato might be supposed to feel, when he was refused the praetorship by the votes of a capricious people. The acquisition of knowledge seldom engages the curiosity of nobles, who abhor the fatigue, and disdain the advantages, of study; and the only books which they peruse are the Satires of Juvenal, and the verbose and fabulous histories of Marius Maximus. 47 The libraries, which they have inherited from their fathers, are secluded, like dreary sepulchres, from the light of day. 48 But the costly instruments of the theatre, flutes, and enormous lyres, and hydraulic organs, are constructed for their use; and the harmony of vocal and instrumental music is incessantly repeated in the palaces of Rome. In those palaces, sound is preferred to sense, and the care of the body to that of the mind.”
“罗马之伟大”——史家如是说——“奠基于德行与命运之间那罕见得几乎令人难以置信的联姻。她幼年的漫长岁月,都消磨在与意大利诸部族的艰苦搏斗之中——那些部族既是这座新兴之城的近邻,又是它的仇敌。及至血气方刚的青壮之年,她顶住了一场场战争的风暴,挥师越过重洋与峻岭,从天下各邦捧回凯旋的桂冠。最终,她渐入暮年,有时仅凭威名之震慑便可克敌制胜,于是转而寻求安逸宁静之福。这座可敬的古城,曾把最凶悍的民族踏于足下,又确立了一整套法度,作为正义与自由的永久守护者;如今她心满意足,宛如一位睿智而富有的家长,把治理这份广袤家业的重任托付给她钟爱的儿子——诸恺撒。35 共和时代的动荡过后,继之而来的是一段稳固而深沉的太平——正如努马在位之世所曾享有的那般;此时罗马仍被尊奉为大地的女王,臣属的各邦也依旧敬畏罗马人民的名号与元老院的威严。然而这与生俱来的荣光,”阿米阿努斯接着写道,“却遭某些贵族的行径玷污、贬损;他们全然不顾自身的体面,也不顾国家的尊严,恣意放纵于种种恶行与蠢事,肆无忌惮。他们彼此争胜,比的却是名号与姓氏这类空洞的虚荣;一个个煞费苦心,或遴选、或杜撰出最为堂皇、最为铿锵的称呼——什么雷布鲁斯、法布尼乌斯、帕戈尼乌斯、塔拉西乌斯之类,36 好教市井小民一听之下便惊叹肃然。他们妄图令自己流芳后世,便一味铸造铜像、雕镌石像,让自己的容貌到处复现;而且非得给这些像披上金箔方才称心——殊不知这份殊荣,当初还是执政官阿基利乌斯凭武功与谋略挫败安条克王的势力之后,才头一回被授予的。他们遍占各行省的田产,从日出之地一直到日落之乡,还要炫耀那一册册租簿,甚至夸大其词;凡忆及往昔情形的人,无不为之义愤:他们那些清贫而不可战胜的祖先,无论饮食之精、衣着之华,都与最低微的士卒毫无分别。可如今的贵族,却拿车驾之高华、37 衣饰之贵重繁丽,来衡量自己的身份与地位。他们身披紫色丝质长袍,随风飘扬;每当袍裾或有意、或偶然地掀动,便露出里面华贵的束腰内衣,上面绣满了各色走兽的图形。38 他们身后跟着五十名仆从,一路碾得路面翻起,沿街疾驰而过,那股风风火火的架势,简直如同乘着驿马赶路;元老们既开此风,贵妇淑媛也争相效尤,她们的篷车终日绕着这座偌大城市及其近郊往来奔驰,络绎不绝。每逢这些高贵人物屈尊光顾公共浴场,一进门便摆出一副高声呵斥、盛气凌人的架子,把本供全体罗马人享用的种种设施,一概据为己有。在这等三教九流杂处的公共去处,他们若碰上哪个侍奉自己声色之娱的下贱帮闲,便亲热地上前拥抱;对于同城公民的问候,却傲慢地不予理睬——这些人至多只配享有亲吻他们的手或膝盖的荣幸,再不许有非分之想。沐浴一畅之后,他们重新戴上戒指及其余显示身份的饰物,又从私人衣橱里——那里所藏的上等亚麻衣物足够十来个人穿用——挑出最合自己心意的一件,直到离去,始终摆着那副高傲的做派;这般傲慢,纵是当年攻克叙拉古之后的伟大将领马塞勒斯,或许还情有可原。诚然,这些英雄有时也会去建树些更为艰巨的功业:他们巡视自己在意大利的田庄,役使奴仆之手,为自己张罗一场狩猎之乐。39 倘若他们哪一天——尤其是大热天——竟鼓起勇气,乘着彩绘的画舫,从卢克林湖 40 驶往普特奥利与卡耶塔海滨自家那些雅致的别墅,41 便要把这一趟航程比作恺撒与亚历山大的远征。然而,只要有一只苍蝇胆敢落在他们镀金遮阳伞的丝质褶皱上,只要有一缕阳光从某处未及遮挡、难以察觉的缝隙钻入,他们便要哀叹自己所受的苦楚无法忍受,还装腔作势地悲鸣:自己怎么就没生在辛梅里安人的国度,42 那永夜长黑之乡。每逢这般下乡出行,43 全家上下的仆役都随主人浩荡而发。正如骑兵与步兵、重装与轻装、前锋与后卫,全凭将领的调度之能列阵而行;府中管事也各执一杖以示权柄,把一大队奴隶随从分派停当、编排有序。行李与衣箱走在最前,紧随其后的是一大群厨子和更为下等的杂役,专司厨灶与筵席之事。队伍的主体则是一群良莠杂陈的奴隶,又不时有些游手好闲、仰人鼻息的平民凑趣加入,使其愈发壮大。殿后的,是主人宠幸的一队宦官,按年齿长幼、从老到少依次排列。他们人数之多、形容之残缺,令旁观者又惊又愤,恨不得诅咒塞米拉米斯的亡魂——正是她发明了这种残忍伎俩,去违逆造化的本意,把子嗣后代的指望扼杀于萌芽之中。在家中行使私法裁断时,罗马的贵族对但凡加诸自己一身的冒犯,都敏感入微;对其余的芸芸众生,却又满心轻蔑,漠然视之。他们吩咐取热水时,奴隶若奉命稍慢,立时便挨三百鞭;可这同一个奴隶倘若蓄意杀了人,主人却只会轻描淡写地说一句:此人是个不中用的东西,不过,他若再犯,可就逃不掉惩处了。好客待人本是昔日罗马人的美德;凡是外乡人,只要能陈说自己或有才德、或遭不幸,都能得到他们慷慨的周济或礼遇。如今却是这般光景:倘有一位外邦人——身份或许还不算低微——经人引见给某位倨傲而豪富的元老,头一回晋见时,倒也备受欢迎,对方言辞何等热络、垂问何等殷勤,直教他告退之际,为这位显贵朋友的和蔼可亲而心醉神迷,又深悔自己迟迟才动身来到罗马这个既是帝国中枢、又是风雅荟萃之地。他自信必会再受青睐,次日又登门造访,却羞恼地发觉:他这个人、他的姓名、他的国籍,早已被人忘得一干二净。他若还有毅力锲而不舍,便渐渐被算作食客随从之列,获准去向这位高傲的恩主殷勤趋奉、劳而无功——此人既不懂感恩,也不通友谊,对他的到场、离去、归来,都简直懒得瞧上一眼。每逢这些富人筹办一场隆重而热闹的宴飨,44 每逢他们以铺张而败德的奢华大摆私人筵席,宾客的甄选便成了一桩需煞费斟酌的大事。谦逊之士、持重之士、饱学之士,鲜少入选;而那些专司通报宾客名姓、又惯受私利驱使的司名侍从,却总有本事把世间最不足道的下流之辈,把他们那些默默无闻的名字,悄悄塞进请柬名单。真正常伴权贵左右、与之亲密无间的,倒是那帮清客食客,他们精于一切技艺中最有用的一门——阿谀奉承之术;那位不朽恩主的一言一行,他们无不争相喝彩;对着恩主府中的大理石廊柱与斑斓地面,他们看得如痴如醉;恩主的排场与雅致——他自己早被人教得视之为个人德行的一部分——这帮人更是竭力称颂。罗马人的餐桌上,凡有异常肥大的飞禽、松鼠 45 或鱼类端上来,众人便要好奇地围观品评一番;还要取来一杆秤,仔细称量,以确定其真实分量;此时那些较为明理的宾客早已对这般无谓而冗长的把戏心生厌烦,主人却唤来公证人,以一纸正式记录,为这桩奇事作证。要打入权贵门第、跻身其交游,还有一途,那便是仰仗赌博这一行当——或者用更文雅的说法,叫作“博戏”。同道之间以一种牢不可破的严密情谊——毋宁说是同谋勾结——彼此相连;一手高超的“掷骰之术”(此语可解作骰子与棋盘之戏)46 便是通往财富与名望的稳妥门径。这门高深学问的行家,倘在宴席或聚会上被排在某位官员的下首,脸上便会现出那般惊讶与愤懑——正如当年加图被反复无常的民众投票拒于大法官之位门外时,想必也是这副神情。求取学问一事,鲜能引动这些贵族的兴致;他们既厌恶治学之劳苦,又鄙薄治学之裨益;他们所披读的书,无非是尤维纳利斯的《讽刺诗》,以及马里乌斯·马克西穆斯那些冗辞连篇、荒诞不经的史著。47 从父辈手中继承下来的座座藏书楼,则如同阴森的坟茔,隔绝于天光之外。48 然而那些价值不菲的戏乐器具——长笛、巨大的竖琴、水力风琴——却纷纷为他们量身打造;罗马的座座宫邸里,歌喉与丝竹交织的乐声不绝于耳,日夜回响。在那些宫邸之中,声色胜过义理,养身之务远重于养心之功。”
¶
It is allowed as a salutary maxim, that the light and frivolous suspicion of a contagious malady, is of sufficient weight to excuse the visits of the most intimate friends; and even the servants, who are despatched to make the decent inquiries, are not suffered to return home, till they have undergone the ceremony of a previous ablution. Yet this selfish and unmanly delicacy occasionally yields to the more imperious passion of avarice. The prospect of gain will urge a rich and gouty senator as far as Spoleto; every sentiment of arrogance and dignity is subdued by the hopes of an inheritance, or even of a legacy; and a wealthy childless citizen is the most powerful of the Romans. The art of obtaining the signature of a favorable testament, and sometimes of hastening the moment of its execution, is perfectly understood; and it has happened, that in the same house, though in different apartments, a husband and a wife, with the laudable design of overreaching each other, have summoned their respective lawyers, to declare, at the same time, their mutual, but contradictory, intentions. The distress which follows and chastises extravagant luxury, often reduces the great to the use of the most humiliating expedients. When they desire to borrow, they employ the base and supplicating style of the slave in the comedy; but when they are called upon to pay, they assume the royal and tragic declamation of the grandsons of Hercules. If the demand is repeated, they readily procure some trusty sycophant, instructed to maintain a charge of poison, or magic, against the insolent creditor; who is seldom released from prison, till he has signed a discharge of the whole debt. These vices, which degrade the moral character of the Romans, are mixed with a puerile superstition, that disgraces their understanding. They listen with confidence to the predictions of haruspices, who pretend to read, in the entrails of victims, the signs of future greatness and prosperity; and there are many who do not presume either to bathe, or to dine, or to appear in public, till they have diligently consulted, according to the rules of astrology, the situation of Mercury, and the aspect of the moon. 49 It is singular enough, that this vain credulity may often be discovered among the profane sceptics, who impiously doubt, or deny, the existence of a celestial power.”
他们奉行一条自以为明智的处世格言:只消对某种传染病起了一丝轻浮的疑心,便足以成为免于探望至交好友的正当理由;甚至连打发去照例问候的仆人,也须先行沐浴净身这道手续,方准回府。然而这种自私而怯懦的娇气,有时也会向一种更为专横的欲念——贪婪——低头让步。一有利可图的指望,便能驱使一位患着痛风的豪富元老一路奔波,直抵斯波莱托;但凡有继承大宗遗产、乃至区区一笔遗赠的盼头,一切傲慢与自尊之情都被压得服服帖帖;于是一个有钱而无子嗣的市民,便成了全罗马最有权势的人物。如何诱得一份于己有利的遗嘱上的签名,有时又如何催促这份遗嘱早些生效——个中门道,他们无不烂熟于心;甚至有过这样的事:同一宅第之内,只隔着几间屋子,一对夫妻竟各怀“算计对方”的高妙心思,同时唤来各自的律师,声明彼此相左的遗嘱意向。奢靡无度过后随之而来、如同惩罚一般的窘迫,往往逼得这些显贵不得不使出最丢脸的手段。想要借钱时,他们便学着喜剧里奴隶那副低三下四、摇尾乞怜的腔调;可一旦被催着还债,又摆出赫拉克勒斯子孙那种王者气派、慷慨激昂的悲剧派头。倘若债主一再催逼,他们便随手雇个靠得住的谄佞之徒,授意他出面控告这胆大包天的债主下毒或行巫术;于是那债主往往非等在牢里签字勾销全部债务,休想脱身。这些败坏罗马人道德品性的恶习,又掺杂着一种幼稚的迷信,令他们的见识蒙羞。他们对脏卜师的预言深信不疑——这些人自称能从祭牲的内脏里读出未来显达兴旺的征兆;更有许多人,凡沐浴、进餐、抛头露面之前,都非得按占星术的规矩,仔细推算墨丘利星的方位与月亮的相位不可。49 尤为奇特的是,这种无谓的轻信,竟往往可在那些亵渎神明的怀疑论者身上寻见——他们本是大不敬地怀疑、甚至否认天上神力存在的人。”
Notes 注释
23
↩
Secundinus, the Manichaean, ap. Baron. Annal. Eccles. A.D. 390, No. 34.
此语出自摩尼教徒塞孔迪努斯,见 Baron. Annal. Eccles. A.D. 390, No. 34.
24
↩
See Nardini, Roma Antica, p. 89, 498, 500.
参见 Nardini(纳尔迪尼), Roma Antica, p. 89, 498, 500.
25
↩
Quid loquar inclusas inter laquearia sylvas;
Vernula queis vario carmine ludit avis.
Claud. Rutil. Numatian. Itinerar. ver. 111. The poet lived at the time of the Gothic invasion. A moderate palace would have covered Cincinnatus’s farm of four acres (Val. Max. iv. 4.) In laxitatem ruris excurrunt, says Seneca, Epist. 114. See a judicious note of Mr. Hume, Essays, vol. i. p. 562, last 8vo edition.
Vernula queis vario carmine ludit avis.
Claud. Rutil. Numatian. Itinerar. ver. 111. The poet lived at the time of the Gothic invasion. A moderate palace would have covered Cincinnatus’s farm of four acres (Val. Max. iv. 4.) In laxitatem ruris excurrunt, says Seneca, Epist. 114. See a judicious note of Mr. Hume, Essays, vol. i. p. 562, last 8vo edition.
“Quid loquar inclusas inter laquearia sylvas; Vernula queis vario carmine ludit avis.”——更不必说那藏在藻井之间的一片林苑,家养的雏鸟在其中变换着曲调、婉转啼鸣(此系诗人鲁提利乌斯·努马提亚努斯《归乡记》之句,Claud. Rutil. Numatian. Itinerar. ver. 111.)。这位诗人正生逢哥特人入侵之世。一座中等规模的府邸,其占地便足以将辛辛纳图斯那四英亩的农庄整个囊括其中(瓦莱里乌斯·马克西穆斯,Val. Max. iv. 4.)。塞涅卡有言,说这些宅第“In laxitatem ruris excurrunt”——竟一路铺展开去,宽阔得如同乡间的田野(见塞涅卡《书信集》第一一四封,Epist. 114.)。另可参看休谟《随笔集》里一则颇为精当的按语(Hume, Essays, vol. i. p. 562, last 8vo edition.)。
26
↩
This curious account of Rome, in the reign of Honorius, is found in a fragment of the historian Olympiodorus, ap. Photium, p. 197.
这段关于霍诺留在位之世罗马景况的奇特记述,见于史家奥林匹奥多罗斯的一则残篇,转录于佛提乌书中(ap. Photium, p. 197)。
27
↩
The sons of Alypius, of Symmachus, and of Maximus, spent, during their respective praetorships, twelve, or twenty, or forty, centenaries, (or hundred weight of gold.) See Olympiodor. ap. Phot. p. 197. This popular estimation allows some latitude; but it is difficult to explain a law in the Theodosian Code, (l. vi. leg. 5,) which fixes the expense of the first praetor at 25,000, of the second at 20,000, and of the third at 15,000 folles. The name of follis (see Mem. de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxviii. p. 727) was equally applied to a purse of 125 pieces of silver, and to a small copper coin of the value of 1/2625 part of that purse. In the former sense, the 25,000 folles would be equal to 150,000 L.; in the latter, to five or six ponuds sterling The one appears extravagant, the other is ridiculous. There must have existed some third and middle value, which is here understood; but ambiguity is an excusable fault in the language of laws.
阿利皮乌斯、叙马库斯与马克西穆斯诸人之子,在各自出任大法官期间,分别耗费了十二、二十乃至四十个“森特纳里”(centenarius,即百磅重的黄金)。见 Olympiodor. ap. Phot. p. 197. 此乃坊间估算,本容有出入;然而《狄奥多西法典》(l. vi. leg. 5.)中有一条律文却令人费解:它把头等大法官的开销定为二万五千、次等定为二万、三等定为一万五千“福利斯”(folles)。“福利斯”(follis,参见 Mem. de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxviii. p. 727)一名,既指盛一百二十五枚银币的一袋钱,又指一种小铜币,其值仅及那一袋钱的二千六百二十五分之一。若取前一义,二万五千福利斯便合十五万英镑;若取后一义,则不过五六英镑。前者失之奢靡,后者近乎荒唐。其间必另有一个居中的第三种值,此处所指即是;不过律文措辞含混,倒也算得上情有可原的过失。
28
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Nicopolis...... in Actiaco littore sita possessioris vestra nunc pars vel maxima est. Jerom. in Praefat. Comment. ad Epistol. ad Titum, tom. ix. p. 243. M. D. Tillemont supposes, strangely enough, that it was part of Agamemnon’s inheritance. Mem. Eccles. tom. xii. p. 85.
“Nicopolis...... in Actiaco littore sita possessionis vestrae nunc pars vel maxima est.”(意谓:坐落于亚克兴海岸的尼科波利斯,如今是您产业中最大的一部分。)语出 Jerom. in Praefat. Comment. ad Epistol. ad Titum, tom. ix. p. 243. 蒂耶蒙先生却异想天开,竟以为此城曾是阿伽门农遗产的一部分。见 Mem. Eccles. tom. xii. p. 85.
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Seneca, Epist. lxxxix. His language is of the declamatory kind: but declamation could scarcely exaggerate the avarice and luxury of the Romans. The philosopher himself deserved some share of the reproach, if it be true that his rigorous exaction of Quadringenties, above three hundred thousand pounds which he had lent at high interest, provoked a rebellion in Britain, (Dion Cassius, l. lxii. p. 1003.) According to the conjecture of Gale (Antoninus’s Itinerary in Britain, p. 92,) the same Faustinus possessed an estate near Bury, in Suffolk and another in the kingdom of Naples.
见 Seneca, Epist. lxxxix. 塞涅卡此语带着一种夸饰的腔调;不过再怎么夸饰,也难以说过罗马人的贪婪与奢靡。这位哲人自己其实也难辞其咎——据说他曾以高利放贷,后又厉行催讨那笔“Quadringenties”(即四千万塞斯特斯,合三十万英镑有余),竟由此激起了不列颠的一场叛乱(Dion Cassius, l. lxii. p. 1003)。据盖尔的推测(Antoninus’s Itinerary in Britain, p. 92),有一个同名的福斯提努斯,在萨福克的伯里附近置有一处田产,在那不勒斯王国境内又另有一处。
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Volusius, a wealthy senator, (Tacit. Annal. iii. 30,) always preferred tenants born on the estate. Columella, who received this maxim from him, argues very judiciously on the subject. De Re Rustica, l. i. c. 7, p. 408, edit. Gesner. Leipsig, 1735.
富有的元老沃卢西乌斯(Tacit. Annal. iii. 30.)向来偏爱在田庄上出生的佃户。科卢梅拉从他那里领受了这一信条,并就此发过一番极为通达的议论。见 De Re Rustica, l. i. c. 7, p. 408, edit. Gesner. Leipsig, 1735.
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Valesius (ad Ammian. xiv. 6) has proved, from Chrysostom and Augustin, that the senators were not allowed to lend money at usury. Yet it appears from the Theodosian Code, (see Godefroy ad l. ii. tit. xxxiii. tom. i. p. 230-289,) that they were permitted to take six percent., or one half of the legal interest; and, what is more singular, this permission was granted to the young senators.
瓦莱修斯(ad Ammian. xiv. 6.)曾援引克里索斯托与奥古斯丁,证明元老不得放高利贷。然而《狄奥多西法典》(参见 Godefroy ad l. ii. tit. xxxiii. tom. i. p. 230-289.)却表明,他们获准收取六厘利息,即法定利率的一半;更为奇特的是,这项许可竟是给予年轻元老的。
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Plin. Hist. Natur. xxxiii. 50. He states the silver at only 4380 pounds, which is increased by Livy (xxx. 45) to 100,023: the former seems too little for an opulent city, the latter too much for any private sideboard.
见 Plin. Hist. Natur. xxxiii. 50. 普林尼说那批白银仅重四千三百八十磅,而李维(xxx. 45.)则增至十万零二十三磅:前一数目于一座富庶之城而言似嫌太少,后一数目于任何私人的餐具橱而言又嫌太多。
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The learned Arbuthnot (Tables of Ancient Coins, &c. p. 153) has observed with humor, and I believe with truth, that Augustus had neither glass to his windows, nor a shirt to his back. Under the lower empire, the use of linen and glass became somewhat more common. * Note: The discovery of glass in such common use at Pompeii, spoils the argument of Arbuthnot. See Sir W. Gell. Pompeiana, 2d ser. p. 98.—M.
博学的阿巴思诺特(Tables of Ancient Coins, &c. p. 153)曾风趣地——我相信也确乎属实地——指出:奥古斯都的窗上既没有玻璃,身上也没有一件衬衫。到帝国晚期,亚麻布与玻璃的使用才略微普遍了些。* 编者按:庞贝所见玻璃使用之普遍,恰好推翻了阿巴思诺特的论断。参见 Sir W. Gell. Pompeiana, 2d ser. p. 98.—M
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It is incumbent on me to explain the liberties which I have taken with the text of Ammianus. 1. I have melted down into one piece the sixth chapter of the fourteenth and the fourth of the twenty-eighth book. 2. I have given order and connection to the confused mass of materials. 3. I have softened some extravagant hyperbeles, and pared away some superfluities of the original. 4. I have developed some observations which were insinuated rather than expressed. With these allowances, my version will be found, not literal indeed, but faithful and exact.
我须得说明自己在处理阿米阿努斯原文时所擅取的种种自由。一、我把第十四卷第六章与第二十八卷第四章熔铸为一。二、我为那一堆杂乱无章的材料理出了条理与脉络。三、我冲淡了原文中若干过分的夸张,削去了一些冗赘。四、我把原文只是隐约暗示、未曾明言的若干观察,予以阐发。有此几点变通,我的译述便可谓虽非逐字照搬,却忠实而确切。
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Claudian, who seems to have read the history of Ammianus, speaks of this great revolution in a much less courtly style:—
Postquam jura ferox in se communia Caesar
Transtulit; et lapsi mores; desuetaque priscis
Artibus, in gremium pacis servile recessi.
—De Be. Gildonico, p. 49.
Postquam jura ferox in se communia Caesar
Transtulit; et lapsi mores; desuetaque priscis
Artibus, in gremium pacis servile recessi.
—De Be. Gildonico, p. 49.
克劳狄安似乎读过阿米阿努斯的史书,他谈及这场巨变时,笔调远不如前者那般温文尔雅:——
Postquam jura ferox in se communia Caesar
Transtulit; et lapsi mores; desuetaque priscis
Artibus, in gremium pacis servile recessi.
(大意:自从强横的恺撒把本属公众的大权尽揽于一己之身,世风便随之堕落;古昔的德艺渐遭荒废,人们纷纷退避到那奴性十足的太平怀抱之中。——De Be. Gildonico, p. 49.)
Postquam jura ferox in se communia Caesar
Transtulit; et lapsi mores; desuetaque priscis
Artibus, in gremium pacis servile recessi.
(大意:自从强横的恺撒把本属公众的大权尽揽于一己之身,世风便随之堕落;古昔的德艺渐遭荒废,人们纷纷退避到那奴性十足的太平怀抱之中。——De Be. Gildonico, p. 49.)
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The minute diligence of antiquarians has not been able to verify these extraordinary names. I am of opinion that they were invented by the historian himself, who was afraid of any personal satire or application. It is certain, however, that the simple denominations of the Romans were gradually lengthened to the number of four, five, or even seven, pompous surnames; as, for instance, Marcus Maecius Maemmius Furius Balburius Caecilianus Placidus. See Noris Cenotaph Piran Dissert. iv. p. 438.
好古之士虽考索精勤,却始终无从查证这几个稀奇古怪的名字。我以为,它们本就是史家本人杜撰的,因他唯恐讽刺落到某个具体人身上、引出无端的对号入座。不过有一点确凿无疑:罗马人原本简单的名号,渐渐被拉长到四个、五个、乃至七个堂皇的姓氏,譬如“马尔库斯·迈基乌斯·迈米乌斯·富里乌斯·巴尔布里乌斯·凯基利阿努斯·普拉基杜斯”便是。参见 Noris Cenotaph. Pisan. Dissert. iv. p. 438.
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The or coaches of the romans, were often of solid silver, curiously carved and engraved; and the trappings of the mules, or horses, were embossed with gold. This magnificence continued from the reign of Nero to that of Honorius; and the Appian way was covered with the splendid equipages of the nobles, who came out to meet St. Melania, when she returned to Rome, six years before the Gothic siege, (Seneca, epist. lxxxvii. Plin. Hist. Natur. xxxiii. 49. Paulin. Nolan. apud Baron. Annal. Eccles. A.D. 397, No. 5.) Yet pomp is well exchange for convenience; and a plain modern coach, that is hung upon springs, is much preferable to the silver or gold carts of antiquity, which rolled on the axle-tree, and were exposed, for the most part, to the inclemency of the weather.
罗马人的车驾,往往通体纯银,雕镂精工;骡马的辔饰也錾着黄金,凸起成纹。这般奢华,自尼禄一朝一直延续到霍诺留之世;哥特人围城前六年,圣梅拉尼娅返回罗马时,阿庇亚大道上便满布着出城相迎的贵族那些华丽的车马仪仗(Seneca, epist. lxxxvii. Plin. Hist. Natur. xxxiii. 49. Paulin. Nolan. apud Baron. Annal. Eccles. A.D. 397, No. 5.)。然而以排场换取便利,倒也划算;一辆装着弹簧的朴素近代马车,远胜古时那些金银打造的车子——那些车子全靠车轴滚动,大半还得任凭风吹雨打。
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In a homily of Asterius, bishop of Amasia, M. de Valois has discovered (ad Ammian. xiv. 6) that this was a new fashion; that bears, wolves lions, and tigers, woods, hunting-matches, &c., were represented in embroidery: and that the more pious coxcombs substituted the figure or legend of some favorite saint.
德·瓦卢瓦先生从阿马西亚主教阿斯特里乌斯的一篇讲道辞中发现(ad Ammian. xiv. 6.),这乃是一种新兴的时尚:熊、狼、狮、虎,以及林木、行猎的场面等等,都被绣入衣饰;而那些较为虔诚的纨绔子弟,则改用某位自己钟爱的圣徒的形象或事迹图样。
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See Pliny’s Epistles, i. 6. Three large wild boars were allured and taken in the toils without interrupting the studies of the philosophic sportsman.
参见 Pliny’s Epistles, i. 6. 三头肥大的野猪被诱入罗网就擒,而这位好学的猎人竟连书卷都不曾放下。
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The change from the inauspicious word Avernus, which stands in the text, is immaterial. The two lakes, Avernus and Lucrinus, communicated with each other, and were fashioned by the stupendous moles of Agrippa into the Julian port, which opened, through a narrow entrance, into the Gulf of Puteoli. Virgil, who resided on the spot, has described (Georgic ii. 161) this work at the moment of its execution: and his commentators, especially Catrou, have derived much light from Strabo, Suetonius, and Dion. Earthquakes and volcanoes have changed the face of the country, and turned the Lucrine Lake, since the year 1538, into the Monte Nuovo. See Camillo Pellegrino Discorsi della Campania Felice, p. 239, 244, &c. Antonii Sanfelicii Campania, p. 13, 88—Note: Compare Lyell’s Geology, ii. 72.—M.
原文作“阿维尔努斯”(Avernus)这一不祥的字眼,此处改动无关紧要。阿维尔努斯与卢克林两湖本相通连,经阿格里帕以浩大的堤坝加以改造,成了尤利乌斯港,港口再经一道狭窄的入口通往普特奥利湾。维吉尔当年就住在此地,他曾(Georgic ii. 161.)描写过这项工程施工时的情景;为他作注者,尤其是卡特鲁,从斯特拉波、苏埃托尼乌斯与狄奥那里得到不少启发。此后地震与火山改变了这一带的地貌,自 1538 年起,卢克林湖已化为“新山”(Monte Nuovo)。参见 Camillo Pellegrino Discorsi della Campania Felice, p. 239, 244, &c. Antonii Sanfelicii Campania, p. 13, 88.—* 编者按:另可参看 Lyell’s Geology, ii. 72.—M
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The regna Cumana et Puteolana; loca caetiroqui valde expe tenda, interpellantium autem multitudine paene fugienda. Cicero ad Attic. xvi. 17.
“Regna Cumana et Puteolana; loca caeteroqui valde expetenda, interpellantium autem multitudine paene fugienda.”(意谓:库迈与普特奥利的这片乐土,本是极其令人向往的去处,却因访客纷至、络绎不绝,几乎叫人只想逃开。)见 Cicero ad Attic. xvi. 17.
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The proverbial expression of Cimmerian darkness was originally borrowed from the description of Homer, (in the eleventh book of the Odyssey,) which he applies to a remote and fabulous country on the shores of the ocean. See Erasmi Adagia, in his works, tom. ii. p. 593, the Leyden edition.
“辛梅里安式的黑暗”这一俗谚,原是借自荷马的描写(见《奥德赛》第十一卷),荷马用它来形容大洋之滨一处遥远而虚幻的国度。参见 Erasmi Adagia, in his works, tom. ii. p. 593, the Leyden edition.
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We may learn from Seneca (epist. cxxiii.) three curious circumstances relative to the journeys of the Romans. 1. They were preceded by a troop of Numidian light horse, who announced, by a cloud of dust, the approach of a great man. 2. Their baggage mules transported not only the precious vases, but even the fragile vessels of crystal and murra, which last is almost proved, by the learned French translator of Seneca, (tom. iii. p. 402-422,) to mean the porcelain of China and Japan. 3. The beautiful faces of the young slaves were covered with a medicated crust, or ointment, which secured them against the effects of the sun and frost.
从塞涅卡(epist. cxxiii.)那里,我们可以得知有关罗马人出行的三桩奇事。一、队伍前头有一队努米底亚轻骑兵开道,以扬起的滚滚尘土预告某位大人物即将驾到。二、驮运行李的骡子不但载着珍贵的瓶罐,连水晶与“murra”制成的易碎器皿也一并驮上——塞涅卡那位博学的法文译者(tom. iii. p. 402-422.)几乎已经证明,“murra”指的就是中国与日本的瓷器。三、年轻奴隶们俊美的脸上,涂着一层药膏或油脂,好教他们免受日晒霜冻之苦。
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Distributio solemnium sportularum. The sportuloe, or sportelloe, were small baskets, supposed to contain a quantity of hot provisions of the value of 100 quadrantes, or twelvepence halfpenny, which were ranged in order in the hall, and ostentatiously distributed to the hungry or servile crowd who waited at the door. This indelicate custom is very frequently mentioned in the epigrams of Martial, and the satires of Juvenal. See likewise Suetonius, in Claud. c. 21, in Neron. c. 16, in Domitian, c. 4, 7. These baskets of provisions were afterwards converted into large pieces of gold and silver coin, or plate, which were mutually given and accepted even by persons of the highest rank, (see Symmach. epist. iv. 55, ix. 124, and Miscell. p. 256,) on solemn occasions, of consulships, marriages, &c.
拉丁文作“Distributio solemnium sportularum”(即隆重分发施食篮)。所谓“sportula”(或作 sportella),是一种小篮子,据说里面盛着价值一百“quadrantes”、约合十二便士半的热食;它们在厅堂里依次排开,再招摇地分发给守候在门口那群饥肠辘辘、卑躬屈膝的人。这一失之粗俗的风俗,在马尔提亚利斯的讽刺短诗与尤维纳利斯的讽刺诗里屡屡见及。另可参看 Suetonius, in Claud. c. 21, in Neron. c. 16, in Domitian, c. 4, 7. 后来这些盛食物的篮子,换成了大块的金银币或金银器皿;每逢就任执政官、婚娶之类的隆重场合,连身份最尊贵的人也彼此馈赠、欣然收受(参见 Symmach. epist. iv. 55, ix. 124, and Miscell. p. 256)。
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The want of an English name obliges me to refer to the common genus of squirrels, the Latin glis, the French loir; a little animal, who inhabits the woods, and remains torpid in cold weather, (see Plin. Hist. Natur. viii. 82. Buffon, Hist. Naturelle, tom. viii. 153. Pennant’s Synopsis of Quadrupeds, p. 289.) The art of rearing and fattening great numbers of glires was practised in Roman villas as a profitable article of rural economy, (Varro, de Re Rustica, iii. 15.) The excessive demand of them for luxurious tables was increased by the foolish prohibitions of the censors; and it is reported that they are still esteemed in modern Rome, and are frequently sent as presents by the Colonna princes, (see Brotier, the last editor of Pliny tom. ii. p. 453. epud Barbou, 1779.)—Note: Is it not the dormouse?—M.
英语中没有对应的名称,我只好借用松鼠这一常见的属类来指称它,即拉丁文的“glis”、法文的“loir”;这是一种栖居林间的小动物,天寒时便蛰伏不动(参见 Plin. Hist. Natur. viii. 82. Buffon, Hist. Naturelle, tom. viii. 153. Pennant’s Synopsis of Quadrupeds, p. 289.)。罗马人的庄园里,曾把大批饲养、催肥“glires”当作一项有利可图的农事经营(Varro, de Re Rustica, iii. 15.)。奢华的餐桌对它需索无度,监察官愚蠢的禁令反倒使其身价更高;据说时至今日的罗马,人们仍视之为珍馐,科隆纳家族的亲王们还常拿它当礼物馈赠(参见 Brotier, the last editor of Pliny tom. ii. p. 453. apud Barbou, 1779.)。—* 编者按:这莫非就是睡鼠?—M
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This game, which might be translated by the more familiar names of trictrac, or backgammon, was a favorite amusement of the gravest Romans; and old Mucius Scaevola, the lawyer, had the reputation of a very skilful player. It was called ludus duodecim scriptorum, from the twelve scripta, or lines, which equally divided the alvevolus or table. On these, the two armies, the white and the black, each consisting of fifteen men, or catculi, were regularly placed, and alternately moved according to the laws of the game, and the chances of the tesseroe, or dice. Dr. Hyde, who diligently traces the history and varieties of the nerdiludium (a name of Persic etymology) from Ireland to Japan, pours forth, on this trifling subject, a copious torrent of classic and Oriental learning. See Syntagma Dissertat. tom. ii. p. 217-405.
这种游戏,用较为人熟知的名称来说,可译作“西洋双陆棋”(trictrac 或 backgammon),乃是罗马最庄重严肃者也爱玩的一种消遣;老法学家穆奇乌斯·斯凯沃拉便以棋艺高超著称。它拉丁文名叫“ludus duodecim scriptorum”(十二线之戏),得名于把棋盘(alveolus)均分的十二道刻线(scripta)。线上摆着黑白两军,各由十五枚棋子(calculi)组成,依照棋规与骰子(tesserae)的点数轮番挪动。海德博士曾不辞辛劳,追溯“nerdiludium”(此名源出波斯语)一戏从爱尔兰到日本的源流与种种变体,就这么个无足轻重的题目,倾泻出一大篇古典与东方学问的滔滔宏论。参见 Syntagma Dissertat. tom. ii. p. 217-405.
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Marius Maximus, homo omnium verbosissimus, qui, et mythistoricis se voluminibus implicavit. Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 242. He wrote the lives of the emperors, from Trajan to Alexander Severus. See Gerard Vossius de Historicis Latin. l. ii. c. 3, in his works, vol. iv. p. 47.
“Marius Maximus, homo omnium verbosissimus, qui et mythistoricis se voluminibus implicavit.”(意谓:马里乌斯·马克西穆斯是天下最啰嗦的人,还一头栽进了那些半史半传奇的卷帙里。)语出 Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 242. 他写过从图拉真到亚历山大·塞维鲁历代皇帝的传记。参见 Gerard Vossius de Historicis Latin. l. ii. c. 3, in his works, vol. iv. p. 47.
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This satire is probably exaggerated. The Saturnalia of Macrobius, and the epistles of Jerom, afford satisfactory proofs, that Christian theology and classic literature were studiously cultivated by several Romans, of both sexes, and of the highest rank.
这段讽刺想必有夸大之处。马克罗比乌斯的《农神节》与哲罗姆的书信,都足以令人信服地表明:当时确有若干出身最为尊贵的罗马人,不分男女,都在潜心研习基督教神学与古典文学。
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Macrobius, the friend of these Roman nobles, considered the siara as the cause, or at least the signs, of future events, (de Somn. Scipion l. i. c 19. p. 68.)
与这些罗马贵族相交的马克罗比乌斯,便把星辰(siara,当作 sidera)视为未来诸事的成因,至少也是其征兆(de Somn. Scipion. l. i. c. 19. p. 68.)。