Chapter XXIV: The Retreat And Death Of Julian.—Part I. 第二十四章 尤利安的撤退与死亡——第一节
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Residence Of Julian At Antioch.—His Successful Expedition Against The Persians.—Passage Of The Tigris—The Retreat And Death Of Julian.—Election Of Jovian.—He Saves The Roman Army By A Disgraceful Treaty.
尤利安驻跸安条克。——他对波斯人的远征旗开得胜。——渡过底格里斯河。——尤利安的撤退与死亡。——约维安被推举为帝。——他以一纸屈辱的和约保全了罗马军队。
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The philosophical fable which Julian composed under the name of the Cæsars, 1 is one of the most agreeable and instructive productions of ancient wit. 2 During the freedom and equality of the days of the Saturnalia, Romulus prepared a feast for the deities of Olympus, who had adopted him as a worthy associate, and for the Roman princes, who had reigned over his martial people, and the vanquished nations of the earth. The immortals were placed in just order on their thrones of state, and the table of the Cæsars was spread below the Moon in the upper region of the air. The tyrants, who would have disgraced the society of gods and men, were thrown headlong, by the inexorable Nemesis, into the Tartarean abyss. The rest of the Cæsars successively advanced to their seats; and as they passed, the vices, the defects, the blemishes of their respective characters, were maliciously noticed by old Silenus, a laughing moralist, who disguised the wisdom of a philosopher under the mask of a Bacchanal. 3 As soon as the feast was ended, the voice of Mercury proclaimed the will of Jupiter, that a celestial crown should be the reward of superior merit. Julius Cæsar, Augustus, Trajan, and Marcus Antoninus, were selected as the most illustrious candidates; the effeminate Constantine 4 was not excluded from this honorable competition, and the great Alexander was invited to dispute the prize of glory with the Roman heroes. Each of the candidates was allowed to display the merit of his own exploits; but, in the judgment of the gods, the modest silence of Marcus pleaded more powerfully than the elaborate orations of his haughty rivals. When the judges of this awful contest proceeded to examine the heart, and to scrutinize the springs of action, the superiority of the Imperial Stoic appeared still more decisive and conspicuous. 5 Alexander and Cæsar, Augustus, Trajan, and Constantine, acknowledged, with a blush, that fame, or power, or pleasure had been the important object of their labors: but the gods themselves beheld, with reverence and love, a virtuous mortal, who had practised on the throne the lessons of philosophy; and who, in a state of human imperfection, had aspired to imitate the moral attributes of the Deity. The value of this agreeable composition (the Cæsars of Julian) is enhanced by the rank of the author. A prince, who delineates, with freedom, the vices and virtues of his predecessors, subscribes, in every line, the censure or approbation of his own conduct.
尤利安曾以《诸恺撒》为题写过一篇富有哲理的寓言 1，堪称古人机智之作中最令人愉悦、也最富教益者之一。2 农神节期间，人人无拘无束、彼此平等；罗慕路斯设下盛宴，一面款待奥林匹斯诸神——他们早已接纳他为称职的一员——一面宴请历代罗马君王，这些君王曾统治他那尚武的子民，也曾君临天下那些被征服的邦国。众不朽之神各按尊序坐上宝座，诸恺撒的筵席则铺陈于月亮之下、高空之中。至于那些暴君，一旦厕身其间便会玷辱神人的行列，报应女神涅墨西斯铁面无情，径直将他们一头掷入塔尔塔罗斯的深渊。其余诸恺撒依次上前就座；他们经过时，老西勒努斯便不怀好意地逐一挑明各人性情中的种种恶德、缺陷与瑕疵——这位嬉笑怒骂的道德家，将哲人的智慧藏在酒神狂徒的面具之下。3 盛宴一散，墨丘利便传达朱庇特的旨意：当以一顶天界的桂冠，奖赏功德最卓著者。尤利乌斯·恺撒、奥古斯都、图拉真与马可·奥勒留，获选为最负盛名的候选者；柔弱的君士坦丁 4 也不曾被摒除在这场荣耀之争之外，就连大亚历山大也应邀前来，与罗马群雄争夺这荣誉之冠。每位候选者都获准夸陈自己的功业；然而在诸神看来，马可谦逊的沉默，比起那些高傲对手精心铺排的雄辩，反倒更具说服力。当这场庄严较量的评判者进而审视各人的内心、细究其行事的动机时，这位身居帝位的斯多葛派哲人便愈发卓然出众，其胜出更是无可争辩、昭然可见。5 亚历山大与恺撒、奥古斯都、图拉真、君士坦丁，都红着脸承认：他们一生孜孜以求的，不过是名声、权力或享乐；唯有这位有德的凡人，令诸神也不禁满怀敬爱地注视着他——他身居帝位而躬行哲学的教诲，虽不脱凡人难免的缺憾，却一心想要效法神的种种美德。这篇怡人之作（尤利安的《诸恺撒》），其价值更因作者的身份而倍增。一位君王如此坦然地勾勒前代帝王的善恶功过，字里行间，其实无异于在为自己的言行签下褒贬。
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In the cool moments of reflection, Julian preferred the useful and benevolent virtues of Antoninus; but his ambitious spirit was inflamed by the glory of Alexander; and he solicited, with equal ardor, the esteem of the wise, and the applause of the multitude. In the season of life when the powers of the mind and body enjoy the most active vigor, the emperor who was instructed by the experience, and animated by the success, of the German war, resolved to signalize his reign by some more splendid and memorable achievement. The ambassadors of the East, from the continent of India, and the Isle of Ceylon, 6 had respectfully saluted the Roman purple. 7 The nations of the West esteemed and dreaded the personal virtues of Julian, both in peace and war. He despised the trophies of a Gothic victory, and was satisfied that the rapacious Barbarians of the Danube would be restrained from any future violation of the faith of treaties by the terror of his name, and the additional fortifications with which he strengthened the Thracian and Illyrian frontiers. The successor of Cyrus and Artaxerxes was the only rival whom he deemed worthy of his arms; and he resolved, by the final conquest of Persia, to chastise the naughty nation which had so long resisted and insulted the majesty of Rome. 9 As soon as the Persian monarch was informed that the throne of Constantius was filled by a prince of a very different character, he condescended to make some artful, or perhaps sincere, overtures towards a negotiation of peace. But the pride of Sapor was astonished by the firmness of Julian; who sternly declared, that he would never consent to hold a peaceful conference among the flames and ruins of the cities of Mesopotamia; and who added, with a smile of contempt, that it was needless to treat by ambassadors, as he himself had determined to visit speedily the court of Persia. The impatience of the emperor urged the diligence of the military preparations. The generals were named; and Julian, marching from Constantinople through the provinces of Asia Minor, arrived at Antioch about eight months after the death of his predecessor. His ardent desire to march into the heart of Persia, was checked by the indispensable duty of regulating the state of the empire; by his zeal to revive the worship of the gods; and by the advice of his wisest friends; who represented the necessity of allowing the salutary interval of winter quarters, to restore the exhausted strength of the legions of Gaul, and the discipline and spirit of the Eastern troops. Julian was persuaded to fix, till the ensuing spring, his residence at Antioch, among a people maliciously disposed to deride the haste, and to censure the delays, of their sovereign. 10
每当冷静反省之际，尤利安更看重奥勒留那种利世济人的德行；然而一想到亚历山大的赫赫功名，他的雄心又不免熊熊燃起；于是他以同样的热忱，既渴求智者的敬重，也追逐众人的喝彩。此时的他正当盛年，身心之力都最为旺健；日耳曼战事既给了他历练，又以胜利鼓舞了他，这位皇帝遂决意要以一桩更辉煌、更足以传世的功业，为自己的治世增光。东方的使节，来自印度大陆与锡兰岛 6，都曾恭敬地向罗马的紫袍致意。7 西方各邦无论平时战时，对尤利安个人的才德都既敬且畏。他不屑于一场哥特战功所换来的战利品，深信多瑙河沿岸那些贪婪的蛮族，日后必不敢再背弃盟约——一则慑于他的威名，二则因他在色雷斯与伊利里亚边境增筑了工事。在他看来，唯有居鲁士与阿尔达希尔的后继者，才配做他刀兵相向的对手；他遂下定决心，要一举征服波斯，惩戒这个桀骜之邦——它抗拒并轻侮罗马的威严，已经太久了。9 那波斯君主一得知，坐上君士坦提乌斯宝座的，竟是一位性情迥异的君王，便屈尊做出若干和谈的表示——或出于机巧算计，或也未必不是出自真心。但尤利安的坚定，让高傲的沙普尔大为错愕。尤利安厉声宣告：他绝不肯在美索不达米亚各城的火光与废墟之间坐下来议和；又带着一丝轻蔑的微笑补充说：根本无须遣使议约，因为他本人已打定主意，不日便要亲自登门造访波斯的宫廷。皇帝迫不及待，军备也随之加紧筹办。众将领已一一委任；尤利安自君士坦丁堡出发，取道小亚细亚各行省，在前任皇帝去世约八个月后抵达安条克。他一心想要长驱直入波斯腹地，却受制于几重不得不顾的顾虑：一是整顿帝国政务这一分内之责，二是他重振诸神崇拜的热望，三是那些最有见识的友人的劝告；这些人指出：让军队在冬营里休整一段时日，实属必要而有益，好让高卢诸军团恢复耗尽的元气，也让东方部队重整纪律、重振士气。尤利安终被说服，决定在安条克驻留至次年春天；而当地百姓却居心不善，君王一急，他们便讥其操切，君王一缓，他们又责其迟延。10
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If Julian had flattered himself, that his personal connection with the capital of the East would be productive of mutual satisfaction to the prince and people, he made a very false estimate of his own character, and of the manners of Antioch. 11 The warmth of the climate disposed the natives to the most intemperate enjoyment of tranquillity and opulence; and the lively licentiousness of the Greeks was blended with the hereditary softness of the Syrians. Fashion was the only law, pleasure the only pursuit, and the splendor of dress and furniture was the only distinction of the citizens of Antioch. The arts of luxury were honored; the serious and manly virtues were the subject of ridicule; and the contempt for female modesty and reverent age announced the universal corruption of the capital of the East. The love of spectacles was the taste, or rather passion, of the Syrians; the most skilful artists were procured from the adjacent cities; 12 a considerable share of the revenue was devoted to the public amusements; and the magnificence of the games of the theatre and circus was considered as the happiness and as the glory of Antioch. The rustic manners of a prince who disdained such glory, and was insensible of such happiness, soon disgusted the delicacy of his subjects; and the effeminate Orientals could neither imitate, nor admire, the severe simplicity which Julian always maintained, and sometimes affected. The days of festivity, consecrated, by ancient custom, to the honor of the gods, were the only occasions in which Julian relaxed his philosophic severity; and those festivals were the only days in which the Syrians of Antioch could reject the allurements of pleasure. The majority of the people supported the glory of the Christian name, which had been first invented by their ancestors: 13 they contended themselves with disobeying the moral precepts, but they were scrupulously attached to the speculative doctrines of their religion. The church of Antioch was distracted by heresy and schism; but the Arians and the Athanasians, the followers of Meletius and those of Paulinus, 14 were actuated by the same pious hatred of their common adversary.
尤利安若曾自以为，他亲临东方的都城，君民之间便能两相欢洽，那他实在把自己的性情、也把安条克的风气，都看得大错特错了。11 那里气候温暖，当地人便一味沉溺于安逸与富足，纵情享乐、毫无节制；希腊人那份活泼放浪，又和叙利亚人世代相沿的柔靡习气搅在一处。在安条克，时尚是唯一的法度，享乐是唯一的追求，衣饰与陈设的华美，则是市民之间唯一的高下之分。奢靡之艺备受推崇，庄重刚健的德行反成笑柄；女子不以贞淑为意，老者不受敬重——凡此都昭示着这东方都城已是举城堕落。叙利亚人爱看热闹场面，与其说是一种癖好，不如说是一种痴迷；最有本领的艺人都从邻近各城重金罗致 12，公帑中有相当一部分都花在了这类公众娱乐上；剧场与竞技场上那些奢华的演出，更被安条克人视为一城的福气与荣光。这位君王偏偏鄙薄这样的荣光，也全然感受不到这样的福气，他那一身质朴土气的做派，很快就叫娇纵挑剔的臣民生厌；而尤利安那种严峻朴素——他始终如一地保持着，有时甚至刻意为之——这些柔靡的东方人既学不来，也欣赏不了。唯有那些依古俗奉献给诸神的节庆之日，尤利安才肯稍稍放松他那副哲人的严肃；而这些节日，也是安条克的叙利亚人唯一肯抛开享乐诱惑的日子。城中多数人都撑持着“基督徒”这一名号的荣耀，而这名号当初正是他们的先人首创的 13：他们对本教的道德诫命只知一概违逆，却对其思辨教义谨守不渝、一丝不苟。安条克教会本已因异端与分裂而四分五裂；然而阿里乌斯派与阿塔纳修斯派、梅利提乌斯的信众与保利努斯的信众 14，此刻却怀着同一种虔敬的仇恨，一致敌视共同的对头。
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The strongest prejudice was entertained against the character of an apostate, the enemy and successor of a prince who had engaged the affections of a very numerous sect; and the removal of St. Babylas excited an implacable opposition to the person of Julian. His subjects complained, with superstitious indignation, that famine had pursued the emperor’s steps from Constantinople to Antioch; and the discontent of a hungry people was exasperated by the injudicious attempt to relieve their distress. The inclemency of the season had affected the harvests of Syria; and the price of bread, 15 in the markets of Antioch, had naturally risen in proportion to the scarcity of corn. But the fair and reasonable proportion was soon violated by the rapacious arts of monopoly. In this unequal contest, in which the produce of the land is claimed by one party as his exclusive property, is used by another as a lucrative object of trade, and is required by a third for the daily and necessary support of life, all the profits of the intermediate agents are accumulated on the head of the defenceless customers. The hardships of their situation were exaggerated and increased by their own impatience and anxiety; and the apprehension of a scarcity gradually produced the appearances of a famine. When the luxurious citizens of Antioch complained of the high price of poultry and fish, Julian publicly declared, that a frugal city ought to be satisfied with a regular supply of wine, oil, and bread; but he acknowledged, that it was the duty of a sovereign to provide for the subsistence of his people. With this salutary view, the emperor ventured on a very dangerous and doubtful step, of fixing, by legal authority, the value of corn. He enacted, that, in a time of scarcity, it should be sold at a price which had seldom been known in the most plentiful years; and that his own example might strengthen his laws, he sent into the market four hundred and twenty-two thousand modii, or measures, which were drawn by his order from the granaries of Hierapolis, of Chalcis, and even of Egypt. The consequences might have been foreseen, and were soon felt. The Imperial wheat was purchased by the rich merchants; the proprietors of land, or of corn, withheld from the city the accustomed supply; and the small quantities that appeared in the market were secretly sold at an advanced and illegal price. Julian still continued to applaud his own policy, treated the complaints of the people as a vain and ungrateful murmur, and convinced Antioch that he had inherited the obstinacy, though not the cruelty, of his brother Gallus. 16 The remonstrances of the municipal senate served only to exasperate his inflexible mind. He was persuaded, perhaps with truth, that the senators of Antioch who possessed lands, or were concerned in trade, had themselves contributed to the calamities of their country; and he imputed the disrespectful boldness which they assumed, to the sense, not of public duty, but of private interest. The whole body, consisting of two hundred of the most noble and wealthy citizens, were sent, under a guard, from the palace to the prison; and though they were permitted, before the close of evening, to return to their respective houses, 17 the emperor himself could not obtain the forgiveness which he had so easily granted. The same grievances were still the subject of the same complaints, which were industriously circulated by the wit and levity of the Syrian Greeks. During the licentious days of the Saturnalia, the streets of the city resounded with insolent songs, which derided the laws, the religion, the personal conduct, and even the beard, of the emperor; the spirit of Antioch was manifested by the connivance of the magistrates, and the applause of the multitude. 18 The disciple of Socrates was too deeply affected by these popular insults; but the monarch, endowed with a quick sensibility, and possessed of absolute power, refused his passions the gratification of revenge. A tyrant might have proscribed, without distinction, the lives and fortunes of the citizens of Antioch; and the unwarlike Syrians must have patiently submitted to the lust, the rapaciousness and the cruelty, of the faithful legions of Gaul. A milder sentence might have deprived the capital of the East of its honors and privileges; and the courtiers, perhaps the subjects, of Julian, would have applauded an act of justice, which asserted the dignity of the supreme magistrate of the republic. 19 But instead of abusing, or exerting, the authority of the state, to revenge his personal injuries, Julian contented himself with an inoffensive mode of retaliation, which it would be in the power of few princes to employ. He had been insulted by satires and libels; in his turn, he composed, under the title of the Enemy of the Beard, an ironical confession of his own faults, and a severe satire on the licentious and effeminate manners of Antioch. This Imperial reply was publicly exposed before the gates of the palace; and the Misopogon 20 still remains a singular monument of the resentment, the wit, the humanity, and the indiscretion of Julian. Though he affected to laugh, he could not forgive. 21 His contempt was expressed, and his revenge might be gratified, by the nomination of a governor 22 worthy only of such subjects; and the emperor, forever renouncing the ungrateful city, proclaimed his resolution to pass the ensuing winter at Tarsus in Cilicia. 23
人们对一个背教者怀有最深的成见——他既是前一位皇帝的仇敌，又是其继位者，而那位皇帝曾赢得一个人数众多的教派的爱戴；加之圣巴比拉斯遗骸的迁移，更激起了对尤利安本人无可平息的敌意。他的臣民带着迷信般的愤懑抱怨说：饥荒竟一路尾随皇帝的脚步，从君士坦丁堡跟到了安条克；而饥民本已满腹怨气，一场轻率失当的赈济之举，更是火上浇油。那一年气候恶劣，殃及了叙利亚的收成；安条克市面上的面包价格 15，自然也随着谷物的短缺而水涨船高。然而囤积居奇的贪婪伎俩，很快便破坏了这种公道合理的比价。在这场悬殊的角逐里，土地的出产，一方视之为独占的私产，另一方拿它当牟利的买卖，第三方则要靠它维持每日不可或缺的生计；于是层层中间商所攫取的全部利润，最终都压到了毫无招架之力的买主头上。民众自己的焦躁与惶惧，又把处境的艰难夸大了、加重了；对短缺的忧惧，久而久之竟真的造出了饥荒的模样。当安条克那些穷奢极欲的市民抱怨鸡鸭鱼肉价高时，尤利安公开宣称：一座俭朴的城邦，只要酒、油、面包供应无缺，就该心满意足了；不过他也承认，为百姓的口粮操持，本是君王的分内之责。出于这一番善意的考虑，皇帝冒险迈出了既危险又难有把握的一步：动用法令的权威，为谷价定下标准。他明令规定：即便在荒歉之时，谷物也须按一个连丰年都难得一见的低价出售；为了以身作则、给自己的法令撑腰，他更下令从希拉波利斯、卡尔基斯乃至埃及的粮仓调出四十二万二千 modii（即斗量之数），投放到市面上。后果本是可以预见的，而且很快就应验了。皇帝抛出的这批麦子，转眼被富商悉数买去；拥有土地或存粮的人，则扣住往常供给全城的粮食不放；市面上偶尔露头的那点存货，也都被暗地里加价、违法售出。尤利安却依旧自夸其政策高明，把百姓的怨言当作毫无道理、不知感恩的牢骚；如此一来，倒叫安条克人看清：他虽没沾染其兄加卢斯的残忍，那股固执却是一脉相承的。16 市议会的谏诤，只是徒然激怒了他那副执拗的心肠。他认定——或许也确是实情——安条克那些拥有田产、或涉足商贾的议员，自己就是这场祸患的推手；因此他把他们那副无礼放肆的姿态，归咎于私利的算计，而非什么公义的担当。整个议会，由二百名最显贵、最富有的市民组成，全被卫兵押解，从宫廷送进了监狱；虽说天色未黑他们便获准各自回家 17，可皇帝自己这般轻易施予的宽赦，却换不回对方对他的谅解。同样的积怨，依旧化作同样的怨言；叙利亚的希腊人凭着一张利嘴和一副轻浮性子，卖力地把这些话四处传扬。农神节纵乐的那些日子里，满城街巷都回荡着放肆的歌谣，嘲弄皇帝的法令、信仰、私德，甚至连他的胡须也不放过；官员对此睁一只眼闭一只眼，民众则拍手叫好——安条克的风气，于此暴露无遗。18 这位苏格拉底的门徒，被这些来自民间的辱骂刺伤得未免太深；但这位君王虽生性敏感易怒，又手握绝对的权力，却终究不肯以报复来发泄一腔怒火。换了个暴君，大可不分青红皂白，把安条克市民的性命与财产一概籍没；而不惯征战的叙利亚人，也只得逆来顺受，任凭忠于皇帝的高卢军团恣意奸淫、劫掠、施暴。纵是从轻发落，也足以剥夺这东方都城的种种荣衔与特权；而尤利安的廷臣，乃至他的臣民，想必都会为这样一桩伸张正义、维护共和国最高执政者尊严之举而鼓掌称快。19 然而尤利安既未滥用、也未动用国家的权柄去报一己私怨，而是甘于采取一种无伤大雅的还击方式——而能施展这种手段的君王，实在没有几个。人家用讽刺诗和谤文羞辱他，他便回敬一篇，题为《憎须者》，一面反讽地“自陈其过”，一面对安条克放荡柔靡的风气痛加针砭。这篇出自皇帝之手的回敬之作，被公然张贴在宫门之前；而这部《憎须者》20 至今仍是一份独特的见证，映照出尤利安的愤懑、机智、仁厚，以及他的失于检点。他虽故作笑谈，心底却终究无法释怀。21 他任命了一名总督 22——这样的臣民也只配摊上这样的长官——借此既发泄了鄙夷，也算了却了报复之心；随后皇帝便与这座忘恩负义的城市彻底决绝，公开宣布：来年冬天，他要在奇里乞亚的塔尔苏斯度过。23
¶
Yet Antioch possessed one citizen, whose genius and virtues might atone, in the opinion of Julian, for the vice and folly of his country. The sophist Libanius was born in the capital of the East; he publicly professed the arts of rhetoric and declamation at Nice, Nicomedia, Constantinople, Athens, and, during the remainder of his life, at Antioch. His school was assiduously frequented by the Grecian youth; his disciples, who sometimes exceeded the number of eighty, celebrated their incomparable master; and the jealousy of his rivals, who persecuted him from one city to another, confirmed the favorable opinion which Libanius ostentatiously displayed of his superior merit. The preceptors of Julian had extorted a rash but solemn assurance, that he would never attend the lectures of their adversary: the curiosity of the royal youth was checked and inflamed: he secretly procured the writings of this dangerous sophist, and gradually surpassed, in the perfect imitation of his style, the most laborious of his domestic pupils. 24 When Julian ascended the throne, he declared his impatience to embrace and reward the Syrian sophist, who had preserved, in a degenerate age, the Grecian purity of taste, of manners, and of religion. The emperor’s prepossession was increased and justified by the discreet pride of his favorite. Instead of pressing, with the foremost of the crowd, into the palace of Constantinople, Libanius calmly expected his arrival at Antioch; withdrew from court on the first symptoms of coldness and indifference; required a formal invitation for each visit; and taught his sovereign an important lesson, that he might command the obedience of a subject, but that he must deserve the attachment of a friend. The sophists of every age, despising, or affecting to despise, the accidental distinctions of birth and fortune, 25 reserve their esteem for the superior qualities of the mind, with which they themselves are so plentifully endowed. Julian might disdain the acclamations of a venal court, who adored the Imperial purple; but he was deeply flattered by the praise, the admonition, the freedom, and the envy of an independent philosopher, who refused his favors, loved his person, celebrated his fame, and protected his memory. The voluminous writings of Libanius still exist; for the most part, they are the vain and idle compositions of an orator, who cultivated the science of words; the productions of a recluse student, whose mind, regardless of his contemporaries, was incessantly fixed on the Trojan war and the Athenian commonwealth. Yet the sophist of Antioch sometimes descended from this imaginary elevation; he entertained a various and elaborate correspondence; 26 he praised the virtues of his own times; he boldly arraigned the abuse of public and private life; and he eloquently pleaded the cause of Antioch against the just resentment of Julian and Theodosius. It is the common calamity of old age, 27 to lose whatever might have rendered it desirable; but Libanius experienced the peculiar misfortune of surviving the religion and the sciences, to which he had consecrated his genius. The friend of Julian was an indignant spectator of the triumph of Christianity; and his bigotry, which darkened the prospect of the visible world, did not inspire Libanius with any lively hopes of celestial glory and happiness. 28
不过，安条克倒也出了一位市民，在尤利安看来，其才华与德行足以抵偿举城的恶习与愚妄。辩士利巴尼乌斯生于这东方的都城；他先后在尼西亚、尼科米底亚、君士坦丁堡、雅典公开讲授修辞与演说之术，此后余生则一直执教于安条克。希腊各地的青年都勤勉地涌入他的讲堂；他的门生有时多达八十余人，无不盛赞他们这位举世无双的老师；那些对头出于嫉妒，把他从一座城撵到另一座城，反倒印证了利巴尼乌斯素来大肆张扬的那份自负——他确信自己才具超群。尤利安的几位业师，曾硬逼他许下一个虽属草率却也郑重的承诺：他绝不去听他们那对头的课；这位王室青年的好奇心愈受压制，愈发炽烈：他暗中弄来这位危险辩士的著作，日积月累，论摹仿其文风之惟妙惟肖，竟胜过了利巴尼乌斯门下最用功的及门弟子。24 尤利安登基之后，便迫不及待地表示，要拥抱并厚赏这位叙利亚辩士——在这浇漓的世道里，唯有他还守住了希腊在情趣、风范与信仰上的那份纯正。而这位宠臣审慎自持的骄矜，既加深、也印证了皇帝对他的偏爱。别人争先恐后地挤进君士坦丁堡的宫廷，利巴尼乌斯却不然，他只在安条克从容静候皇帝的到来；一旦察觉宫中稍有冷淡怠慢之意，他便抽身引退；每次进见，都要人家正式相邀方肯前往；他借此给自己的君主上了重要的一课：臣子的服从，君王可以强令而得；朋友的情谊，却须自己配得上才行。历来的辩士，对门第与财富这类偶然得来的身份差别，或真鄙夷、或佯作鄙夷 25，而把敬意专留给心智上的过人禀赋——这类禀赋，他们自谓天生便富足有余。尤利安尽可鄙薄那满朝可以收买的臣子的欢呼——他们膜拜的不过是那身御用紫袍；然而一位卓然独立的哲人对他的称许、规劝、直言乃至艳羡，却令他大为受用——此人拒领他的恩赏，却敬爱他这个人，颂扬他的声名，并在他身后守护他的英名。利巴尼乌斯卷帙浩繁的著作至今尚存；其中大半，不过是一个雕琢辞章的演说家浮泛无谓的篇什；那是一个离群索居的书斋学者的产物——他全然不理会同时代的人和事，一门心思始终萦绕在特洛伊战争与雅典城邦之上。不过，这位安条克的辩士偶尔也肯从这想象中的高处走下来；他与人保持着广泛而讲究的书信往来 26；他颂扬当世的种种美德，也敢于痛斥公私生活中的种种弊端；面对尤利安与狄奥多西那正当的怒火，他更曾雄辩滔滔，为安条克辩护求情。人到暮年，凡是能让这晚境值得留恋的东西，大抵都要一一失去，这原是老年共有的不幸 27；而利巴尼乌斯却尝到了一份独有的悲凉：他倾尽才华所侍奉的那套信仰与学问，竟先他而亡，徒留他活在世上。身为尤利安的挚友，他只能满怀愤懑，眼睁睁看着基督教节节得胜；而他那份偏执，虽把眼前尘世的景象都染上了阴翳，却也不曾给他带来半分对天国荣耀与至福的热切盼望。28
Notes 注释
1
↩
See this fable or satire, p. 306-336 of the Leipsig edition of Julian’s works. The French version of the learned Ezekiel Spanheim (Paris, 1683) is coarse, languid, and correct; and his notes, proofs, illustrations, &c., are piled on each other till they form a mass of 557 close-printed quarto pages. The Abbé’ de la Bleterie (Vie de Jovien, tom. i. p. 241-393) has more happily expressed the spirit, as well as the sense, of the original, which he illustrates with some concise and curious notes.
参见这篇寓言或讽刺作品，见尤利安文集莱比锡版第 306—336 页。博学的以西结·斯潘海姆的法译本（巴黎，1683 年）译笔粗糙、平板，却也准确；其注释、考据、例证等等层层叠加，竟累成一部 557 页、排印密密麻麻的四开本巨帙。布莱特里神父（Vie de Jovien, tom. i. p. 241-393）则更为传神地再现了原作的精神与意旨，并附有若干简洁而有趣的注解。
2
↩
Spanheim (in his preface) has most learnedly discussed the etymology, origin, resemblance, and disagreement of the Greek satyrs, a dramatic piece, which was acted after the tragedy; and the Latin satires, (from Satura,) a miscellaneous composition, either in prose or verse. But the Cæsars of Julian are of such an original cast, that the critic is perplexed to which class he should ascribe them. * Note: See also Casaubon de Satira, with Rambach’s observations.—M.
斯潘海姆（在其序言中）以极渊博的学识，辨析了希腊 satyrs（一种在悲剧之后上演的戏剧）与拉丁 satires（源自 Satura，即一种或散文、或韵文的“杂集”式作品）二者在词源、起源上的异同与关联。然而尤利安的《诸恺撒》独出机杼，令评家颇费踌躇，不知该将它归入哪一类。* 编者按：另见卡索邦《论讽刺诗》（Casaubon de Satira）及拉姆巴赫的评述。—M
3
↩
This mixed character of Silenus is finely painted in the sixth eclogue of Virgil.
西勒努斯这种混杂的性格，在维吉尔《牧歌》第六首中有精妙的刻画。
4
↩
Every impartial reader must perceive and condemn the partiality of Julian against his uncle Constantine, and the Christian religion. On this occasion, the interpreters are compelled, by a most sacred interest, to renounce their allegiance, and to desert the cause of their author.
但凡公允的读者，都必能看出并谴责尤利安对其伯父君士坦丁及基督教所怀的偏见。在这一点上，注释者们出于一种至为神圣的关切，不得不背弃对作者的忠诚，转而抛开他们本要维护的立场。
5
↩
Julian was secretly inclined to prefer a Greek to a Roman. But when he seriously compared a hero with a philosopher, he was sensible that mankind had much greater obligations to Socrates than to Alexander, (Orat. ad Themistium, p. 264.)
尤利安私心里更偏爱希腊人，而非罗马人。然而当他认真地把一位英雄与一位哲人相比较时，却也明白：人类受惠于苏格拉底者，远多于受惠于亚历山大者。（Orat. ad Themistium, p. 264.）
6
↩
Inde nationibus Indicis certatim cum aonis optimates mittentibus.... ab usque Divis et Serendivis. Ammian. xx. 7. This island, to which the names of Taprobana, Serendib, and Ceylon, have been successively applied, manifests how imperfectly the seas and lands to the east of Cape Comorin were known to the Romans. 1. Under the reign of Claudius, a freedman, who farmed the customs of the Red Sea, was accidentally driven by the winds upon this strange and undiscovered coast: he conversed six months with the natives; and the king of Ceylon, who heard, for the first time, of the power and justice of Rome, was persuaded to send an embassy to the emperor. (Plin. Hist. Nat. vi. 24.) 2. The geographers (and even Ptolemy) have magnified, above fifteen times, the real size of this new world, which they extended as far as the equator, and the neighborhood of China. * Note: The name of Diva gens or Divorum regio, according to the probable conjecture of M. Letronne, (Trois Mém. Acad. p. 127,) was applied by the ancients to the whole eastern coast of the Indian Peninsula, from Ceylon to the Canges. The name may be traced in Devipatnam, Devidan, Devicotta, Divinelly, the point of Divy.——M. Letronne, p.121, considers the freedman with his embassy from Ceylon to have been an impostor.—M.
Inde nationibus Indicis certatim cum aonis optimates mittentibus.... ab usque Divis et Serendivis. Ammian. xx. 7.（阿米阿努斯，卷二十，7）此岛先后有塔普罗巴纳、塞伦迪布、锡兰诸名，可见科摩林角以东的海域与陆地，罗马人所知何等浅陋。一、克劳狄乌斯在位时，一名承包红海关税的获释奴，偶然被风刮到了这片陌生而未经发现的海岸：他与当地人交谈达六个月之久；锡兰王头一回听说罗马的强盛与公正，遂被说动，向皇帝遣派了一个使团。（Plin. Hist. Nat. vi. 24.）二、地理学家们（甚至连托勒密也在内）把这片新天地的实际面积夸大了十五倍以上，一直把它延展到赤道，直抵中国的近旁。* 编者按：据勒特罗纳先生颇为可信的推测（Trois Mém. Acad. p. 127），古人所谓 Diva gens（迪瓦族）或 Divorum regio（迪瓦地区），本是泛指印度半岛的整条东海岸，自锡兰直到恒河一带。此名的踪迹，尚可在 Devipatnam、Devidan、Devicotta、Divinelly 以及 Divy 岬等地名中寻见。——勒特罗纳先生（p. 121）认为，那位携锡兰使团前来的获释奴其实是个骗子。—M
7
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These embassies had been sent to Constantius. Ammianus, who unwarily deviates into gross flattery, must have forgotten the length of the way, and the short duration of the reign of Julian. ——Gothos sæpe fallaces et perfidos; hostes quærere se meliores aiebat: illis enim sufficere mercators Galatas per quos ubique sine conditionis discrimine venumdantur. (Ammian. xxii. 7.) Within less than fifteen years, these Gothic slaves threatened and subdued their masters.
这些使团其实是遣往君士坦提乌斯的。阿米阿努斯一时不慎，堕入了露骨的谀词，想必是忘了路途何等遥远，也忘了尤利安在位何其短暂。—Gothos sæpe fallaces et perfidos; hostes quærere se meliores aiebat: illis enim sufficere mercators Galatas per quos ubique sine conditionis discrimine venumdantur.（阿米阿努斯，卷二十二，7；意谓：他常说哥特人狡诈无信，他要另觅更值得一战的敌手；对付哥特人，有加拉太的奴隶贩子便够了，正是这些人把他们不分身份地四处贩卖为奴。）不到十五年，这些哥特奴隶便反过来威胁并制服了他们的主人。
9
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Alexander reminds his rival Cæsar, who depreciated the fame and merit of an Asiatic victory, that Crassus and Antony had felt the Persian arrows; and that the Romans, in a war of three hundred years, had not yet subdued the single province of Mesopotamia or Assyria, (Cæsares, p. 324.)
亚历山大提醒他的对手恺撒——恺撒曾贬低征服亚洲的功名与价值——说：克拉苏与安东尼都曾尝过波斯人的箭镞；而罗马人打了三百年仗，却连美索不达米亚或亚述这一个行省都未曾征服。（Cæsares, p. 324.）
10
↩
The design of the Persian war is declared by Ammianus, (xxii. 7, 12,) Libanius, (Orat. Parent. c. 79, 80, p. 305, 306,) Zosimus, (l. iii. p. 158,) and Socrates, (l. iii. c. 19.)
关于波斯战争的谋划，见阿米阿努斯（卷二十二，7、12）、利巴尼乌斯（Orat. Parent. c. 79, 80, p. 305, 306）、佐西莫斯（l. iii. p. 158）与苏格拉底（l. iii. c. 19）。
11
↩
The Satire of Julian, and the Homilies of St. Chrysostom, exhibit the same picture of Antioch. The miniature which the Abbé de la Bleterie has copied from thence, (Vie de Julian, p. 332,) is elegant and correct.
尤利安的讽刺之作，与圣克里索斯托的讲道集，为安条克描摹出的是同一副面貌。布莱特里神父由此撷取而成的那幅小像（Vie de Julian, p. 332），既典雅又确切。
12
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Laodicea furnished charioteers; Tyre and Berytus, comedians; Cæsarea, pantomimes; Heliopolis, singers; Gaza, gladiators, Ascalon, wrestlers; and Castabala, rope-dancers. See the Expositio totius Mundi, p. 6, in the third tome of Hudson’s Minor Geographers.
拉奥迪西亚出驭手，提尔与贝鲁图斯出谐剧演员，凯撒里亚出哑剧伶人，赫利奥波利斯出歌手，加沙出角斗士，阿斯卡隆出摔跤手，卡斯塔巴拉出走绳索的艺人。参见《寰宇志》（Expositio totius Mundi）第 6 页，收于哈德森《小地理学家丛编》第三卷。
13
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The people of Antioch ingenuously professed their attachment to the Chi, (Christ,) and the Kappa, (Constantius.) Julian in Misopogon, p. 357.
安条克人坦率地表白，他们心系 Chi（Χ，即基督 Christ）与 Kappa（Κ，即君士坦提乌斯 Constantius）。见尤利安《憎须者》，p. 357。
14
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The schism of Antioch, which lasted eighty-five years, (A. D. 330-415,) was inflamed, while Julian resided in that city, by the indiscreet ordination of Paulinus. See Tillemont, Mém. Eccles. tom. iii. p. 803 of the quarto edition, (Paris, 1701, &c,) which henceforward I shall quote.
安条克的教会分裂持续了八十五年之久（公元 330—415 年）；尤利安驻留该城期间，保利努斯轻率的祝圣就任更使这一分裂火上添油。参见蒂耶蒙《教会史论》（Mém. Eccles.）四开本第三卷第 803 页（巴黎，1701 年及以后），此后我便一律引用此版。
15
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Julian states three different proportions, of five, ten, or fifteen modii of wheat for one piece of gold, according to the degrees of plenty and scarcity, (in Misopogon, p. 369.) From this fact, and from some collateral examples, I conclude, that under the successors of Constantine, the moderate price of wheat was about thirty-two shillings the English quarter, which is equal to the average price of the sixty-four first years of the present century. See Arbuthnot’s Tables of Coins, Weights, and Measures, p. 88, 89. Plin. Hist. Natur. xviii. 12. Mém. de l’Académie des Inscriptions, tom. xxviii. p. 718-721. Smith’s Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, vol. i. p 246. This last I am proud to quote as the work of a sage and a friend.
尤利安列出了三种不同的比价：视丰歉程度不同，一枚金币可换五、十或十五 modii 小麦（见《憎须者》，p. 369）。据此并参照若干旁证，我推断：在君士坦丁的历任继承者治下，小麦的适中价格约为每英制夸特三十二先令，恰与本世纪头六十四年的平均价格相当。参见阿巴思诺特《货币、度量衡表》，p. 88, 89；Plin. Hist. Natur. xviii. 12；Mém. de l’Académie des Inscriptions, tom. xxviii. p. 718-721；斯密《国富论》（Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations），vol. i. p. 246。末一部著作，我引用时颇感自豪，因它出自一位智者、也是我一位友人之手。
16
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Nunquam a proposito declinabat, Galli similis fratris, licet incruentus. Ammian. xxii. 14. The ignorance of the most enlightened princes may claim some excuse; but we cannot be satisfied with Julian’s own defence, (in Misopogon, p. 363, 369,) or the elaborate apology of Libanius, (Orat. Parental c. xcvii. p. 321.)
Nunquam a proposito declinabat, Galli similis fratris, licet incruentus. Ammian. xxii. 14.（意谓：他从不改弦更张，一如其兄加卢斯，只是手上不曾沾血。）最开明的君主，其无知或尚可谅解；但尤利安自己的辩解（见《憎须者》，p. 363, 369），以及利巴尼乌斯精心炮制的回护之词（Orat. Parental c. xcvii. p. 321），都难以令我们信服。
17
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Their short and easy confinement is gently touched by Libanius, (Orat. Parental. c. xcviii. p. 322, 323.)
他们那次短暂而宽松的拘禁，利巴尼乌斯只轻描淡写地提了一笔（Orat. Parental. c. xcviii. p. 322, 323）。
18
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Libanius, (ad Antiochenos de Imperatoris ira, c. 17, 18, 19, in Fabricius, Bibliot. Græc. tom. vii. p. 221-223,) like a skilful advocate, severely censures the folly of the people, who suffered for the crime of a few obscure and drunken wretches.
利巴尼乌斯（ad Antiochenos de Imperatoris ira, c. 17, 18, 19，见法布里丘斯《希腊文库》，Bibliot. Græc. tom. vii. p. 221-223）像一位老练的辩护人，严厉斥责民众的愚蠢——他们竟为几个身份低微、醉酒闹事的无赖之过而受累。
19
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Libanius (ad Antiochen. c. vii. p. 213) reminds Antioch of the recent chastisement of Cæsarea; and even Julian (in Misopogon, p. 355) insinuates how severely Tarentum had expiated the insult to the Roman ambassadors.
利巴尼乌斯（ad Antiochen. c. vii. p. 213）提醒安条克，凯撒里亚新近所受的惩戒；就连尤利安（见《憎须者》，p. 355）也暗示，塔兰图姆当年为侮辱罗马使节，曾付出何等惨重的代价。
20
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On the subject of the Misopogon, see Ammianus, (xxii. 14,) Libanius, (Orat. Parentalis, c. xcix. p. 323,) Gregory Nazianzen, (Orat. iv. p. 133) and the Chronicle of Antioch, by John Malala, (tom. ii. p. 15, 16.) I have essential obligations to the translation and notes of the Abbé de la Bleterie, (Vie de Jovien, tom. ii. p. 1-138.)
关于《憎须者》，可参阅阿米阿努斯（卷二十二，14）、利巴尼乌斯（Orat. Parentalis, c. xcix. p. 323）、纳齐安的格列高利（Orat. iv. p. 133），以及约翰·马拉拉斯所撰《安条克编年史》（tom. ii. p. 15, 16）。我在此对布莱特里神父的译文与注释（Vie de Jovien, tom. ii. p. 1-138）深表感念，受惠良多。
21
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Ammianus very justly remarks, Coactus dissimulare pro tempore ira sufflabatur interna. The elaborate irony of Julian at length bursts forth into serious and direct invective.
阿米阿努斯的评说极为中肯：Coactus dissimulare pro tempore ira sufflabatur interna（意谓：他一时不得不强自隐忍，内心却怒火中烧）。尤利安那番精心经营的反讽，最终还是化作了正颜厉色的直接痛骂。
22
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Ipse autem Antiochiam egressurus, Heliopoliten quendam Alexandrum Syriacæ jurisdictioni præfecit, turbulentum et sævum; dicebatque non illum meruisse, sed Antiochensibus avaris et contumeliosis hujusmodi judicem convenire. Ammian. xxiii. 2. Libanius, (Epist. 722, p. 346, 347,) who confesses to Julian himself, that he had shared the general discontent, pretends that Alexander was a useful, though harsh, reformer of the manners and religion of Antioch.
Ipse autem Antiochiam egressurus, Heliopoliten quendam Alexandrum Syriacæ jurisdictioni præfecit, turbulentum et sævum; dicebatque non illum meruisse, sed Antiochensibus avaris et contumeliosis hujusmodi judicem convenire. Ammian. xxiii. 2.（意谓：尤利安临离安条克前，任命了一个赫利奥波利斯人、名叫亚历山大者出任叙利亚总督，此人性情暴烈凶残；尤利安还说，这并非亚历山大配得此位，而是贪婪无礼的安条克人正该摊上这样一位长官。）利巴尼乌斯（Epist. 722, p. 346, 347）向尤利安本人承认，自己也曾与众人一同心怀不满，却又辩称，亚历山大对安条克的风气与信仰而言，虽严苛却不失为一个有用的整饬者。
23
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Julian, in Misopogon, p. 364. Ammian. xxiii. 2, and Valesius, ad loc. Libanius, in a professed oration, invites him to return to his loyal and penitent city of Antioch.
尤利安，见《憎须者》，p. 364；阿米阿努斯，卷二十三，2，及瓦莱修斯的相关注释（ad loc.）。利巴尼乌斯还专门写了一篇演说，邀请他重返安条克这座忠诚而悔过的城市。
24
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Libanius, Orat. Parent. c. vii. p. 230, 231.
利巴尼乌斯，Orat. Parent. c. vii. p. 230, 231。
25
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Eunapius reports, that Libanius refused the honorary rank of Prætorian præfect, as less illustrious than the title of Sophist, (in Vit. Sophist. p. 135.) The critics have observed a similar sentiment in one of the epistles (xviii. edit. Wolf) of Libanius himself.
欧纳皮乌斯记载，利巴尼乌斯拒绝了禁卫军长官的荣衔，认为它不及“辩士”这一称号来得显赫（见 Vit. Sophist. p. 135）。评家们在利巴尼乌斯本人的一封书信中（xviii，沃尔夫校订本），也发现了类似的心迹。
26
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Near two thousand of his letters—a mode of composition in which Libanius was thought to excel—are still extant, and already published. The critics may praise their subtle and elegant brevity; yet Dr. Bentley (Dissertation upon Phalaris, p. 48) might justly, though quaintly observe, that “you feel, by the emptiness and deadness of them, that you converse with some dreaming pedant, with his elbow on his desk.”
他的书信留存至今、且已刊行的将近两千封——而书信恰是利巴尼乌斯素以擅长著称的一种体裁。评家或会称许这些信精巧雅致、言简意赅；然而本特利博士（《论法拉里斯书信》，p. 48）的评断却也不无道理，只是措辞有些别致：“读它们那空洞而僵死的字句，你只觉得像在跟某个胳膊支在书桌上、做着白日梦的迂腐书生攀谈。”
27
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His birth is assigned to the year 314. He mentions the seventy-sixth year of his age, (A. D. 390,) and seems to allude to some events of a still later date.
他的出生一般定在公元 314 年。他曾提到自己七十六岁那年（公元 390 年），似乎还影射了一些年代更晚的事件。
28
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Libanius has composed the vain, prolix, but curious narrative of his own life, (tom. ii. p. 1-84, edit. Morell,) of which Eunapius (p. 130-135) has left a concise and unfavorable account. Among the moderns, Tillemont, (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 571-576,) Fabricius, (Bibliot. Græc. tom. vii. p. 376-414,) and Lardner, (Heathen Testimonies, tom. iv. p. 127-163,) have illustrated the character and writings of this famous sophist.
利巴尼乌斯为自己写过一篇自传，虚浮冗长，却也颇有意趣（tom. ii. p. 1-84，莫雷尔校订本）；欧纳皮乌斯（p. 130-135）则为他留下了一段简短而不甚客气的记述。近人之中，蒂耶蒙（Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 571-576）、法布里丘斯（Bibliot. Græc. tom. vii. p. 376-414）与拉德纳（Heathen Testimonies, tom. iv. p. 127-163），都曾对这位著名辩士的为人与著述有所阐发。