Chapter XXIV: The Retreat And Death Of Julian.—Part II. 第二十四章 尤利安的撤退与死亡——第二节

The martial impatience of Julian urged him to take the field in the beginning of the spring; and he dismissed, with contempt and reproach, the senate of Antioch, who accompanied the emperor beyond the limits of their own territory, to which he was resolved never to return. After a laborious march of two days, 29 he halted on the third at Beræa, or Aleppo, where he had the mortification of finding a senate almost entirely Christian; who received with cold and formal demonstrations of respect the eloquent sermon of the apostle of paganism. The son of one of the most illustrious citizens of Beræa, who had embraced, either from interest or conscience, the religion of the emperor, was disinherited by his angry parent. The father and the son were invited to the Imperial table. Julian, placing himself between them, attempted, without success, to inculcate the lesson and example of toleration; supported, with affected calmness, the indiscreet zeal of the aged Christian, who seemed to forget the sentiments of nature, and the duty of a subject; and at length, turning towards the afflicted youth, “Since you have lost a father,” said he, “for my sake, it is incumbent on me to supply his place.” 30 The emperor was received in a manner much more agreeable to his wishes at Batnæ, 3011 a small town pleasantly seated in a grove of cypresses, about twenty miles from the city of Hierapolis. The solemn rites of sacrifice were decently prepared by the inhabitants of Batnæ, who seemed attached to the worship of their tutelar deities, Apollo and Jupiter; but the serious piety of Julian was offended by the tumult of their applause; and he too clearly discerned, that the smoke which arose from their altars was the incense of flattery, rather than of devotion. The ancient and magnificent temple which had sanctified, for so many ages, the city of Hierapolis, 31 no longer subsisted; and the consecrated wealth, which afforded a liberal maintenance to more than three hundred priests, might hasten its downfall. Yet Julian enjoyed the satisfaction of embracing a philosopher and a friend, whose religious firmness had withstood the pressing and repeated solicitations of Constantius and Gallus, as often as those princes lodged at his house, in their passage through Hierapolis. In the hurry of military preparation, and the careless confidence of a familiar correspondence, the zeal of Julian appears to have been lively and uniform. He had now undertaken an important and difficult war; and the anxiety of the event rendered him still more attentive to observe and register the most trifling presages, from which, according to the rules of divination, any knowledge of futurity could be derived. 32 He informed Libanius of his progress as far as Hierapolis, by an elegant epistle, 33 which displays the facility of his genius, and his tender friendship for the sophist of Antioch.
尤利安一心征战,急不可耐,早春时节便挥师出征。安条克的元老们一路陪送皇帝,直到出了本城辖境;尤利安却满怀轻蔑与责难,把他们打发了回去——他已下定决心,此生绝不再踏进安条克一步。大军艰苦跋涉两日,29 第三日在贝罗埃亚(即阿勒颇)驻扎。令尤利安懊恼的是,当地元老几乎清一色是基督徒;这位异教的使徒滔滔不绝地布道宣讲,他们却只报以冷淡而例行公事的敬意。贝罗埃亚一位数一数二的显赫市民,其子或出于私利、或出于良知,皈依了皇帝所奉的宗教,父亲一怒之下便剥夺了他的继承权。父子二人都获邀出席御宴。尤利安坐在二人之间,想以身作则、晓谕宽容之道,却未能奏效;那位年迈的基督徒热忱失度,仿佛既忘了骨肉亲情,也忘了臣民的本分,尤利安只得强作镇定,任他发作。最后他转向那伤心的年轻人,说道:“你既因我而失去了父亲,我便理应代他补上这个位置。” 30 在巴特奈 3011 受到的接待,则合他的心意得多。这座小城坐落在一片柏树林中,风景宜人,距希拉波利斯城约二十英里。巴特奈的居民似乎笃信他们的守护神阿波罗与朱庇特,庄严的献祭仪典也办得体面周到;然而他们喧闹的欢呼却触犯了尤利安一片虔诚之心,他看得太清楚了:从祭坛上升起的那缕青烟,与其说是敬神的香火,不如说是谄媚的熏香。希拉波利斯城中那座古老宏伟的神庙,多少世代以来一直是全城的圣地,31 如今已不复存在;庙产之丰厚,足以优渥供养三百余名祭司,这或许反倒加速了它的败亡。不过,尤利安在此有幸拥抱了一位哲人挚友。当年君士坦提乌斯与加卢斯途经希拉波利斯,屡屡下榻此人家中,一再软硬兼施地劝诱他改宗,他却始终信念坚定,不为所动。无论是在忙乱的备战之中,还是在挚友间那种无所顾忌、推心置腹的通信里,尤利安的宗教热忱都显得一以贯之,始终炽烈。如今他已发动了一场事关重大而又艰难的战争;他忧心于战事的结局,便愈发留意观察、逐一记录种种最细微的征兆——按占卜之术的规矩,正是从这些征兆中可以窥知未来。32 他曾致利巴尼乌斯一封文辞优雅的书信,33 向他通报自己进军至希拉波利斯的经过;信中既见其才思之敏捷流畅,也见其对这位安条克辩士的一片深挚情谊。
Hierapolis, 3311 situate almost on the banks of the Euphrates, 34 had been appointed for the general rendezvous of the Roman troops, who immediately passed the great river on a bridge of boats, which was previously constructed. 35 If the inclinations of Julian had been similar to those of his predecessor, he might have wasted the active and important season of the year in the circus of Samosata or in the churches of Edessa. But as the warlike emperor, instead of Constantius, had chosen Alexander for his model, he advanced without delay to Carrhæ, 36 a very ancient city of Mesopotamia, at the distance of fourscore miles from Hierapolis. The temple of the Moon attracted the devotion of Julian; but the halt of a few days was principally employed in completing the immense preparations of the Persian war. The secret of the expedition had hitherto remained in his own breast; but as Carrhæ is the point of separation of the two great roads, he could no longer conceal whether it was his design to attack the dominions of Sapor on the side of the Tigris, or on that of the Euphrates. The emperor detached an army of thirty thousand men, under the command of his kinsman Procopius, and of Sebastian, who had been duke of Egypt. They were ordered to direct their march towards Nisibis, and to secure the frontier from the desultory incursions of the enemy, before they attempted the passage of the Tigris. Their subsequent operations were left to the discretion of the generals; but Julian expected, that after wasting with fire and sword the fertile districts of Media and Adiabene, they might arrive under the walls of Ctesiphon at the same time that he himself, advancing with equal steps along the banks of the Euphrates, should besiege the capital of the Persian monarchy. The success of this well-concerted plan depended, in a great measure, on the powerful and ready assistance of the king of Armenia, who, without exposing the safety of his own dominions, might detach an army of four thousand horse, and twenty thousand foot, to the assistance of the Romans. 37 But the feeble Arsaces Tiranus, 38 king of Armenia, had degenerated still more shamefully than his father Chosroes, from the manly virtues of the great Tiridates; and as the pusillanimous monarch was averse to any enterprise of danger and glory, he could disguise his timid indolence by the more decent excuses of religion and gratitude. He expressed a pious attachment to the memory of Constantius, from whose hands he had received in marriage Olympias, the daughter of the præfect Ablavius; and the alliance of a female, who had been educated as the destined wife of the emperor Constans, exalted the dignity of a Barbarian king. 39 Tiranus professed the Christian religion; he reigned over a nation of Christians; and he was restrained, by every principle of conscience and interest, from contributing to the victory, which would consummate the ruin of the church. The alienated mind of Tiranus was exasperated by the indiscretion of Julian, who treated the king of Armenia as his slave, and as the enemy of the gods. The haughty and threatening style of the Imperial mandates 40 awakened the secret indignation of a prince, who, in the humiliating state of dependence, was still conscious of his royal descent from the Arsacides, the lords of the East, and the rivals of the Roman power. 4011
希拉波利斯 3311 几乎就坐落在幼发拉底河畔,34 早已被指定为罗马各路军队的总集结地。大军抵达后随即渡过这条大河,走的是一座预先架好的浮桥。35 倘若尤利安的性情与其前任相仿,他大可把这一年最宜行动、最为紧要的时节,虚掷在萨莫萨塔的赛车场或埃德萨的教堂里。然而这位尚武的皇帝所效法的榜样不是君士坦提乌斯,而是亚历山大,因此他毫不迟延,直趋卡莱 36——那是美索不达米亚一座极其古老的城市,距希拉波利斯八十英里。城中的月神庙引得尤利安前往顶礼膜拜;但他在此逗留数日,主要还是为了将对波斯之战那浩繁无比的准备一一办妥。此次远征的机密,此前一直深藏于他一人胸中;然而卡莱正是两条大道的分岔口,他究竟意在从底格里斯河一侧、还是从幼发拉底河一侧进攻沙普尔的疆土,至此再也无从隐瞒。皇帝分出三万人马,交由他的亲族普罗柯比与曾任埃及督军的塞巴斯蒂安统领。他们奉命向尼西比斯进发,先行确保边境不受敌军零星侵扰,然后再设法渡过底格里斯河。此后的行动则任由两位将领相机行事;不过尤利安的盘算是:他们以兵火蹂躏米底与阿迪亚贝内的富庶地区之后,恰好能兵临泰西封城下,而与此同时,他自己沿幼发拉底河齐头并进,也正好可以围攻波斯王国的都城。这一周密筹划能否奏功,泰半要仰仗亚美尼亚国王及时而有力的援助——此人无需危及本国的安全,便能抽调四千骑兵、两万步兵前来助罗马人一臂之力。37 然而亚美尼亚国王、软弱的阿尔撒息·提拉努斯,38 早已背离了伟大的提里达特斯那些堂堂男子的德行,其堕落之可耻,比他父亲库思老犹有过之。这位怯懦的君主对任何有危险、有荣耀的事业都避之唯恐不及,却又能拿宗教与感恩这类冠冕堂皇的借口,掩饰自己胆小怕事、苟且偷安的本性。他声称对故主君士坦提乌斯常怀虔敬的追念——正是君士坦提乌斯把长官阿布拉维乌斯之女奥林匹娅斯许配给了他;而这位女子原是按皇帝君士坦斯未来妻室的身份抚养长大的,能与她联姻,无疑抬高了一位蛮族国王的身价。39 提拉努斯本人信奉基督教,治下也尽是基督徒;无论从良心还是利害的角度权衡,他都不能出力去成全这样一场胜利——那场胜利一旦到手,便会彻底断送教会的命脉。尤利安言行失检,把这位亚美尼亚国王当作他自己的奴仆、当作诸神的敌人来对待,愈发激怒了本已离心的提拉努斯。那些帝国敕令措辞傲慢、口气威吓,40 唤起了这位君王心底暗藏的愤懑:他虽身处仰人鼻息、备受屈辱的附庸地位,却始终念念不忘自己乃阿尔撒息王朝的王裔——那是称雄东方、足以与罗马国势分庭抗礼的一族。4011
The military dispositions of Julian were skilfully contrived to deceive the spies and to divert the attention of Sapor. The legions appeared to direct their march towards Nisibis and the Tigris. On a sudden they wheeled to the right; traversed the level and naked plain of Carrhæ; and reached, on the third day, the banks of the Euphrates, where the strong town of Nicephorium, or Callinicum, had been founded by the Macedonian kings. From thence the emperor pursued his march, above ninety miles, along the winding stream of the Euphrates, till, at length, about one month after his departure from Antioch, he discovered the towers of Circesium, 4012 the extreme limit of the Roman dominions. The army of Julian, the most numerous that any of the Cæsars had ever led against Persia, consisted of sixty-five thousand effective and well-disciplined soldiers. The veteran bands of cavalry and infantry, of Romans and Barbarians, had been selected from the different provinces; and a just preëminence of loyalty and valor was claimed by the hardy Gauls, who guarded the throne and person of their beloved prince. A formidable body of Scythian auxiliaries had been transported from another climate, and almost from another world, to invade a distant country, of whose name and situation they were ignorant. The love of rapine and war allured to the Imperial standard several tribes of Saracens, or roving Arabs, whose service Julian had commanded, while he sternly refused the payment of the accustomed subsidies. The broad channel of the Euphrates 41 was crowded by a fleet of eleven hundred ships, destined to attend the motions, and to satisfy the wants, of the Roman army. The military strength of the fleet was composed of fifty armed galleys; and these were accompanied by an equal number of flat-bottomed boats, which might occasionally be connected into the form of temporary bridges. The rest of the ships, partly constructed of timber, and partly covered with raw hides, were laden with an almost inexhaustible supply of arms and engines, of utensils and provisions. The vigilant humanity of Julian had embarked a very large magazine of vinegar and biscuit for the use of the soldiers, but he prohibited the indulgence of wine; and rigorously stopped a long string of superfluous camels that attempted to follow the rear of the army. The River Chaboras falls into the Euphrates at Circesium; 42 and as soon as the trumpet gave the signal of march, the Romans passed the little stream which separated two mighty and hostile empires. The custom of ancient discipline required a military oration; and Julian embraced every opportunity of displaying his eloquence. He animated the impatient and attentive legions by the example of the inflexible courage and glorious triumphs of their ancestors. He excited their resentment by a lively picture of the insolence of the Persians; and he exhorted them to imitate his firm resolution, either to extirpate that perfidious nation, or to devote his life in the cause of the republic. The eloquence of Julian was enforced by a donative of one hundred and thirty pieces of silver to every soldier; and the bridge of the Chaboras was instantly cut away, to convince the troops that they must place their hopes of safety in the success of their arms. Yet the prudence of the emperor induced him to secure a remote frontier, perpetually exposed to the inroads of the hostile Arabs. A detachment of four thousand men was left at Circesium, which completed, to the number of ten thousand, the regular garrison of that important fortress. 43
尤利安巧妙地布置军事行动,意在蒙蔽敌方细作,转移沙普尔的注意力。各军团起初摆出向尼西比斯与底格里斯河进军的架势,忽然又向右急转,穿过卡莱一带平坦荒秃的平原,第三日抵达幼发拉底河畔——马其顿诸王曾在那里建起坚固的城镇尼刻弗里乌姆(又名卡利尼库姆)。皇帝由此沿幼发拉底河蜿蜒的水道行进九十余英里,终于在离开安条克约一个月后,望见了基尔克西乌姆的塔楼 4012——那是罗马疆域的最远边界。尤利安麾下这支军队,是历代恺撒进击波斯所率的最庞大的一支,共有六万五千名训练有素、堪当实战的士卒。这些骑兵与步兵的老练队伍,兼有罗马人与蛮族,是从各行省精选而来;而论忠诚与勇武,最当之无愧、首屈一指的,是那些坚忍强悍的高卢人——他们衷心爱戴自己的君王,护卫着他的御座与安危。还有一支强悍的斯基泰辅军,远从另一种气候、几乎是从另一个世界调来,去攻打一个他们连名字与方位都茫然不知的遥远国度。对劫掠与战争的嗜好,也把好几个萨拉森部落——即游荡的阿拉伯人——引到了帝国的旌旗之下;尤利安一面征调他们效力,一面却断然拒付惯常的例银。幼发拉底河宽阔的河道 41 上,密密麻麻挤满了一支一千一百艘船只的舰队,专为策应罗马军队的调动、补给其所需而来。舰队的战斗主力是五十艘武装桨帆战船,另有同样数目的平底船随行,必要时可连接起来,搭成临时的浮桥。其余船只有的以木料建造,有的蒙以生兽皮,满载着几乎取之不竭的兵器、器械、用具与粮秣。尤利安既体恤士卒,又警觉周到,为供给士兵而装载了大批醋与干饼,却严禁纵饮美酒;对一长列企图尾随大军的多余骆驼,他也一概铁面拦下。哈布尔河在基尔克西乌姆注入幼发拉底河;42 号角一发出进军的信号,罗马人便渡过了这条分隔两大敌国的小河。古时的军纪惯例要求出征前须有一番训话,而尤利安向来不放过任何一展辩才的机会。他以先辈那种坚毅不屈的勇气与辉煌的凯旋为例,激励着摩拳擦掌、凝神谛听的军团;又把波斯人的骄横无礼绘声绘色地描摹一番,激起将士的义愤;并勉励他们仿效自己那坚定不移的决心:不是将那背信弃义的民族斩草除根,便是为共和国的大业捐躯。尤利安的雄辩之外,还辅以实惠:每名士兵获赏银币一百三十枚。随即又拆断了哈布尔河上的桥梁,好让全军明白:他们要想保全性命,唯有寄望于武力的胜利。不过,皇帝出于审慎,仍决意巩固这一处偏远的边陲——此地长年饱受敌对阿拉伯人侵扰。他在基尔克西乌姆留下一支四千人的分队,使这座要塞的常备守军增至一万之数。43
The Persian expedition as planned: Antioch to Circesium, and the two roads to Ctesiphon 波斯远征的全盘筹划:自安条克至基尔克西乌姆,及通往泰西封的两条大道 THE PERSIAN EXPEDITION AS PLANNED 波斯远征的全盘筹划 the feint 佯作北进 ANTIOCH 安条克 BERÆA · ALEPPO 贝罗埃亚(阿勒颇) HIERAPOLIS 希拉波利斯 CARRHÆ 卡莱 NISIBIS 尼西比斯 CALLINICUM 卡利尼库姆 CIRCESIUM 基尔克西乌姆 CTESIPHON 泰西封 fourscore miles 八十英里 above ninety miles along the winding Euphrates 沿幼发拉底河蜿蜒的水道行进九十余英里 “the extreme limit of the Roman dominions” 「罗马疆域的最远边界」 the bridge of the Chaboras was instantly cut away 哈布尔河上的桥梁随即被拆断 EUPHRATES 幼发拉底河 TIGRIS 底格里斯河 CHABORAS 哈布尔河 THE SECOND ROAD 另一条大道 30,000 detached under Procopius and Sebastian: to Nisibis; then to waste Media and Adiabene, and to arrive under the walls of Ctesiphon 分出三万人马,交普罗柯比与塞巴斯蒂安统领:先向尼西比斯, 再以兵火蹂躏米底与阿迪亚贝内,恰好兵临泰西封城下 ARMENIA 亚美尼亚 the plan depended on the king of Armenia, who might detach 4,000 horse and 20,000 foot — Julian’s reckoning 这一筹划泰半要仰仗亚美尼亚国王:他能抽调四千骑兵、 两万步兵前来相助——那是尤利安的盘算 MEDIA · ADIABENE 米底、阿迪亚贝内 CARRHÆ is the point of separation of the two great roads. The legions appeared to march towards Nisibis and the Tigris; on a sudden they wheeled to the right. 卡莱正是两条大道的分岔口。各军团起初摆出向尼西比斯与底格里 斯河进军的架势,忽然又向右急转。 At HIERAPOLIS the Euphrates was passed on a bridge of boats previously constructed. CALLINICUM is the strong town of Nicephorium, founded by the Macedonian kings. 在希拉波利斯,大军走一座预先架好的浮桥渡过幼发拉底河。卡利 尼库姆即马其顿诸王所建的坚固城镇尼刻弗里乌姆。 the army’s march, as executed 大军实际行进的路线 the intended advance on Ctesiphon 预定向泰西封推进的路线 the detached column, and its orders 分遣纵队及其奉命的行动 (coastline and river courses stylized) (海岸线与河道为示意画法) AT CIRCESIUM, ABOUT ONE MONTH AFTER HIS DEPARTURE FROM ANTIOCH 在基尔克西乌姆——离开安条克约一个月之后 65,000 effective and well-disciplined soldiers — the most numerous that any Cæsar had led against Persia 训练有素、堪当实战的士卒——历代恺撒进击 波斯所率最庞大的一支 130 pieces of silver, a donative to every soldier 每名士兵获赏银币之数 1,100 ships 艘船只 the rest — arms, engines, utensils, provisions 其余满载兵器、器械、用具与粮秣 50 armed galleys · 50 flat-bottomed boats, joined into occasional bridges 五十艘武装桨帆战船·五十艘平底船,必要时可连成浮桥 A detachment of 4,000 was left at Circesium, completing to 10,000 the regular garrison of that important fortress. 他在基尔克西乌姆留下一支四千人的分队,使这座要塞的常备守军增至一万之数。 The vigilant humanity of Julian had embarked a very large magazine of vinegar and biscuit for the use of the soldiers; but he prohibited the indulgence of wine, and rigorously stopped a long string of superfluous camels that attempted to follow the rear of the army. 尤利安既体恤士卒,又警觉周到,为供给士兵而装载了大批醋与干饼,却严禁纵饮美酒;对一长列企图尾随大军的多余骆驼,他也一概铁面拦下。 Sapor condescended to make some artful, or perhaps sincere, overtures towards a negotiation of peace; but his pride was astonished by the firmness of Julian, who sternly declared that he would never consent to hold a peaceful conference among the flames and ruins of the cities of Mesopotamia; and who added, with a smile of contempt, that it was needless to treat by ambassadors, as he himself had determined to visit speedily the court of Persia. 沙普尔屈尊做出若干和谈的表示——或出于机巧算计,或也未必不是出自真心;但尤利安的坚定,让这位高傲的君王大为错愕。尤利安厉声 宣告:他绝不肯在美索不达米亚各城的火光与废墟之间坐下来议和;又带着一丝轻蔑的微笑补充说:根本无须遣使议约,因为他本人已 打定主意,不日便要亲自登门造访波斯的宫廷。
Fig. 24.3 — The Persian expedition as planned: a feint toward the Tigris, a sudden wheel to the Euphrates, and two armies to meet under the walls of Ctesiphon. At Circesium Julian mustered sixty-five thousand soldiers and eleven hundred ships — and cut the bridge of the Chaboras behind them. (Coastlines stylized.) 图24.3——波斯远征的全盘筹划:先佯攻底格里斯河一路,忽而折向幼发拉底河,两路大军约期会师泰西封城下。在基尔克西乌姆,尤利安集结了六万五千将士与一千一百艘船只——随后便拆断了身后哈布尔河上的桥梁。(海岸线为示意画法。)
From the moment that the Romans entered the enemy’s country, 44 the country of an active and artful enemy, the order of march was disposed in three columns. 45 The strength of the infantry, and consequently of the whole army was placed in the centre, under the peculiar command of their master-general Victor. On the right, the brave Nevitta led a column of several legions along the banks of the Euphrates, and almost always in sight of the fleet. The left flank of the army was protected by the column of cavalry. Hormisdas and Arinthæus were appointed generals of the horse; and the singular adventures of Hormisdas 46 are not undeserving of our notice. He was a Persian prince, of the royal race of the Sassanides, who, in the troubles of the minority of Sapor, had escaped from prison to the hospitable court of the great Constantine. Hormisdas at first excited the compassion, and at length acquired the esteem, of his new masters; his valor and fidelity raised him to the military honors of the Roman service; and though a Christian, he might indulge the secret satisfaction of convincing his ungrateful country, that an oppressed subject may prove the most dangerous enemy. Such was the disposition of the three principal columns. The front and flanks of the army were covered by Lucilianus with a flying detachment of fifteen hundred light-armed soldiers, whose active vigilance observed the most distant signs, and conveyed the earliest notice, of any hostile approach. Dagalaiphus, and Secundinus duke of Osrhoene, conducted the troops of the rear-guard; the baggage securely proceeded in the intervals of the columns; and the ranks, from a motive either of use or ostentation, were formed in such open order, that the whole line of march extended almost ten miles. The ordinary post of Julian was at the head of the centre column; but as he preferred the duties of a general to the state of a monarch, he rapidly moved, with a small escort of light cavalry, to the front, the rear, the flanks, wherever his presence could animate or protect the march of the Roman army. The country which they traversed from the Chaboras, to the cultivated lands of Assyria, may be considered as a part of the desert of Arabia, a dry and barren waste, which could never be improved by the most powerful arts of human industry. Julian marched over the same ground which had been trod above seven hundred years before by the footsteps of the younger Cyrus, and which is described by one of the companions of his expedition, the sage and heroic Xenophon. 47 “The country was a plain throughout, as even as the sea, and full of wormwood; and if any other kind of shrubs or reeds grew there, they had all an aromatic smell, but no trees could be seen. Bustards and ostriches, antelopes and wild asses, 48 appeared to be the only inhabitants of the desert; and the fatigues of the march were alleviated by the amusements of the chase.” The loose sand of the desert was frequently raised by the wind into clouds of dust; and a great number of the soldiers of Julian, with their tents, were suddenly thrown to the ground by the violence of an unexpected hurricane.
自罗马人踏入敌境的那一刻起——那是一个活跃而狡黠的敌人的疆土 44——大军便分作三路纵队行进。45 步兵的主力,也即全军的主力,居于中路,由其统帅维克托专责统领。右路由骁勇的涅维塔率领数个军团,沿幼发拉底河岸推进,几乎始终与舰队遥相呼应、彼此在望。军队的左翼则由骑兵纵队护卫。霍尔米兹德与阿林塞乌斯受命统率骑兵;霍尔米兹德那段离奇的身世 46 颇值得我们一提。他本是波斯王子,出自萨珊王室,当年沙普尔年幼、国中动荡之际,他从狱中逃脱,投奔到伟大的君士坦丁那殷勤好客的宫廷。霍尔米兹德起初引起新主人的怜悯,终而赢得他们的敬重;凭着勇武与忠诚,他在罗马军中步步高升,获得军职荣衔。他虽是基督徒,却或许能暗自快慰地向那忘恩负义的祖国证明一件事:一个受压迫的臣民,往往会成为最危险的敌人。三路主纵队的部署大致如此。军队的前锋与两翼,则由卢基利阿努斯率一支一千五百人的轻装游动分队负责掩护;他们机警活跃,敌军一有动向,纵在极远处也能察觉,随即传回最早的警讯。达加莱弗斯与奥斯罗埃尼督军塞孔迪努斯统领后卫部队;辎重则安然行进于各纵队之间的间隙中;队列或出于实用、或出于炫耀,排得十分疏阔,以致整个行军的队伍绵延将近十英里。尤利安通常位于中路纵队的最前列;但他宁愿尽将领之职,而不图君主之尊,故常只带一小队轻骑作护卫,飞驰于前锋、后卫、两翼之间——凡是他亲临便能鼓舞士气、护佑行军之处,他都要赶去。他们从哈布尔河一直走到亚述的垦殖地带,途中所经的这片地方,可算作阿拉伯沙漠的一部分——那是一片干旱贫瘠的荒野,纵使人力巧夺天工,也永远无法使之改观。尤利安所踏过的这片土地,七百多年前也曾留下小居鲁士的足迹;随他远征的一位同伴——睿智而英勇的色诺芬——曾对此地有过一番描述。47 “此地一望皆平原,平坦如海面,遍地长着苦艾;纵有别样的灌木或芦苇,也一律带着芬芳的气味,却见不到一棵树木。鸨与鸵鸟、羚羊与野驴,48 仿佛是这片荒漠仅有的住客;而狩猎之乐,多少减轻了行军的劳顿。” 狂风常把沙漠中的浮沙卷成漫天尘云;一场突如其来的飓风来势凶猛,竟把尤利安军中许多士兵连同营帐一齐掀翻在地。
The sandy plains of Mesopotamia were abandoned to the antelopes and wild asses of the desert; but a variety of populous towns and villages were pleasantly situated on the banks of the Euphrates, and in the islands which are occasionally formed by that river. The city of Annah, or Anatho, 49 the actual residence of an Arabian emir, is composed of two long streets, which enclose, within a natural fortification, a small island in the midst, and two fruitful spots on either side, of the Euphrates. The warlike inhabitants of Anatho showed a disposition to stop the march of a Roman emperor; till they were diverted from such fatal presumption by the mild exhortations of Prince Hormisdas, and the approaching terrors of the fleet and army. They implored, and experienced, the clemency of Julian, who transplanted the people to an advantageous settlement, near Chalcis in Syria, and admitted Pusæus, the governor, to an honorable rank in his service and friendship. But the impregnable fortress of Thilutha could scorn the menace of a siege; and the emperor was obliged to content himself with an insulting promise, that, when he had subdued the interior provinces of Persia, Thilutha would no longer refuse to grace the triumph of the emperor. The inhabitants of the open towns, unable to resist, and unwilling to yield, fled with precipitation; and their houses, filled with spoil and provisions, were occupied by the soldiers of Julian, who massacred, without remorse and without punishment, some defenceless women. During the march, the Surenas, 4911 or Persian general, and Malek Rodosaces, the renowned emir of the tribe of Gassan, 50 incessantly hovered round the army; every straggler was intercepted; every detachment was attacked; and the valiant Hormisdas escaped with some difficulty from their hands. But the Barbarians were finally repulsed; the country became every day less favorable to the operations of cavalry; and when the Romans arrived at Macepracta, they perceived the ruins of the wall, which had been constructed by the ancient kings of Assyria, to secure their dominions from the incursions of the Medes. These preliminaries of the expedition of Julian appear to have employed about fifteen days; and we may compute near three hundred miles from the fortress of Circesium to the wall of Macepracta. 51
美索不达米亚的沙原任由荒漠中的羚羊与野驴出没;然而幼发拉底河两岸,以及河中偶尔形成的沙洲之上,却错落分布着形形色色人烟稠密的城镇村落,景致宜人。安纳(又作阿纳托)城 49 眼下是一位阿拉伯埃米尔的驻地,全城由两条长街构成,凭借天然的屏障,把中央一座小岛以及幼发拉底河两侧的两片沃土一并环抱其中。阿纳托尚武的居民本想阻挡一位罗马皇帝的进军,多亏霍尔米兹德王子温言相劝,加之舰队与大军步步逼近、声威赫赫,才使他们打消了这一自取灭亡的狂妄念头。他们恳求尤利安开恩,也果然领受了他的宽仁:尤利安将这些居民迁往叙利亚卡尔基斯附近一处优渥的居留地安置,又擢升该城总督普赛乌斯,予以荣衔,纳为麾下亲信。但提卢塔要塞固若金汤,根本不把围攻的威胁放在眼里;皇帝无可奈何,只得满足于对方一句带着讥讽的许诺:待他征服了波斯的腹地各省,提卢塔届时自不会再拒绝为皇帝的凯旋添彩。那些不设防城镇的居民,既无力抵抗,又不甘归降,便仓皇逃散;他们的房屋里堆满财物与粮食,落入尤利安士兵之手。士兵们还屠杀了一些手无寸铁的妇女,既不觉良心不安,也无人加以惩处。行军途中,那位苏列纳斯 4911(即波斯主将),连同加桑部落声名远扬的埃米尔马利克·罗多萨凯斯,50 不断在罗马军队四周游弋窥伺:凡掉队者必遭拦截,凡分队出动必遭袭击,就连骁勇的霍尔米兹德,也险些落入他们手中,好不容易才脱身。但蛮族终究被击退了;这一带地形也一天比一天不利于骑兵驰骋。罗马人抵达马凯普拉克塔时,望见了一道残破的城墙——那是亚述古代诸王当年所筑,为的是保卫疆土、抵御米底人的入侵。尤利安这场远征的前期行程,似乎费去了约莫十五天;从基尔克西乌姆要塞到马凯普拉克塔的城墙,我们可估算出将近三百英里的路程。51
The fertile province of Assyria, 52 which stretched beyond the Tigris, as far as the mountains of Media, 53 extended about four hundred miles from the ancient wall of Macepracta, to the territory of Basra, where the united streams of the Euphrates and Tigris discharge themselves into the Persian Gulf. 54 The whole country might have claimed the peculiar name of Mesopotamia; as the two rivers, which are never more distant than fifty, approach, between Bagdad and Babylon, within twenty-five miles, of each other. A multitude of artificial canals, dug without much labor in a soft and yielding soil connected the rivers, and intersected the plain of Assyria. The uses of these artificial canals were various and important. They served to discharge the superfluous waters from one river into the other, at the season of their respective inundations. Subdividing themselves into smaller and smaller branches, they refreshed the dry lands, and supplied the deficiency of rain. They facilitated the intercourse of peace and commerce; and, as the dams could be speedily broke down, they armed the despair of the Assyrians with the means of opposing a sudden deluge to the progress of an invading army. To the soil and climate of Assyria, nature had denied some of her choicest gifts, the vine, the olive, and the fig-tree; 5411 but the food which supports the life of man, and particularly wheat and barley, were produced with inexhaustible fertility; and the husbandman, who committed his seed to the earth, was frequently rewarded with an increase of two, or even of three, hundred. The face of the country was interspersed with groves of innumerable palm-trees; 55 and the diligent natives celebrated, either in verse or prose, the three hundred and sixty uses to which the trunk, the branches, the leaves, the juice, and the fruit, were skilfully applied. Several manufactures, especially those of leather and linen, employed the industry of a numerous people, and afforded valuable materials for foreign trade; which appears, however, to have been conducted by the hands of strangers. Babylon had been converted into a royal park; but near the ruins of the ancient capital, new cities had successively arisen, and the populousness of the country was displayed in the multitude of towns and villages, which were built of bricks dried in the sun, and strongly cemented with bitumen; the natural and peculiar production of the Babylonian soil. While the successors of Cyrus reigned over Asia, the province of Syria alone maintained, during a third part of the year, the luxurious plenty of the table and household of the Great King. Four considerable villages were assigned for the subsistence of his Indian dogs; eight hundred stallions, and sixteen thousand mares, were constantly kept, at the expense of the country, for the royal stables; and as the daily tribute, which was paid to the satrap, amounted to one English bushe of silver, we may compute the annual revenue of Assyria at more than twelve hundred thousand pounds sterling. 56
亚述这片富饶的行省,52 越过底格里斯河,一直延伸到米底的群山之下,53 从马凯普拉克塔的古墙起,绵亘约四百英里,直抵巴士拉一带——幼发拉底河与底格里斯河在那里合流,一并注入波斯湾。54 整片地方原本大可专称为“美索不达米亚”(意即“两河之间”);因为这两条河彼此相距从不超过五十英里,而在巴格达与巴比伦之间,更是逼近到相隔仅二十五英里。无数人工开凿的运河,在松软易掘的土壤中不费多少气力便挖成,将两河彼此连通,纵横交错地贯穿亚述平原。这些人工运河用途多样,且都举足轻重。每逢两河各自泛滥的时节,运河可把一条河多余的水泄入另一条河;它们又不断分出越来越细的支渠,滋润干涸的土地,弥补雨水的不足;还便利了太平时节的往来与商贸。而由于堤坝可以迅速掘开,一旦亚述人陷于绝境,也就有了办法:放出滔天洪水,阻挡入侵军队的推进。论亚述的土壤与气候,造化不曾赐予它某些最珍贵的物产——葡萄、橄榄与无花果;5411 然而维系人类生命的粮食,尤其是小麦与大麦,却出产得极其丰饶,取之不尽。农夫把种子播入田中,往往能收获二百倍、甚至三百倍的回报。举目望去,境内处处点缀着数不清的棕榈林;55 勤劳的当地人还以诗文传颂棕榈的三百六十种用途——树干、枝条、叶片、汁液与果实,他们无不巧加利用。好几种手工业,尤其是皮革与亚麻织造,供养了众多百姓的生计,也为对外贸易提供了值钱的货源;不过这贸易似乎向来操于外邦人之手。巴比伦早已被辟为王家苑囿;但在这座古都的废墟近旁,一座座新城相继崛起,境内人烟之盛,尽显于星罗棋布的城镇村落之中——这些屋舍皆以日晒的砖坯砌成,又用沥青牢牢粘合,而沥青正是巴比伦土壤特有的天然出产。当居鲁士的后裔统治亚洲之时,单单亚述一省,便供养着大王一年当中三分之一时间里穷奢极侈的御膳与宫廷用度。有四座颇具规模的村庄,专门划出来供养大王的印度猎犬;八百匹种马与一万六千匹母马,也长年由这片地方出资,饲养于王家马厩之中。每日缴纳给总督的贡赋,折合白银达一英斗之多,据此我们可以估算,亚述一年的岁入在一百二十余万英镑之上。56

Notes 注释

29
From Antioch to Litarbe, on the territory of Chalcis, the road, over hills and through morasses, was extremely bad; and the loose stones were cemented only with sand, (Julian. epist. xxvii.) It is singular enough that the Romans should have neglected the great communication between Antioch and the Euphrates. See Wesseling Itinerar. p. 190 Bergier, Hist des Grands Chemins, tom. ii. p. 100
从安条克到卡尔基斯辖境内的利塔尔贝,一路翻山越岭、穿沼过泽,道路极为难行;铺路的碎石也仅以沙土黏合。(Julian. epist. xxvii.)罗马人竟然疏忽了安条克与幼发拉底河之间这条大动脉,实在令人费解。参见 Wesseling, Itinerar. p. 190;Bergier, Hist. des Grands Chemins, tom. ii. p. 100。
30
Julian alludes to this incident, (epist. xxvii.,) which is more distinctly related by Theodoret, (l. iii. c. 22.) The intolerant spirit of the father is applauded by Tillemont, (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 534.) and even by La Bleterie, (Vie de Julien, p. 413.)
尤利安曾提及此事,(epist. xxvii.)狄奥多勒的记载则更为明晰。(l. iii. c. 22.)那位父亲不容异己的精神,竟博得蒂耶蒙(Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 534.)乃至拉布莱特里(Vie de Julien, p. 413.)的赞许。
3011
This name, of Syriac origin, is found in the Arabic, and means a place in a valley where waters meet. Julian says, the name of the city is Barbaric, the situation Greek. The geographer Abulfeda (tab. Syriac. p. 129, edit. Koehler) speaks of it in a manner to justify the praises of Julian.—St. Martin. Notes to Le Beau, iii. 56.—M.
这个名字源出叙利亚语,也见于阿拉伯语,意为“谷中众水相汇之地”。尤利安说,此城之名属于蛮族,其地势却属于希腊。地理学家阿布尔费达(tab. Syriac. p. 129, edit. Koehler)对该城的描述,恰可印证尤利安的赞美。——圣马丁《勒博史注》,iii. 56。—M
31
See the curious treatise de Deâ Syriâ, inserted among the works of Lucian, (tom. iii. p. 451-490, edit. Reitz.) The singular appellation of Ninus vetus (Ammian. xiv. 8) might induce a suspicion, that Heirapolis had been the royal seat of the Assyrians.
参见那篇奇特的论著 de Deâ Syriâ(《论叙利亚女神》),它收录于琉善的著作集中。(tom. iii. p. 451-490, edit. Reitz.)Ninus vetus(“古尼努斯”)这一别称(Ammian. xiv. 8),或许会让人猜想希拉波利斯曾是亚述人的王都。
32
Julian (epist. xxviii.) kept a regular account of all the fortunate omens; but he suppresses the inauspicious signs, which Ammianus (xxiii. 2) has carefully recorded.
尤利安(epist. xxviii.)把一切吉兆都一一记录在案,却隐去了那些不祥的征象——而这些征象阿米阿努斯(xxiii. 2)倒是仔细地记了下来。
33
Julian. epist. xxvii. p. 399-402.
Julian. epist. xxvii. p. 399-402.
3311
Or Bambyce, now Bambouch; Manbedj Arab., or Maboug, Syr. It was twenty-four Roman miles from the Euphrates.—M.
又名班比刻,今称班布赫;阿拉伯语作曼比季,叙利亚语作马布格。此地距幼发拉底河二十四罗马里。—M
34
I take the earliest opportunity of acknowledging my obligations to M. d’Anville, for his recent geography of the Euphrates and Tigris, (Paris, 1780, in 4to.,) which particularly illustrates the expedition of Julian.
我谨趁此机会,向当维尔先生表示谢忱:他新近所著幼发拉底河与底格里斯河的地理专著(Paris, 1780, in 4to.),对尤利安此次远征尤有阐发之功。
35
There are three passages within a few miles of each other; 1. Zeugma, celebrated by the ancients; 2. Bir, frequented by the moderns; and, 3. The bridge of Menbigz, or Hierapolis, at the distance of four parasangs from the city. —— Djisr Manbedj is the same with the ancient Zeugma. St. Martin, iii. 58—M.
彼此相距不过数英里之内,共有三处渡口:一为泽乌格马,古人称道;二为比尔,今人常经;三为门比杰(即希拉波利斯)之桥,距城四帕拉桑。——吉斯尔·曼比季即古时的泽乌格马。圣马丁,iii. 58。—M
36
Haran, or Carrhæ, was the ancient residence of the Sabæans, and of Abraham. See the Index Geographicus of Schultens, (ad calcem Vit. Saladin.,) a work from which I have obtained much Oriental knowledge concerning the ancient and modern geography of Syria and the adjacent countries. ——On an inedited medal in the collection of the late M. Tochon. of the Academy of Inscriptions, it is read Xappan. St. Martin. iii 60—M.
哈兰(即卡莱)是萨巴人与亚伯拉罕古时的居处。参见舒尔滕斯的《地理索引》(ad calcem Vit. Saladin.)——我关于叙利亚及邻近诸国古今地理的诸多东方学识,皆得自此书。——已故铭文学院院士托雄先生所藏的一枚未刊行钱币上,此名读作 Xappan。圣马丁,iii. 60。—M
37
See Xenophon. Cyropæd. l. iii. p. 189, edit. Hutchinson. Artavasdes might have supplied Marc Antony with 16,000 horse, armed and disciplined after the Parthian manner, (Plutarch, in M. Antonio. tom. v. p. 117.)
参见色诺芬《居鲁士的教育》,l. iii. p. 189, edit. Hutchinson。阿尔塔瓦斯德斯本可为马克·安东尼提供一万六千骑兵,其武装与训练一如帕提亚人的样式。(Plutarch, in M. Antonio. tom. v. p. 117.)
38
Moses of Chorene (Hist. Armeniac. l. iii. c. 11, p. 242) fixes his accession (A. D. 354) to the 17th year of Constantius. ——Arsaces Tiranus, or Diran, had ceased to reign twenty-five years before, in 337. The intermediate changes in Armenia, and the character of this Arsaces, the son of Diran, are traced by M. St. Martin, at considerable length, in his supplement to Le Beau, ii. 208-242. As long as his Grecian queen Olympias maintained her influence, Arsaces was faithful to the Roman and Christian alliance. On the accession of Julian, the same influence made his fidelity to waver; but Olympias having been poisoned in the sacramental bread by the agency of Pharandcem, the former wife of Arsaces, another change took place in Armenian politics unfavorable to the Christian interest. The patriarch Narses retired from the impious court to a safe seclusion. Yet Pharandsem was equally hostile to the Persian influence, and Arsaces began to support with vigor the cause of Julian. He made an inroad into the Persian dominions with a body of Rans and Alans as auxiliaries; wasted Aderbidgan and Sapor, who had been defeated near Tauriz, was engaged in making head against his troops in Persarmenia, at the time of the death of Julian. Such is M. St. Martin’s view, (ii. 276, et sqq.,) which rests on the Armenian historians, Faustos of Byzantium, and Mezrob the biographer of the Partriarch Narses. In the history of Armenia by Father Chamitch, and translated by Avdall, Tiran is still king of Armenia, at the time of Julian’s death. F. Chamitch follows Moses of Chorene, The authority of Gibbon.—M.
科列纳齐的摩西(Hist. Armeniac. l. iii. c. 11, p. 242)将他的即位之年(公元 354 年)定在君士坦提乌斯在位的第十七年。——阿尔撒息·提拉努斯(又名迪兰)其实早在二十五年前的 337 年便已不再在位。这期间亚美尼亚的种种变故,以及这位迪兰之子阿尔撒息的为人,圣马丁先生在其《勒博史》补编中有相当详尽的考述(ii. 208-242)。只要他那位希腊人王后奥林匹娅斯还保有影响力,阿尔撒息便始终忠于罗马与基督教的同盟。尤利安即位之初,仍是这份影响力使他的忠诚动摇;然而奥林匹娅斯被阿尔撒息的前妻法兰泽姆借圣餐饼下毒害死之后,亚美尼亚的政局又生一变,转而不利于基督教势力。牧首纳尔塞斯遂避开这渎神的宫廷,退隐到安全之处。不过法兰泽姆对波斯的势力同样怀有敌意,阿尔撒息于是开始鼎力支持尤利安的事业。他率一支由兰人与阿兰人组成的辅军侵入波斯疆土,蹂躏了阿塞拜疆;而沙普尔曾在大不里士附近战败,尤利安去世之时,他正忙于在波斯亚美尼亚一带抵挡阿尔撒息的军队。以上便是圣马丁先生的见解(ii. 276 及以下诸页),其依据是亚美尼亚史家拜占庭的福斯托斯,以及牧首纳尔塞斯的传记作者梅斯罗布。而在沙米奇神父所著、阿夫达尔译成的《亚美尼亚史》中,尤利安去世之时提兰仍是亚美尼亚国王。沙米奇神父沿用的是科列纳齐的摩西之说——那正是吉本所依据的权威。—M
39
Ammian. xx. 11. Athanasius (tom. i. p. 856) says, in general terms, that Constantius gave to his brother’s widow, an expression more suitable to a Roman than a Christian.
Ammian. xx. 11。阿塔纳修斯(tom. i. p. 856)只笼统地说,君士坦提乌斯把他兄弟的遗孀赐了出去——这种说法用在罗马人身上比用在基督徒身上更为贴切。
40
Ammianus (xxiii. 2) uses a word much too soft for the occasion, monuerat. Muratori (Fabricius, Bibliothec. Græc. tom. vii. p. 86) has published an epistle from Julian to the satrap Arsaces; fierce, vulgar, and (though it might deceive Sozomen, l. vi. c. 5) most probably spurious. La Bleterie (Hist. de Jovien, tom. ii. p. 339) translates and rejects it. Note: St. Martin considers it genuine: the Armenian writers mention such a letter, iii. 37.—M.
阿米阿努斯(xxiii. 2)用了 monuerat(“曾告诫”)一词,对此情此景而言语气实在太过温和。穆拉托里(Fabricius, Bibliothec. Græc. tom. vii. p. 86)刊布了一封尤利安致总督阿尔撒息的书信;措辞凶悍粗鄙,且(尽管它或能蒙骗索佐门,l. vi. c. 5)极可能是伪作。拉布莱特里(Hist. de Jovien, tom. ii. p. 339)将其译出,却又斥为伪造。按:圣马丁认为此信确凿可信,亚美尼亚诸作家亦提及有这样一封信,iii. 37。—M
4011
Arsaces did not abandon the Roman alliance, but gave it only feeble support. St. Martin, iii. 41—M.
阿尔撒息并未背弃与罗马的同盟,只是支持得十分微弱而已。圣马丁,iii. 41。—M
4012
Kirkesia the Carchemish of the Scriptures.—M.
基尔克西亚即《圣经》中的迦基米施。—M
41
Latissimum flumen Euphraten artabat. Ammian. xxiii. 3 Somewhat higher, at the fords of Thapsacus, the river is four stadia or 800 yards, almost half an English mile, broad. (Xenophon, Anabasis, l. i. p. 41, edit. Hutchinson, with Foster’s Observations, p. 29, &c., in the 2d volume of Spelman’s translation.) If the breadth of the Euphrates at Bir and Zeugma is no more than 130 yards, (Voyages de Niebuhr, tom. ii. p. 335,) the enormous difference must chiefly arise from the depth of the channel.
Latissimum flumen Euphraten artabat(“它使极其宽阔的幼发拉底河变得狭窄”)。Ammian. xxiii. 3。再往上游,在塔普萨库斯的浅滩处,河面宽达四斯塔迪亚,即八百码,几近半英里。(Xenophon, Anabasis, l. i. p. 41, edit. Hutchinson,附福斯特《观察》,p. 29 等,见斯佩尔曼译本第二卷。)倘若幼发拉底河在比尔与泽乌格马两处的宽度不过一百三十码(Voyages de Niebuhr, tom. ii. p. 335),那么这悬殊的差异,多半是由河床的深浅不同所致。
42
Munimentum tutissimum et fabre politum, Abora (the Orientals aspirate Chaboras or Chabour) et Euphrates ambiunt flumina, velut spatium insulare fingentes. Ammian. xxiii. 5.
“Munimentum tutissimum et fabre politum, Abora (the Orientals aspirate Chaboras or Chabour) et Euphrates ambiunt flumina, velut spatium insulare fingentes.” Ammian. xxiii. 5.(大意:一座固若金汤、建造精巧的要塞,为阿博拉河[东方人送气读作 Chaboras 或 Chabour]与幼发拉底河所环抱,二水仿佛将其围成一座岛屿。)
43
The enterprise and armament of Julian are described by himself, (Epist. xxvii.,) Ammianus Marcellinus, (xxiii. 3, 4, 5,) Libanius, (Orat. Parent. c. 108, 109, p. 332, 333,) Zosimus, (l. iii. p. 160, 161, 162) Sozomen, (l. vi. c. l,) and John Malala, (tom. ii. p. 17.)
尤利安这番举事与军备,见于他本人的记述(Epist. xxvii.),以及阿米阿努斯·马尔切利努斯(xxiii. 3, 4, 5)、利巴尼乌斯(Orat. Parent. c. 108, 109, p. 332, 333)、佐西莫斯(l. iii. p. 160, 161, 162)、索佐门(l. vi. c. 1)与约翰·马拉拉斯(tom. ii. p. 17)诸家。
44
Before he enters Persia, Ammianus copiously describes (xxiii. p. 396-419, edit. Gronov. in 4to.) the eighteen great provinces, (as far as the Seric, or Chinese frontiers,) which were subject to the Sassanides.
在叙及尤利安进入波斯之前,阿米阿努斯不厌其详地描述了(xxiii. p. 396-419, edit. Gronov. in 4to.)臣服于萨珊王朝的十八个大行省(远及赛里斯即中国的边境)。
45
Ammianus (xxiv. 1) and Zosimus (l. iii. p. 162, 163) rately expressed the order of march.
阿米阿努斯(xxiv. 1)与佐西莫斯(l. iii. p. 162, 163)确切地记述了行军的队列。
46
The adventures of Hormisdas are related with some mixture of fable, (Zosimus, l. ii. p. 100-102; Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs tom. iv. p. 198.) It is almost impossible that he should be the brother (frater germanus) of an eldest and posthumous child: nor do I recollect that Ammianus ever gives him that title. * Note: St. Martin conceives that he was an elder brother by another mother who had several children, ii. 24—M.
霍尔米兹德的经历,记载中夹杂着几分传说的成分。(Zosimus, l. ii. p. 100-102;Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 198.)说他是一个既是长子、又是遗腹子的孩子的同胞兄弟(frater germanus),几乎是不可能的;我也不记得阿米阿努斯曾给过他这样的称谓。* 按:圣马丁认为,他是另一位生有数子的母亲所出的兄长,ii. 24。—M
47
See the first book of the Anabasis, p. 45, 46. This pleasing work is original and authentic. Yet Xenophon’s memory, perhaps many years after the expedition, has sometimes betrayed him; and the distances which he marks are often larger than either a soldier or a geographer will allow.
参见《长征记》第一卷,p. 45, 46。这部引人入胜的著作乃第一手的信史。不过色诺芬撰书之时或已距远征多年,记忆有时难免有误;他所标注的里程,往往大于军人或地理学家所能认可的数目。
48
Mr. Spelman, the English translator of the Anabasis, (vol. i. p. 51,) confounds the antelope with the roebuck, and the wild ass with the zebra.
《长征记》的英译者斯佩尔曼先生(vol. i. p. 51)把羚羊误作狍子,又把野驴误作斑马。
49
See Voyages de Tavernier, part i. l. iii. p. 316, and more especially Viaggi di Pietro della Valle, tom. i. lett. xvii. p. 671, &c. He was ignorant of the old name and condition of Annah. Our blind travellers seldom possess any previous knowledge of the countries which they visit. Shaw and Tournefort deserve an honorable exception.
参见 Voyages de Tavernier, part i. l. iii. p. 316,尤其是 Viaggi di Pietro della Valle, tom. i. lett. xvii. p. 671 等处。他并不知晓安纳旧时的名称与状况。我们那些盲目的旅行家,事先鲜少对其所游历的国度有所了解。肖与图尔内福尔倒堪称值得称道的例外。
4911
This is not a title, but the name of a great Persian family. St. Martin, iii. 79.—M.
这并非官衔,而是波斯一个显赫家族的姓氏。圣马丁,iii. 79。—M
50
Famosi nominis latro, says Ammianus; a high encomium for an Arab. The tribe of Gassan had settled on the edge of Syria, and reigned some time in Damascus, under a dynasty of thirty-one kings, or emirs, from the time of Pompey to that of the Khalif Omar. D’Herbelot, Bibliothèque Orientale, p. 360. Pococke, Specimen Hist. Arabicæ, p. 75-78. The name of Rodosaces does not appear in the list. * Note: Rodosaces-malek is king. St. Martin considers that Gibbon has fallen into an error in bringing the tribe of Gassan to the Euphrates. In Ammianus it is Assan. M. St. Martin would read Massanitarum, the same with the Mauzanitæ of Malala.—M.
阿米阿努斯称他为 Famosi nominis latro(“声名远播的强盗”)——用在一个阿拉伯人身上,可谓极高的赞誉。加桑部落定居于叙利亚边缘,一度统治大马士革,自庞培时代直到哈里发欧麦尔时代,历经三十一位国王(或称埃米尔)的一朝。D’Herbelot, Bibliothèque Orientale, p. 360;Pococke, Specimen Hist. Arabicæ, p. 75-78。这份名单中并无罗多萨凯斯之名。* 按:Rodosaces-malek 意即“国王”。圣马丁认为,吉本把加桑部落牵扯到幼发拉底河一带,实属谬误。阿米阿努斯书中作 Assan。圣马丁先生主张读作 Massanitarum,即马拉拉斯笔下的 Mauzanitæ。—M
51
See Ammianus, (xxiv. 1, 2,) Libanius, (Orat. Parental. c. 110, 111, p. 334,) Zosimus, (l. iii. p. 164-168.) * Note: This Syriac or Chaldaic has relation to its position; it easily bears the signification of the division of the waters. M. St. M. considers it the Missice of Pliny, v. 26. St. Martin, iii. 83.—M.
参见阿米阿努斯(xxiv. 1, 2)、利巴尼乌斯(Orat. Parental. c. 110, 111, p. 334)、佐西莫斯(l. iii. p. 164-168)。* 按:这个叙利亚语或迦勒底语的地名与其方位有关,很容易解作“分水之处”。圣马丁先生认为它就是普林尼笔下的 Missice(v. 26)。圣马丁,iii. 83。—M
52
The description of Assyria, is furnished by Herodotus, (l. i. c. 192, &c.,) who sometimes writes for children, and sometimes for philosophers; by Strabo, (l. xvi. p. 1070-1082,) and by Ammianus, (l.xxiii. c. 6.) The most useful of the modern travellers are Tavernier, (part i. l. ii. p. 226-258,) Otter, (tom. ii. p. 35-69, and 189-224,) and Niebuhr, (tom. ii. p. 172-288.) Yet I much regret that the Irak Arabi of Abulfeda has not been translated.
关于亚述的描述,出自希罗多德(l. i. c. 192 等,此人有时是写给孩童看的,有时又是写给哲人看的)、斯特拉波(l. xvi. p. 1070-1082)与阿米阿努斯(l. xxiii. c. 6)。近世旅行家中最有参考价值的,是塔韦尼耶(part i. l. ii. p. 226-258)、奥特(tom. ii. p. 35-69, 189-224)与尼布尔(tom. ii. p. 172-288)。只可惜阿布尔费达的 Irak Arabi(《阿拉伯伊拉克志》)至今尚无译本,令我深以为憾。
53
Ammianus remarks, that the primitive Assyria, which comprehended Ninus, (Nineveh,) and Arbela, had assumed the more recent and peculiar appellation of Adiabene; and he seems to fix Teredon, Vologesia, and Apollonia, as the extreme cities of the actual province of Assyria.
阿米阿努斯指出,最初的亚述本包括尼努斯(即尼尼微)与阿贝拉,后来另得了“阿迪亚贝内”这一较晚出而独特的名称;他似乎把特雷东、沃洛格西亚与阿波罗尼亚,定为当时亚述行省最边远的城市。
54
The two rivers unite at Apamea, or Corna, (one hundred miles from the Persian Gulf,) into the broad stream of the Pasitigris, or Shutul-Arab. The Euphrates formerly reached the sea by a separate channel, which was obstructed and diverted by the citizens of Orchoe, about twenty miles to the south-east of modern Basra. (D’Anville, in the Mémoires de l’Acad. des Inscriptions, tom.xxx. p. 171-191.)
两河在阿帕米亚(又名库尔纳,距波斯湾一百英里)合流,汇成宽阔的帕西底格里斯河(又名舒图勒-阿拉伯河)。幼发拉底河从前另有一条独立的水道入海,后被奥尔科埃的居民堵塞改道;奥尔科埃在今巴士拉东南约二十英里处。(D’Anville, in the Mémoires de l’Acad. des Inscriptions, tom. xxx. p. 171-191.)
5411
We are informed by Mr. Gibbon, that nature has denied to the soil an climate of Assyria some of her choicest gifts, the vine, the olive, and the fig-tree. This might have been the case ir the age of Ammianus Marcellinus, but it is not so at the present day; and it is a curious fact that the grape, the olive, and the fig, are the most common fruits in the province, and may be seen in every garden. Macdonald Kinneir, Geogr. Mem. on Persia 239—M.
吉本先生告诉我们,造化不曾把某些最珍贵的物产——葡萄、橄榄与无花果——赐予亚述的土壤与气候。在阿米阿努斯·马尔切利努斯的时代,情形或许如此,但如今已非这般;有一桩耐人寻味的事实是:葡萄、橄榄与无花果,正是这一行省最常见的果木,家家园圃皆可见到。Macdonald Kinneir, Geogr. Mem. on Persia, 239。—M
55
The learned Kæmpfer, as a botanist, an antiquary, and a traveller, has exhausted (Amœnitat. Exoticæ, Fasicul. iv. p. 660-764) the whole subject of palm-trees.
博学的肯普弗身兼植物学家、古物学家与旅行家,把棕榈这一课题论述得淋漓尽致、无所遗漏(Amœnitat. Exoticæ, Fasicul. iv. p. 660-764)。
56
Assyria yielded to the Persian satrap an Artaba of silver each day. The well-known proportion of weights and measures (see Bishop Hooper’s elaborate Inquiry,) the specific gravity of water and silver, and the value of that metal, will afford, after a short process, the annual revenue which I have stated. Yet the Great King received no more than 1000 Euboic, or Tyrian, talents (252,000l.) from Assyria. The comparison of two passages in Herodotus, (l. i. c. 192, l. iii. c. 89-96) reveals an important difference between the gross, and the net, revenue of Persia; the sums paid by the province, and the gold or silver deposited in the royal treasure. The monarch might annually save three millions six hundred thousand pounds, of the seventeen or eighteen millions raised upon the people.
亚述每日向波斯总督缴纳白银一 Artaba(阿尔塔巴,一种量器)。凭借那众所周知的度量衡换算比例(参见胡珀主教那篇详尽的《考究》)、水与白银的比重,以及白银的价值,只需略加推算,便可得出我前文所述的年度岁入。然而大王从亚述所得,也不过一千优卑亚(或称推罗)塔兰特(合二十五万二千英镑)。对照希罗多德书中的两段文字(l. i. c. 192;l. iii. c. 89-96),可以看出波斯全额岁入与净额岁入之间的一个重要差别:前者是各行省所缴纳的款项,后者是存入王家宝库的金银。在向百姓征得的一千七八百万英镑当中,君主每年大约能积存三百六十万英镑。