Chapter XXIII: Reign Of Julian.—Part III. 第二十三章尤利安在位时期——第三节

Chapter XXIII: Reign Of Julian.—Part III.

第二十三章尤利安在位时期——第三节

In the midst of a rocky and barren country, the walls of Jerusalem ⁵⁹ enclosed the two mountains of Sion and Acra, within an oval figure of about three English miles. ⁶⁰ Towards the south, the upper town, and the fortress of David, were erected on the lofty ascent of Mount Sion: on the north side, the buildings of the lower town covered the spacious summit of Mount Acra; and a part of the hill, distinguished by the name of Moriah, and levelled by human industry, was crowned with the stately temple of the Jewish nation. After the final destruction of the temple by the arms of Titus and Hadrian, a ploughshare was drawn over the consecrated ground, as a sign of perpetual interdiction. Sion was deserted; and the vacant space of the lower city was filled with the public and private edifices of the Ælian colony, which spread themselves over the adjacent hill of Calvary. The holy places were polluted with mountains of idolatry; and, either from design or accident, a chapel was dedicated to Venus, on the spot which had been sanctified by the death and resurrection of Christ. ⁶¹ ⁶¹¹¹ Almost three hundred years after those stupendous events, the profane chapel of Venus was demolished by the order of Constantine; and the removal of the earth and stones revealed the holy sepulchre to the eyes of mankind. A magnificent church was erected on that mystic ground, by the first Christian emperor; and the effects of his pious munificence were extended to every spot which had been consecrated by the footstep of patriarchs, of prophets, and of the Son of God. ⁶²

耶路撒冷 ⁵⁹ 坐落于一片乱石嶙峋、草木不生的旷野之中，城墙将锡安、阿克拉两山圈入其内，环成一个椭圆，周长约三英里。⁶⁰ 城南，上城与大卫的堡垒巍然建在锡安山陡峭的高处；城北，下城的屋宇铺满阿克拉山宽阔的峰顶；山间还有一处，名曰摩利亚，经人力削平，其上矗立着犹太民族那座庄严的圣殿。后来提图斯与哈德良的大军将圣殿彻底夷平，又用犁头在这片圣地上划出一道沟痕，以示永远封禁。锡安从此荒废；下城的空地上，尽是埃利亚殖民地的公私建筑，一直蔓延到毗邻的各各他山。如山堆积的偶像玷污了这些圣地；而不知是有意还是偶然，人们竟在基督受死、复活而得以圣化的地方，为维纳斯立起一座神祠。⁶¹ ⁶¹¹¹ 在这些惊天动地的大事过去将近三百年后，君士坦丁下令拆毁维纳斯那座亵渎圣地的神祠；泥土与石块一经清走，圣墓便重现于世人眼前。这位第一个信奉基督的皇帝，在这片神秘的土地上建起一座宏伟的教堂；凡列祖、先知乃至上帝之子足迹所至、因而成圣之处，无不遍沐他那虔敬而慷慨的恩泽。⁶²

The passionate desire of contemplating the original monuments of their redemption attracted to Jerusalem a successive crowd of pilgrims, from the shores of the Atlantic Ocean, and the most distant countries of the East; ⁶³ and their piety was authorized by the example of the empress Helena, who appears to have united the credulity of age with the warm feelings of a recent conversion. Sages and heroes, who have visited the memorable scenes of ancient wisdom or glory, have confessed the inspiration of the genius of the place; ⁶⁴ and the Christian who knelt before the holy sepulchre, ascribed his lively faith, and his fervent devotion, to the more immediate influence of the Divine Spirit. The zeal, perhaps the avarice, of the clergy of Jerusalem, cherished and multiplied these beneficial visits. They fixed, by unquestionable tradition, the scene of each memorable event. They exhibited the instruments which had been used in the passion of Christ; the nails and the lance that had pierced his hands, his feet, and his side; the crown of thorns that was planted on his head; the pillar at which he was scourged; and, above all, they showed the cross on which he suffered, and which was dug out of the earth in the reign of those princes, who inserted the symbol of Christianity in the banners of the Roman legions. ⁶⁵ Such miracles as seemed necessary to account for its extraordinary preservation, and seasonable discovery, were gradually propagated without opposition. The custody of the true cross, which on Easter Sunday was solemnly exposed to the people, was intrusted to the bishop of Jerusalem; and he alone might gratify the curious devotion of the pilgrims, by the gift of small pieces, which they encased in gold or gems, and carried away in triumph to their respective countries. But as this gainful branch of commerce must soon have been annihilated, it was found convenient to suppose, that the marvelous wood possessed a secret power of vegetation; and that its substance, though continually diminished, still remained entire and unimpaired. ⁶⁶ It might perhaps have been expected, that the influence of the place and the belief of a perpetual miracle, should have produced some salutary effects on the morals, as well as on the faith, of the people. Yet the most respectable of the ecclesiastical writers have been obliged to confess, not only that the streets of Jerusalem were filled with the incessant tumult of business and pleasure, ⁶⁷ but that every species of vice—adultery, theft, idolatry, poisoning, murder—was familiar to the inhabitants of the holy city. ⁶⁸ The wealth and preëminence of the church of Jerusalem excited the ambition of Arian, as well as orthodox, candidates; and the virtues of Cyril, who, since his death, has been honored with the title of Saint, were displayed in the exercise, rather than in the acquisition, of his episcopal dignity. ⁶⁹

亲眼瞻仰救赎史迹的热望，把一批又一批朝圣者引向耶路撒冷——他们有的远自大西洋之滨，有的来自东方最偏远的国度。⁶³ 皇太后海伦娜为他们的虔诚立下了榜样：她似乎既有老年人的轻信，又怀着新近皈依者的一腔热忱。古来的贤哲与英雄，凡凭吊过昔日智慧或荣耀之胜迹者，无不承认那地方自有一种感人心魄的灵气；⁶⁴ 而跪伏在圣墓前的基督徒，则把自己那份鲜活的信仰与炽热的虔诚，归功于圣灵更为直接的感召。耶路撒冷教士们的热忱——或许还有他们的贪婪——珍视并助长了这些有利可图的朝圣。他们凭着不容置疑的传说，一一指定每桩圣事发生的确切地点。他们向人展示基督受难时所用的种种器具：钉穿他手足、刺入他肋旁的钉子与长矛，戴在他头上的荆冠，鞭打他时所缚的石柱；而最要紧的，是他受难所悬的那具十字架——它是在某几位君主治下从地下掘出的，正是这些君主把基督教的标记绣上了罗马军团的旗帜。⁶⁵ 为解释这十字架何以历久不朽、又何以适时重见天日，种种看似必不可少的神迹便渐渐流传开来，无人质疑。这具真十字架每逢复活节主日隆重展示于众，其保管之责专托于耶路撒冷主教；唯有他能满足朝圣者那份好奇的虔敬，赐予他们一小片一小片的碎屑，供他们镶入黄金或宝石，得意洋洋地带回各自的祖国。然而这门利润丰厚的生意若照此下去，眼看很快就要做不成了；于是人们便觉得不妨假定：这神奇的木头暗藏一股自行滋长的力量，其本体虽不断被取走，却始终完好如初、分毫无损。⁶⁶ 人们或许本可指望：圣地的熏染，加上对永恒神迹的笃信，总该给民众的品行——一如给他们的信仰——带来些许裨益。然而，就连最可敬的教会作家也不得不承认：耶路撒冷街头不但终日喧嚣，尽是买卖与寻欢的嘈杂，⁶⁷ 而且形形色色的恶行——通奸、盗窃、拜偶像、下毒、凶杀——对这座圣城的居民而言，无不司空见惯。⁶⁸ 耶路撒冷教会的富庶与尊崇，勾起了阿里乌派与正统派候选人同样的野心；至于西里尔——此人身后得享“圣徒”尊号——他的德行与其说见于攫取主教之位，不如说见于他日后如何行使这一尊荣。⁶⁹

The vain and ambitious mind of Julian might aspire to restore the ancient glory of the temple of Jerusalem. ⁷⁰ As the Christians were firmly persuaded that a sentence of everlasting destruction had been pronounced against the whole fabric of the Mosaic law, the Imperial sophist would have converted the success of his undertaking into a specious argument against the faith of prophecy, and the truth of revelation. ⁷¹ He was displeased with the spiritual worship of the synagogue; but he approved the institutions of Moses, who had not disdained to adopt many of the rites and ceremonies of Egypt. ⁷² The local and national deity of the Jews was sincerely adored by a polytheist, who desired only to multiply the number of the gods; ⁷³ and such was the appetite of Julian for bloody sacrifice, that his emulation might be excited by the piety of Solomon, who had offered, at the feast of the dedication, twenty-two thousand oxen, and one hundred and twenty thousand sheep. ⁷⁴ These considerations might influence his designs; but the prospect of an immediate and important advantage would not suffer the impatient monarch to expect the remote and uncertain event of the Persian war. He resolved to erect, without delay, on the commanding eminence of Moriah, a stately temple, which might eclipse the splendor of the church of the resurrection on the adjacent hill of Calvary; to establish an order of priests, whose interested zeal would detect the arts, and resist the ambition, of their Christian rivals; and to invite a numerous colony of Jews, whose stern fanaticism would be always prepared to second, and even to anticipate, the hostile measures of the Pagan government. Among the friends of the emperor (if the names of emperor, and of friend, are not incompatible) the first place was assigned, by Julian himself, to the virtuous and learned Alypius. ⁷⁵ The humanity of Alypius was tempered by severe justice and manly fortitude; and while he exercised his abilities in the civil administration of Britain, he imitated, in his poetical compositions, the harmony and softness of the odes of Sappho. This minister, to whom Julian communicated, without reserve, his most careless levities, and his most serious counsels, received an extraordinary commission to restore, in its pristine beauty, the temple of Jerusalem; and the diligence of Alypius required and obtained the strenuous support of the governor of Palestine. At the call of their great deliverer, the Jews, from all the provinces of the empire, assembled on the holy mountain of their fathers; and their insolent triumph alarmed and exasperated the Christian inhabitants of Jerusalem. The desire of rebuilding the temple has in every age been the ruling passion of the children of Israel. In this propitious moment the men forgot their avarice, and the women their delicacy; spades and pickaxes of silver were provided by the vanity of the rich, and the rubbish was transported in mantles of silk and purple. Every purse was opened in liberal contributions, every hand claimed a share in the pious labor, and the commands of a great monarch were executed by the enthusiasm of a whole people. ⁷⁶

尤利安其人好虚荣、务大功，或许早就存了重振耶路撒冷圣殿昔日荣光的念头。⁷⁰ 基督徒坚信，摩西律法这整座大厦早已被判处永世的毁灭；这位皇帝兼诡辩家便打算，一旦此事告成，就拿它做一篇冠冕堂皇的文章，用以反驳先知预言的可信与天启的真实。⁷¹ 他不喜欢犹太会堂里那种纯乎精神的敬拜，却赞许摩西所定的种种制度——摩西当年并不曾不屑于采纳埃及的许多礼仪与典礼。⁷² 犹太人那位一方一族之神，竟得到一位多神教徒的真心崇奉：此人一心只想让神明的数目越添越多。⁷³ 尤利安又极嗜血祭，所罗门的虔诚说不定正能激起他的争胜之心——当年圣殿落成大典上，所罗门一举献上两万二千头公牛、十二万只绵羊。⁷⁴ 这些念头或许左右着他的谋划；但眼前既有一桩现成而重大的好处可图，这位性急的君主便再不肯坐等波斯战事那遥远难卜的结局了。他决意即刻动工：要在摩利亚那居高临下的高地上，兴建一座庄严的圣殿，好叫毗邻各各他山上那座复活教堂黯然失色；要设立一个祭司团，凭其利害攸关的热忱去识破并挫败基督教对手的种种伎俩与野心；还要招来一大批犹太移民——这些人素来狂热顽固，随时准备为异教政府的敌对举措推波助澜，甚至抢在前头。在皇帝的众友之中（假如“皇帝”与“朋友”这两个名号并非水火不容的话），尤利安亲自把头一把交椅给了德才兼备的阿利皮乌斯。⁷⁵ 阿利皮乌斯为人宽厚，却又以严正与刚毅相济；他既能在不列颠的民政上施展才干，又能在诗作中摹拟萨福颂歌那般的和谐与柔美。尤利安对这位大臣从不设防，无论最漫不经心的戏谑，还是最郑重其事的谋议，都对他和盘托出；如今又授以一项非常之命：把耶路撒冷圣殿修复得如初时那般华美。阿利皮乌斯办事勤勉，为此力请并获得了巴勒斯坦总督的鼎力相助。犹太人听到这位伟大解救者的召唤，便从帝国各行省纷纷汇集到他们祖先的圣山之上；他们那副趾高气扬、扬眉吐气的样子，惊动并激怒了耶路撒冷的基督徒居民。重建圣殿的渴望，历来是以色列子民心头压倒一切的激情。值此天赐良机，男子忘了吝啬，妇人忘了娇柔；富人出于虚荣，备下银制的锹镐，连清运的瓦砾也用绫罗紫锦兜着搬走。人人解囊，慷慨捐输，个个争先，都要在这桩虔诚的劳作中分得一份；一位伟大君主的谕令，就这样凭举国上下的一腔热忱付诸实行。⁷⁶

Yet, on this occasion, the joint efforts of power and enthusiasm were unsuccessful; and the ground of the Jewish temple, which is now covered by a Mahometan mosque, ⁷⁷ still continued to exhibit the same edifying spectacle of ruin and desolation. Perhaps the absence and death of the emperor, and the new maxims of a Christian reign, might explain the interruption of an arduous work, which was attempted only in the last six months of the life of Julian. ⁷⁸ But the Christians entertained a natural and pious expectation, that, in this memorable contest, the honor of religion would be vindicated by some signal miracle. An earthquake, a whirlwind, and a fiery eruption, which overturned and scattered the new foundations of the temple, are attested, with some variations, by contemporary and respectable evidence. ⁷⁹ This public event is described by Ambrose, ⁸⁰ bishop of Milan, in an epistle to the emperor Theodosius, which must provoke the severe animadversion of the Jews; by the eloquent Chrysostom, ⁸¹ who might appeal to the memory of the elder part of his congregation at Antioch; and by Gregory Nazianzen, ⁸² who published his account of the miracle before the expiration of the same year. The last of these writers has boldly declared, that this preternatural event was not disputed by the infidels; and his assertion, strange as it may seem is confirmed by the unexceptionable testimony of Ammianus Marcellinus. ⁸³ The philosophic soldier, who loved the virtues, without adopting the prejudices, of his master, has recorded, in his judicious and candid history of his own times, the extraordinary obstacles which interrupted the restoration of the temple of Jerusalem. “Whilst Alypius, assisted by the governor of the province, urged, with vigor and diligence, the execution of the work, horrible balls of fire breaking out near the foundations, with frequent and reiterated attacks, rendered the place, from time to time, inaccessible to the scorched and blasted workmen; and the victorious element continuing in this manner obstinately and resolutely bent, as it were, to drive them to a distance, the undertaking was abandoned.” ⁸³¹¹ Such authority should satisfy a believing, and must astonish an incredulous, mind. Yet a philosopher may still require the original evidence of impartial and intelligent spectators. At this important crisis, any singular accident of nature would assume the appearance, and produce the effects of a real prodigy. This glorious deliverance would be speedily improved and magnified by the pious art of the clergy of Jerusalem, and the active credulity of the Christian world and, at the distance of twenty years, a Roman historian, careless of theological disputes, might adorn his work with the specious and splendid miracle. ⁸⁴

然而这一回，权力与热忱纵然齐心协力，终究还是徒劳；犹太圣殿的旧址如今已盖上一座穆斯林清真寺，⁷⁷ 却依旧展示着那一片发人深省的断壁残垣、荒凉萧索。或许，皇帝的远征与死讯，加上基督教朝廷新立的方针，可以解释这桩艰巨工程为何半途而废——它前后不过是在尤利安生命最后的六个月里试着动了动工。⁷⁸ 但基督徒心中自有一份合乎情理的虔诚期盼：在这场值得纪念的较量中，宗教的荣耀终将凭某桩显赫的神迹得以伸张。据同时代可敬的史料所载（细节虽略有出入），当时突发地震、狂飙与烈焰喷涌，把圣殿新奠的地基掀翻冲散。⁷⁹ 记述此番公众事件的，有米兰主教安布罗斯 ⁸⁰——他在致狄奥多西皇帝的一封信里提及此事，那口吻定会招来犹太人的严厉指摘；有雄辩的克里索斯托，⁸¹ 他大可诉诸安条克会众中年长者的记忆为证；还有纳齐安的格列高利，⁸² 他在同一年尚未过完时就发表了对这桩神迹的记述。这几位作者中最后一位竟大胆宣称：连不信教者也不曾对这桩超自然的事件提出异议；他这番断言看似离奇，却有阿米阿努斯·马尔切利努斯那无可挑剔的证词加以印证。⁸³ 这位好尚哲理的军人，只爱其主君尤利安的德行，却不沾染他的偏见；他那部记述当代史事的著作明达而坦诚，其中记下了阻断耶路撒冷圣殿重建的种种异常障碍：“正当阿利皮乌斯在本省总督协助下奋力勤勉地督工之际，地基附近骇人的火球接连不断地迸发，屡屡来袭，一次次把灼伤、烧焦的工匠逼得无法近前；这得胜的火就这样仿佛铁了心、执意要把他们赶得远远的，工程于是只得作罢。”⁸³¹¹ 这样的权威之证，本该令笃信者称心，也定叫不信者惊愕。然而哲人或许仍要索求原始的证词——出自公正而明识的目击者之口。值此紧要关头，任何一桩罕见的自然变故，都会披上真正奇迹的外衣，产生真正奇迹的效果。这场荣耀的解围，经耶路撒冷教士们虔诚的手笔和整个基督教世界那股活跃的轻信之心一渲染，转眼便添枝加叶、越传越神；到了二十年后，一位无意卷入神学争端的罗马史家，也不妨拿这桩堂皇动听的神迹来点缀自己的著作。⁸⁴

The silence of Jerom would lead to a suspicion that the same story which was celebrated at a distance, might be despised on the spot. * Note: Gibbon has forgotten Basnage, to whom Warburton replied.—M.

哲罗姆对此事的缄默，令人不禁怀疑：这个在远方备受传扬的故事，或许在当地本身却遭人轻视。* 按：吉本忘了巴纳日，沃伯顿曾撰文答复此人。——M

Notes 注释

Reland (Palestin. l. i. p. 309, 390, l. iii. p. 838) describes, with learning and perspicuity, Jerusalem, and the face of the adjacent country.

雷兰（Palestin. l. i. p. 309, 390, l. iii. p. 838）以其博学与清晰，描述了耶路撒冷及其周边地区的地貌。

I have consulted a rare and curious treatise of M. D’Anville, (sur l’Ancienne Jerusalem, Paris, 1747, p. 75.) The circumference of the ancient city (Euseb. Preparat. Evangel. l. ix. c. 36) was 27 stadia, or 2550 toises. A plan, taken on the spot, assigns no more than 1980 for the modern town. The circuit is defined by natural landmarks, which cannot be mistaken or removed.

我参考了当维尔先生一部珍稀而有趣的专论（sur l’Ancienne Jerusalem, Paris, 1747, p. 75）。古城的周长（Euseb. Preparat. Evangel. l. ix. c. 36）为二十七斯塔迪亚，合 2550 toises（法制突瓦兹）。而据实地测绘的一幅平面图，今城周长不过 1980。这一周界由天然的地标划定，既不会误认，也无从挪移。

See two curious passages in Jerom, (tom. i. p. 102, tom. vi. p. 315,) and the ample details of Tillemont, (Hist, des Empereurs, tom. i. p. 569. tom. ii. p. 289, 294, 4to edition.)

参见哲罗姆书中两段有趣的文字（tom. i. p. 102, tom. vi. p. 315），以及蒂耶蒙的详尽考述（Hist. des Empereurs, tom. i. p. 569. tom. ii. p. 289, 294，四开本）。

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On the site of the Holy Sepulchre, compare the chapter in Professor Robinson’s Travels in Palestine, which has renewed the old controversy with great vigor. To me, this temple of Venus, said to have been erected by Hadrian to insult the Christians, is not the least suspicious part of the whole legend.-M. 1845.

关于圣墓的确切位置，可参看罗宾逊教授《巴勒斯坦游记》中的一章，此书重新掀起了这场旧日的争论，且辩得极为有力。在我看来，据说哈德良为羞辱基督徒而建的这座维纳斯神庙，正是整个传说中最可疑的部分之一。——M，1845年。

Eusebius in Vit. Constantin. l. iii. c. 25-47, 51-53. The emperor likewise built churches at Bethlem, the Mount of Olives, and the oa of Mambre. The holy sepulchre is described by Sandys, (Travels, p. 125-133,) and curiously delineated by Le Bruyn, (Voyage au Levant, p. 28-296.)

优西比乌《君士坦丁传》（Vit. Constantin. l. iii. c. 25-47, 51-53）。这位皇帝还在伯利恒、橄榄山以及幔利的橡树旁修建了教堂。圣墓的情形，桑兹有所描述（Travels, p. 125-133），勒布伦则作了别致的图绘（Voyage au Levant, p. 28-296）。

The Itinerary from Bourdeaux to Jerusalem was composed in the year 333, for the use of pilgrims; among whom Jerom (tom. i. p. 126) mentions the Britons and the Indians. The causes of this superstitious fashion are discussed in the learned and judicious preface of Wesseling. (Itinarar. p. 537-545.) ——Much curious information on this subject is collected in the first chapter of Wilken, Geschichte der Kreuzzüge.—M.

《波尔多至耶路撒冷行记》成书于公元333年，专供朝圣者之用；哲罗姆（tom. i. p. 126）在朝圣者中提到了不列颠人与印度人。韦塞林在其博学而审慎的序言中讨论了这种迷信风尚的成因（Itinarar. p. 537-545）。——关于此题，维尔肯《十字军史》（Geschichte der Kreuzzüge）第一章收罗了许多有趣的资料。——M

Cicero (de Finibus, v. 1) has beautifully expressed the common sense of mankind.

西塞罗（de Finibus, v. 1）曾把人类共有的这份感受表达得极为动人。

Baronius (Annal. Eccles. A. D. 326, No. 42-50) and Tillemont (Mém. Eccles. tom. xii. p. 8-16) are the historians and champions of the miraculous invention of the cross, under the reign of Constantine. Their oldest witnesses are Paulinus, Sulpicius Severus, Rufinus, Ambrose, and perhaps Cyril of Jerusalem. The silence of Eusebius, and the Bourdeaux pilgrim, which satisfies those who think perplexes those who believe. See Jortin’s sensible remarks, vol. ii. p 238-248.

巴罗尼乌斯（Annal. Eccles. A. D. 326, No. 42-50）与蒂耶蒙（Mém. Eccles. tom. xii. p. 8-16）是记述并极力维护君士坦丁在位时神奇“寻获”（invention）十字架一事的史家。他们最早的见证人是保利努斯、苏尔皮基乌斯·塞维鲁、鲁菲努斯、安布罗斯，或许还有耶路撒冷的西里尔。至于优西比乌与那位波尔多朝圣者何以对此缄口不言——这一点在善思者看来足以释疑，在笃信者看来却颇费思量。参见乔廷通达的评论，vol. ii. p 238-248。

This multiplication is asserted by Paulinus, (Epist. xxxvi. See Dupin. Bibliot. Eccles. tom. iii. p. 149,) who seems to have improved a rhetorical flourish of Cyril into a real fact. The same supernatural privilege must have been communicated to the Virgin’s milk, (Erasmi Opera, tom. i. p. 778, Lugd. Batav. 1703, in Colloq. de Peregrinat. Religionis ergo,) saints’ heads, &c. and other relics, which are repeated in so many different churches. Note: Lord Mahon, in a memoir read before the Society of Antiquaries, (Feb. 1831,) has traced in a brief but interesting manner, the singular adventures of the “true” cross. It is curious to inquire, what authority we have, except of late tradition, for the Hill* of Calvary. There is none in the sacred writings; the uniform use of the common word, instead of any word expressing assent or acclivity, is against the notion.—M.

这种自行增殖之说出自保利努斯（Epist. xxxvi. 参见 Dupin. Bibliot. Eccles. tom. iii. p. 149）；他似乎把西里尔一句修辞上的夸饰坐实成了确凿的事实。这同一份超自然的特权，想必也惠及了圣母的乳汁（Erasmi Opera, tom. i. p. 778, Lugd. Batav. 1703, in Colloq. de Peregrinat. Religionis ergo）、圣徒的头颅之类，以及散见于众多不同教堂、屡屡重复的其他圣物。 按：马洪勋爵在一篇于古物学会宣读的论文中（1831年2月），以简短而有趣的笔调追溯了这具“真”十字架的奇特经历。有一点耐人寻味：除了晚近的传说，我们究竟凭什么断定各各他竟是一座山丘*？圣经中并无此据；经文一律只用那个普通词语，而不曾用任何表示“登临”或“斜坡”的字眼，这恰与山丘之说相抵牾。——M

Jerom, (tom. i. p. 103,) who resided in the neighboring village of Bethlem, describes the vices of Jerusalem from his personal experience.

哲罗姆（tom. i. p. 103）住在附近的伯利恒村，凭其亲身见闻描述了耶路撒冷的种种恶习。

Gregor. Nyssen, apud Wesseling, p. 539. The whole epistle, which condemns either the use or the abuse of religious pilgrimage, is painful to the Catholic divines, while it is dear and familiar to our Protestant polemics.

尼撒的格列高利语，见韦塞林书 p. 539。这封书信通篇谴责宗教朝圣，无论其正当之用抑或其流弊，令天主教神学家读来颇为难堪，却为我们新教论战家所珍视、所熟稔。

He renounced his orthodox ordination, officiated as a deacon, and was re-ordained by the hands of the Arians. But Cyril afterwards changed with the times, and prudently conformed to the Nicene faith. Tillemont, (Mém. Eccles. tom. viii.,) who treats his memory with tenderness and respect, has thrown his virtues into the text, and his faults into the notes, in decent obscurity, at the end of the volume.

他先是弃绝了自己合乎正统的授职，改充执事，再由阿里乌派之手重新受职。但西里尔后来又随世风而变，审时度势地归奉了尼西亚信仰。蒂耶蒙（Mém. Eccles. tom. viii.）对他的身后之名颇存温情与敬意，遂把他的种种德行写进正文，又把他的过失塞进注释，体面地隐没于全卷之末。

Imperii sui memoriam magnitudine operum gestiens propagare Ammian. xxiii. 1. The temple of Jerusalem had been famous even among the Gentiles. They had many temples in each city, (at Sichem five, at Gaza eight, at Rome four hundred and twenty-four;) but the wealth and religion of the Jewish nation was centred in one spot.

Imperii sui memoriam magnitudine operum gestiens propagare（阿米阿努斯 xxiii. 1，意为“他渴望以宏大的工程传扬自己治世的声名”）。耶路撒冷的圣殿即便在异教徒中间也久负盛名。异教徒每座城里都有许多神庙（示剑有五座，加沙有八座，罗马多达四百二十四座），而犹太民族的财富与信仰却集中于一处。

The secret intentions of Julian are revealed by the late bishop of Gloucester, the learned and dogmatic Warburton; who, with the authority of a theologian, prescribes the motives and conduct of the Supreme Being. The discourse entitled Julian (2d edition, London, 1751) is strongly marked with all the peculiarities which are imputed to the Warburtonian school.

尤利安暗藏的用心，已故格洛斯特主教、博学而武断的沃伯顿曾为我们揭示无遗；此公竟以神学家的权威，替至高之神规定其动机与行事。那篇题为《尤利安》的论说（第二版，伦敦，1751年），处处鲜明地打着世人加诸沃伯顿学派的种种特征的烙印。

I shelter myself behind Maimonides, Marsham, Spencer, Le Clerc, Warburton, &c., who have fairly derided the fears, the folly, and the falsehood of some superstitious divines. See Divine Legation, vol. iv. p. 25, &c.

此处我且躲在迈蒙尼德、马香、斯宾塞、勒克莱尔、沃伯顿诸人身后——他们早已痛痛快快地嘲笑过某些迷信神学家的恐惧、愚蠢与虚妄。参见《神圣使命》，vol. iv. p. 25 及以下。

Julian (Fragment. p. 295) respectfully styles him, and mentions him elsewhere (Epist. lxiii.) with still higher reverence. He doubly condemns the Christians for believing, and for renouncing, the religion of the Jews. Their Deity was a true, but not the only, God Apul Cyril. l. ix. p. 305, 306.

尤利安（Fragment. p. 295）恭敬地称呼这位神明，别处（Epist. lxiii.）提及时更是敬意愈深。他两重地谴责基督徒：既责其信奉犹太人的宗教，又责其背弃了这一宗教。在他看来，犹太人的神确是真神，却并非唯一的神（据西里尔，l. ix. p. 305, 306）。

1 Kings, viii. 63. 2 Chronicles, vii. 5. Joseph. Antiquitat. Judaic. l. viii. c. 4, p. 431, edit. Havercamp. As the blood and smoke of so many hecatombs might be inconvenient, Lightfoot, the Christian Rabbi, removes them by a miracle. Le Clerc (ad loca) is bold enough to suspect to fidelity of the numbers. * Note: According to the historian Kotobeddym, quoted by Burckhardt, (Travels in Arabia, p. 276,) the Khalif Mokteder sacrificed, during his pilgrimage to Mecca, in the year of the Hejira 350, forty thousand camels and cows, and fifty thousand sheep. Barthema describes thirty thousand oxen slain, and their carcasses given to the poor. Quarterly Review, xiii.p.39—M.

《列王纪上》8:63。《历代志下》7:5。约瑟夫斯《犹太古史》（Antiquitat. Judaic. l. viii. c. 4, p. 431, edit. Havercamp）。既然这许多百牲大祭的血与烟未免碍事，素有“基督徒拉比”之称的莱特富特便凭一桩神迹将其一扫而空。勒克莱尔（ad loca）则大胆到怀疑这些数字是否属实。* 按：据布克哈特（Travels in Arabia, p. 276）所引史家库图布丁记载，哈里发穆克台迪尔于希吉来历350年赴麦加朝觐期间，宰杀骆驼与牛四万头、羊五万只。巴尔泰马则记有三万头牛被宰，尸身尽数散给穷人。见《评论季刊》xiii. p. 39——M

Julian, epist. xxix. xxx. La Bleterie has neglected to translate the second of these epistles.

尤利安，epist. xxix. xxx。拉布莱特里未曾翻译其中第二封书信。

See the zeal and impatience of the Jews in Gregory Nazianzen (Orat. iv. p. 111) and Theodoret. (l. iii. c. 20.)

犹太人的热忱与迫不及待，可见于纳齐安的格列高利（Orat. iv. p. 111）与狄奥多勒（l. iii. c. 20）。

Built by Omar, the second Khalif, who died A. D. 644. This great mosque covers the whole consecrated ground of the Jewish temple, and constitutes almost a square of 760 toises, or one Roman mile in circumference. See D’Anville, Jerusalem, p. 45.

此寺由第二任哈里发欧麦尔所建，欧麦尔卒于公元644年。这座大清真寺覆盖了犹太圣殿的整片圣地，几乎围成一个方形，周长约 760 toises（突瓦兹），合一罗马里。参见当维尔《耶路撒冷》，p. 45。

Ammianus records the consults of the year 363, before he proceeds to mention the thoughts of Julian. Templum. ... instaurare sumptibus cogitabat immodicis. Warburton has a secret wish to anticipate the design; but he must have understood, from former examples, that the execution of such a work would have demanded many years.

阿米阿努斯先记下公元363年的执政官，然后才提到尤利安的“意图”。原文作 Templum ... instaurare sumptibus cogitabat immodicis（“他曾打算不惜巨资重建圣殿”）。沃伯顿暗自希望把这一计划的时间往前提；但他理应从既往的先例明白：这样一项工程若要完成，非有多年之功不可。

The subsequent witnesses, Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, Philostorgius, &c., add contradictions rather than authority. Compare the objections of Basnage (Hist. des Juifs, tom. viii. p. 156-168) with Warburton’s answers, (Julian, p. 174-258.) The bishop has ingeniously explained the miraculous crosses which appeared on the garments of the spectators by a similar instance, and the natural effects of lightning.

后世的见证人——苏格拉底、索佐门、狄奥多勒、菲洛斯托尔吉乌斯等——添上的与其说是佐证，不如说是自相矛盾。可将巴纳日的质疑（Hist. des Juifs, tom. viii. p. 156-168）与沃伯顿的答辩（Julian, p. 174-258）相对照。这位主教巧妙地用一个类似的事例、并以闪电的自然效应，解释了当时显现在旁观者衣衫上的那些神奇十字。

Ambros. tom. ii. epist. xl. p. 946, edit. Benedictin. He composed this fanatic epistle (A. D. 388) to justify a bishop who had been condemned by the civil magistrate for burning a synagogue.

安布罗斯，tom. ii. epist. xl. p. 946，本笃会版。他写这封狂热的书信（公元388年），是为了替一位主教开脱——那主教因焚烧一座犹太会堂而被民事官判罪。

Chrysostom, tom. i. p. 580, advers. Judæos et Gentes, tom. ii. p. 574, de Sto Babyla, edit. Montfaucon. I have followed the common and natural supposition; but the learned Benedictine, who dates the composition of these sermons in the year 383, is confident they were never pronounced from the pulpit.

克里索斯托，tom. i. p. 580，《驳犹太人与外邦人》（advers. Judæos et Gentes），tom. ii. p. 574，《论圣巴比拉斯》（de Sto Babyla），蒙福孔版。我采用了通行而自然的推断；但那位博学的本笃会学者把这几篇讲道的写作系于公元383年，并深信它们从未在讲坛上宣讲过。

Greg. Nazianzen, Orat. iv. p. 110-113.

纳齐安的格列高利，Orat. iv. p. 110-113。

Ammian. xxiii. 1. Cum itaque rei fortiter instaret Alypius, juvaretque provinciæ rector, metuendi globi flammarum prope fundamenta crebris assultibus erumpentes fecere locum exustis aliquoties operantibus inaccessum; hocque modo elemento destinatius repellente, cessavit inceptum. Warburton labors (p. 60-90) to extort a confession of the miracle from the mouths of Julian and Libanius, and to employ the evidence of a rabbi who lived in the fifteenth century. Such witnesses can only be received by a very favorable judge.

阿米阿努斯 xxiii. 1。拉丁原文：Cum itaque rei fortiter instaret Alypius, juvaretque provinciæ rector, metuendi globi flammarum prope fundamenta crebris assultibus erumpentes fecere locum exustis aliquoties operantibus inaccessum; hocque modo elemento destinatius repellente, cessavit inceptum。沃伯顿煞费苦心（p. 60-90），要从尤利安和利巴尼乌斯口中硬逼出承认神迹的话来，还搬出一位生活在十五世纪的拉比作证。这样的证人，只有一位极其偏袒的裁判才肯采信。

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Michaelis has given an ingenious and sufficiently probable explanation of this remarkable incident, which the positive testimony of Ammianus, a contemporary and a pagan, will not permit us to call in question. It was suggested by a passage in Tacitus. That historian, speaking of Jerusalem, says, [I omit the first part of the quotation adduced by M. Guizot, which only by a most extraordinary mistranslation of muri introrsus sinuati by “enfoncemens” could be made to bear on the question.—M.] “The Temple itself was a kind of citadel, which had its own walls, superior in their workmanship and construction to those of the city. The porticos themselves, which surrounded the temple, were an excellent fortification. There was a fountain of constantly running water; subterranean excavations under the mountain; reservoirs and cisterns to collect the rain-water.” Tac. Hist. v. ii. 12. These excavations and reservoirs must have been very considerable. The latter furnished water during the whole siege of Jerusalem to 1,100,000 inhabitants, for whom the fountain of Siloe could not have sufficed, and who had no fresh rain-water, the siege having taken place from the month of April to the month of August, a period of the year during which it rarely rains in Jerusalem. As to the excavations, they served after, and even before, the return of the Jews from Babylon, to contain not only magazines of oil, wine, and corn, but also the treasures which were laid up in the Temple. Josephus has related several incidents which show their extent. When Jerusalem was on the point of being taken by Titus, the rebel chiefs, placing their last hopes in these vast subterranean cavities, formed a design of concealing themselves there, and remaining during the conflagration of the city, and until the Romans had retired to a distance. The greater part had not time to execute their design; but one of them, Simon, the Son of Gioras, having provided himself with food, and tools to excavate the earth descended into this retreat with some companions: he remained there till Titus had set out for Rome: under the pressure of famine he issued forth on a sudden in the very place where the Temple had stood, and appeared in the midst of the Roman guard. He was seized and carried to Rome for the triumph. His appearance made it be suspected that other Jews might have chosen the same asylum; search was made, and a great number discovered. Joseph. de Bell. Jud. l. vii. c. 2. It is probable that the greater part of these excavations were the remains of the time of Solomon, when it was the custom to work to a great extent under ground: no other date can be assigned to them. The Jews, on their return from the captivity, were too poor to undertake such works; and, although Herod, on rebuilding the Temple, made some excavations, (Joseph. Ant. Jud. xv. 11, vii.,) the haste with which that building was completed will not allow us to suppose that they belonged to that period. Some were used for sewers and drains, others served to conceal the immense treasures of which Crassus, a hundred and twenty years before, plundered the Jews, and which doubtless had been since replaced. The Temple was destroyed A. C. 70; the attempt of Julian to rebuild it, and the fact related by Ammianus, coincide with the year 363. There had then elapsed between these two epochs an interval of near 300 years, during which the excavations, choked up with ruins, must have become full of inflammable air. The workmen employed by Julian as they were digging, arrived at the excavations of the Temple; they would take torches to explore them; sudden flames repelled those who approached; explosions were heard, and these phenomena were renewed every time that they penetrated into new subterranean passages. This explanation is confirmed by the relation of an event nearly similar, by Josephus. King Herod having heard that immense treasures had been concealed in the sepulchre of David, he descended into it with a few confidential persons; he found in the first subterranean chamber only jewels and precious stuffs: but having wished to penetrate into a second chamber, which had been long closed, he was repelled, when he opened it, by flames which killed those who accompanied him. (Ant. Jud. xvi. 7, i.) As here there is no room for miracle, this fact may be considered as a new proof of the veracity of that related by Ammianus and the contemporary writers.—G. ——To the illustrations of the extent of the subterranean chambers adduced by Michaelis, may be added, that when John of Gischala, during the siege, surprised the Temple, the party of Eleazar took refuge within them. Bell. Jud. vi. 3, i. The sudden sinking of the hill of Sion when Jerusalem was occupied by Barchocab, may have been connected with similar excavations. Hist. of Jews, vol. iii. 122 and 186.—M. ——It is a fact now popularly known, that when mines which have been long closed are opened, one of two things takes place; either the torches are extinguished and the men fall first into a swoor and soon die; or, if the air is inflammable, a little flame is seen to flicker round the lamp, which spreads and multiplies till the conflagration becomes general, is followed by an explosion, and kill all who are in the way.—G.

米夏埃利斯对这桩非同寻常的事件给出了一种巧妙而颇为可信的解释——阿米阿努斯身为同时代人、又是异教徒，其明确的证词使我们无法对这件事本身提出质疑。这一解释是由塔西佗的一段文字启发而来的。那位史家谈到耶路撒冷时说：〔基佐先生所引的头一段我略去不录；那段文字唯有把 muri introrsus sinuati 极离奇地误译作 enfoncemens（凹陷），才勉强能扯到这个问题上——M〕“圣殿本身便是一座城堡，自有其城墙，其工艺与构造都胜过城市的城墙。环绕圣殿的柱廊，本身就是一道绝佳的防御工事。那里有一眼常流不竭的泉水，山下还有一些地下开凿的洞穴，以及蓄积雨水的池塘与水窖。”见 Tac. Hist. v. ii. 12。这些地穴与蓄水池想必规模极大。后者在耶路撒冷被围的整段期间，供水给一百一十万居民——单靠西罗亚泉是决然不够的，而他们又无新鲜雨水可用，因为围城自四月延续至八月，正是耶路撒冷一年中难得下雨的时节。至于那些地穴，早在犹太人从巴比伦归来之前、以及归来之后，不仅用来储藏油、酒、谷物，还用来存放圣殿中所积聚的财宝。约瑟夫斯记述过好几桩足以显示其规模之大的事。当耶路撒冷即将被提图斯攻陷时，叛军首领们把最后的希望寄托在这些巨大的地下洞穴上，谋划藏身其间，等城池焚毁、罗马人退到远处再出来。多数人来不及实施此计；但其中一人，即吉奥拉斯之子西门，备足了食物和掘土的工具，带着几名同伴钻入这处藏身之所：他一直待到提图斯启程返回罗马；饥饿难耐之下，他忽然从当年圣殿所在的地方冒出地面，出现在罗马卫兵之中。他被擒获，押往罗马，充作凯旋式的战利品。他这一露面，令人怀疑或许还有别的犹太人也躲进了同一避难所；于是搜查随之展开，果然发现了一大批人。见 Joseph. de Bell. Jud. l. vii. c. 2。这些地穴大半很可能是所罗门时代的遗迹，那时人们惯于在地下大规模开凿：此外再无别的年代可以归属。犹太人被掳归来时太过贫困，无力承担这般工程；而希律虽在重建圣殿时开凿过一些地穴（Joseph. Ant. Jud. xv. 11, vii.），但那座建筑完工之匆促，使我们无法设想这些地穴属于那一时期。其中一些用作阴沟排水，另一些则用来藏匿巨额财宝——一百二十年前克拉苏劫掠犹太人所得的正是这些财宝，此后无疑又已重新积存。圣殿毁于公元70年；尤利安试图重建、以及阿米阿努斯所述之事，都发生在公元363年。两个年代之间因此相隔近300年，其间这些地穴为废墟所堵塞，想必已灌满可燃的气体。尤利安所雇的工匠掘土时掘到了圣殿的地穴；他们势必举火把入内察看；骤起的火焰把靠近的人逼退；又听见爆炸之声，而每当他们钻进新的地下通道，这类现象便重演一次。这一解释，又有约瑟夫斯所记一桩极为相似的事件加以印证。希律王听说大卫墓中藏有巨额财宝，便带着几名亲信下墓；他在头一间地下室里只找到珠宝和贵重织物，但当他想进入久已封闭的第二间时，一开门便被火焰逼退，随行者尽为所焚而死（Ant. Jud. xvi. 7, i.）。此事既无神迹可言，便可视为阿米阿努斯与同时代作家所述之事真实可信的一项新证。——G ——米夏埃利斯所举以说明地下室规模的种种例证之外，还可补上一条：围城期间，吉斯卡拉的约翰突袭圣殿时，以利亚撒一党曾躲入其中。见 Bell. Jud. vi. 3, i。而当耶路撒冷为巴尔·科赫巴所占时，锡安山曾骤然下陷，或许也与类似的地穴有关。见《犹太人史》vol. iii. 122 及 186。——M ——如今众所周知的一个事实是：久已封闭的矿井一旦开启，会出现两种情形之一：或是火把熄灭，人先昏厥、旋即毙命；或者，若其中气体可燃，便会看见一星小小的火苗绕着灯焰摇曳，继而蔓延增炽，直至火势燎原，随之发生爆炸，把挡道的人尽数烧死。——G

Dr. Lardner, perhaps alone of the Christian critics, presumes to doubt the truth of this famous miracle. (Jewish and Heathen Testimonies, vol. iv. p. 47-71.)

拉德纳博士或许是基督教评论家中唯一敢于怀疑这桩著名神迹之真实性的人（Jewish and Heathen Testimonies, vol. iv. p. 47-71）。

Chapter XXIII: Reign Of Julian.—Part III. 第二十三章 尤利安在位时期——第三节