Chapter XXII: Julian Declared Emperor.—Part II. 第二十二章 尤利安被拥立为帝——第二节
Chapter XXII: Julian Declared Emperor.—Part II.
第二十二章 尤利安被拥立为帝——第二节
The ambassadors of Julian had been instructed to execute, with the utmost diligence, their important commission. But, in their passage through Italy and Illyricum, they were detained by the tedious and affected delays of the provincial governors; they were conducted by slow journeys from Constantinople to Cæsarea in Cappadocia; and when at length they were admitted to the presence of Constantius, they found that he had already conceived, from the despatches of his own officers, the most unfavorable opinion of the conduct of Julian, and of the Gallic army. The letters were heard with impatience; the trembling messengers were dismissed with indignation and contempt; and the looks, gestures, the furious language of the monarch, expressed the disorder of his soul. The domestic connection, which might have reconciled the brother and the husband of Helena, was recently dissolved by the death of that princess, whose pregnancy had been several times fruitless, and was at last fatal to herself. 21 The empress Eusebia had preserved, to the last moment of her life, the warm, and even jealous, affection which she had conceived for Julian; and her mild influence might have moderated the resentment of a prince, who, since her death, was abandoned to his own passions, and to the arts of his eunuchs. But the terror of a foreign invasion obliged him to suspend the punishment of a private enemy: he continued his march towards the confines of Persia, and thought it sufficient to signify the conditions which might entitle Julian and his guilty followers to the clemency of their offended sovereign. He required, that the presumptuous Cæsar should expressly renounce the appellation and rank of Augustus, which he had accepted from the rebels; that he should descend to his former station of a limited and dependent minister; that he should vest the powers of the state and army in the hands of those officers who were appointed by the Imperial court; and that he should trust his safety to the assurances of pardon, which were announced by Epictetus, a Gallic bishop, and one of the Arian favorites of Constantius. Several months were ineffectually consumed in a treaty which was negotiated at the distance of three thousand miles between Paris and Antioch; and, as soon as Julian perceived that his modest and respectful behavior served only to irritate the pride of an implacable adversary, he boldly resolved to commit his life and fortune to the chance of a civil war. He gave a public and military audience to the quæstor Leonas: the haughty epistle of Constantius was read to the attentive multitude; and Julian protested, with the most flattering deference, that he was ready to resign the title of Augustus, if he could obtain the consent of those whom he acknowledged as the authors of his elevation. The faint proposal was impetuously silenced; and the acclamations of “Julian Augustus, continue to reign, by the authority of the army, of the people, of the republic which you have saved,” thundered at once from every part of the field, and terrified the pale ambassador of Constantius. A part of the letter was afterwards read, in which the emperor arraigned the ingratitude of Julian, whom he had invested with the honors of the purple; whom he had educated with so much care and tenderness; whom he had preserved in his infancy, when he was left a helpless orphan.
尤利安派出的使者奉命尽心竭力去完成这桩要务,可是一路穿行意大利与伊利里库姆,各行省长官却装模作样、百般拖延,把他们从君士坦丁堡一程一程慢慢引到卡帕多西亚的凯撒里亚。及至终于得以觐见君士坦提乌斯,才发觉皇帝早已从自己麾下军官的奏报中,对尤利安的举动和高卢军团怀了最坏的成见。国书刚一诵读,皇帝便按捺不住;他满怀愤慨与鄙夷,把战战兢兢的信使打发出去;那神色、手势与暴烈的言辞,无不流露出内心的慌乱失措。原本有一层姻亲关系,或可让海伦娜的兄长与丈夫重归于好,然而这位公主新近亡故,这层关系也随之断绝——她几度怀胎皆未能保全,最后一次更把自己的性命也搭了进去。21 皇后欧塞比娅对尤利安始终怀着一份热切、甚至近乎妒忌的钟爱,至死不渝;有她从中温言调停,那位君王的怨怒或许还能稍加收敛,可她一死,皇帝便一味放纵自己的情绪,任凭身边宦官摆布。只是外敌入侵的威胁当前,他不得不暂缓惩治这个私仇未了的对头:一面继续向波斯边境进军,一面自以为只须开出条件,让尤利安及其党羽有资格乞求这位受了冒犯的君主开恩,也就够了。他要求:这个胆大妄为的恺撒必须明白放弃从叛党手中僭取的“奥古斯都”名号与尊位;重新退回从前那受限而听命于人的臣属之位;把国政与军权一并交到帝廷所委派的官员手里;至于自身安危,则须听凭赦免的许诺——传达这许诺的,是高卢主教爱比克泰德,君士坦提乌斯宠信的阿里乌斯派人物之一。巴黎与安条克远隔三千英里,双方为此往来磋商,几个月虚耗而毫无结果。尤利安一看出自己谦恭有礼反倒更激起这个死不甘休的对手的骄横,便毅然决然,把身家性命都押在一场内战的胜负上。他当众召集将士,接见财务官莱奥纳斯:君士坦提乌斯那封傲慢的书信当着凝神谛听的众人宣读;尤利安则以极尽恭顺之辞声明,只要那些他公认为拥立他登位的人点头首肯,他随时可以交出“奥古斯都”的称号。这软弱的提议当场被激昂的声浪压了下去;校场四面同时炸响一片欢呼:“奥古斯都尤利安,请凭军队、凭人民、凭你所拯救的这个共和国的权威,继续统治下去!”——吓得君士坦提乌斯的使者面无人色。随后又宣读了信中的一段,皇帝在其中痛斥尤利安忘恩负义:是他将紫袍的尊荣授予尤利安,是他以何等的用心与慈爱把他抚养成人,又是他在这孩子年幼失怙、孤苦无依之时保全了他的性命。
“An orphan!” interrupted Julian, who justified his cause by indulging his passions: “does the assassin of my family reproach me that I was left an orphan? He urges me to revenge those injuries which I have long studied to forget.” The assembly was dismissed; and Leonas, who, with some difficulty, had been protected from the popular fury, was sent back to his master with an epistle, in which Julian expressed, in a strain of the most vehement eloquence, the sentiments of contempt, of hatred, and of resentment, which had been suppressed and imbittered by the dissimulation of twenty years. After this message, which might be considered as a signal of irreconcilable war, Julian, who, some weeks before, had celebrated the Christian festival of the Epiphany, 22 made a public declaration that he committed the care of his safety to the Immortal Gods; and thus publicly renounced the religion as well as the friendship of Constantius. 23
The situation of Julian required a vigorous and immediate resolution. He had discovered, from intercepted letters, that his adversary, sacrificing the interest of the state to that of the monarch, had again excited the Barbarians to invade the provinces of the West. The position of two magazines, one of them collected on the banks of the Lake of Constance, the other formed at the foot of the Cottian Alps, seemed to indicate the march of two armies; and the size of those magazines, each of which consisted of six hundred thousand quarters of wheat, or rather flour, 24 was a threatening evidence of the strength and numbers of the enemy who prepared to surround him. But the Imperial legions were still in their distant quarters of Asia; the Danube was feebly guarded; and if Julian could occupy, by a sudden incursion, the important provinces of Illyricum, he might expect that a people of soldiers would resort to his standard, and that the rich mines of gold and silver would contribute to the expenses of the civil war. He proposed this bold enterprise to the assembly of the soldiers; inspired them with a just confidence in their general, and in themselves; and exhorted them to maintain their reputation of being terrible to the enemy, moderate to their fellow-citizens, and obedient to their officers. His spirited discourse was received with the loudest acclamations, and the same troops which had taken up arms against Constantius, when he summoned them to leave Gaul, now declared with alacrity, that they would follow Julian to the farthest extremities of Europe or Asia. The oath of fidelity was administered; and the soldiers, clashing their shields, and pointing their drawn swords to their throats, devoted themselves, with horrid imprecations, to the service of a leader whom they celebrated as the deliverer of Gaul and the conqueror of the Germans. 25 This solemn engagement, which seemed to be dictated by affection rather than by duty, was singly opposed by Nebridius, who had been admitted to the office of Prætorian præfect. That faithful minister, alone and unassisted, asserted the rights of Constantius, in the midst of an armed and angry multitude, to whose fury he had almost fallen an honorable, but useless sacrifice. After losing one of his hands by the stroke of a sword, he embraced the knees of the prince whom he had offended. Julian covered the præfect with his Imperial mantle, and, protecting him from the zeal of his followers, dismissed him to his own house, with less respect than was perhaps due to the virtue of an enemy. 26 The high office of Nebridius was bestowed on Sallust; and the provinces of Gaul, which were now delivered from the intolerable oppression of taxes, enjoyed the mild and equitable administration of the friend of Julian, who was permitted to practise those virtues which he had instilled into the mind of his pupil. 27
尤利安的处境要求他当机立断、雷厉风行。他从截获的信件中得知,对手为了一己私利而不惜牺牲国家利益,竟又一次煽动蛮族入侵西部各行省。敌军囤积了两处粮秣,一处设在康斯坦茨湖畔,一处设在科蒂安阿尔卑斯山麓,看来是两路大军并进之势;每处粮仓都储有六十万夸特小麦——确切地说是面粉,24 单看这规模,便足见前来合围他的敌军兵力之众、来势之凶。所幸帝国的军团仍远驻亚洲,多瑙河一线守备空虚;尤利安若能出其不意,一举拿下伊利里库姆这几个要害行省,便可指望那里尚武成风的百姓纷纷来投他的旗下,而当地丰饶的金银矿藏也可充作内战的军费。他把这一大胆的方略提到全军将士面前,激励他们既要信赖自己的主帅,也要信赖自身的实力,勉励他们不负素来的威名——对敌人凶悍可畏,对同胞宽厚有度,对长官俯首听命。这一番慷慨陈词,赢得了最响亮的欢呼。当初君士坦提乌斯下令他们离开高卢、他们曾为此举兵相抗,如今这同一批将士却争先恐后地表示:无论天涯海角,欧洲也好,亚洲也罢,他们都愿追随尤利安。于是宣读效忠誓词,士兵们相互撞击盾牌,把出鞘的利剑指向自己的咽喉,口念可怖的诅咒,誓死追随这位他们奉为高卢解救者、日耳曼征服者的统帅。25 这一庄严的盟誓,与其说出于职责,不如说发乎爱戴,却唯有一人挺身反对,那便是新近就任禁卫军长官的涅布里狄乌斯。这位忠心的大臣孤立无援,只身立于一群手执兵刃、怒气冲天的人当中,力主维护君士坦提乌斯的权利,险些成为众人暴怒之下高尚而无谓的牺牲品。利剑一挥,砍落了他一只手;他随即抱住了这位被他开罪的君王的双膝。尤利安将自己的御袍披在他身上,护他免遭部下的义愤所伤,然后打发他回自己家去——所给的礼遇,或许还不及一个恪守节义的敌人所应得的。26 涅布里狄乌斯这一显赫的职位改授撒路斯提乌斯;高卢各行省如今从繁苛赋税的重压下解脱出来,得享尤利安这位挚友温和公允的治理——正是此人当年把这些德行灌注进他这位学生的心中,如今终获准躬行不悖。27
The hopes of Julian depended much less on the number of his troops, than on the celerity of his motions. In the execution of a daring enterprise, he availed himself of every precaution, as far as prudence could suggest; and where prudence could no longer accompany his steps, he trusted the event to valor and to fortune. In the neighborhood of Basil he assembled and divided his army. 28 One body, which consisted of ten thousand men, was directed under the command of Nevitta, general of the cavalry, to advance through the midland parts of Rhætia and Noricum. A similar division of troops, under the orders of Jovius and Jovinus, prepared to follow the oblique course of the highways, through the Alps, and the northern confines of Italy. The instructions to the generals were conceived with energy and precision: to hasten their march in close and compact columns, which, according to the disposition of the ground, might readily be changed into any order of battle; to secure themselves against the surprises of the night by strong posts and vigilant guards; to prevent resistance by their unexpected arrival; to elude examination by their sudden departure; to spread the opinion of their strength, and the terror of his name; and to join their sovereign under the walls of Sirmium. For himself Julian had reserved a more difficult and extraordinary part. He selected three thousand brave and active volunteers, resolved, like their leader, to cast behind them every hope of a retreat; at the head of this faithful band, he fearlessly plunged into the recesses of the Marcian, or Black Forest, which conceals the sources of the Danube; 29 and, for many days, the fate of Julian was unknown to the world. The secrecy of his march, his diligence, and vigor, surmounted every obstacle; he forced his way over mountains and morasses, occupied the bridges or swam the rivers, pursued his direct course, 30 without reflecting whether he traversed the territory of the Romans or of the Barbarians, and at length emerged, between Ratisbon and Vienna, at the place where he designed to embark his troops on the Danube. By a well-concerted stratagem, he seized a fleet of light brigantines, 31 as it lay at anchor; secured a apply of coarse provisions sufficient to satisfy the indelicate, and voracious, appetite of a Gallic army; and boldly committed himself to the stream of the Danube. The labors of the mariners, who plied their oars with incessant diligence, and the steady continuance of a favorable wind, carried his fleet above seven hundred miles in eleven days; 32 and he had already disembarked his troops at Bononia, 3211 only nineteen miles from Sirmium, before his enemies could receive any certain intelligence that he had left the banks of the Rhine. In the course of this long and rapid navigation, the mind of Julian was fixed on the object of his enterprise; and though he accepted the deputations of some cities, which hastened to claim the merit of an early submission, he passed before the hostile stations, which were placed along the river, without indulging the temptation of signalizing a useless and ill-timed valor. The banks of the Danube were crowded on either side with spectators, who gazed on the military pomp, anticipated the importance of the event, and diffused through the adjacent country the fame of a young hero, who advanced with more than mortal speed at the head of the innumerable forces of the West. Lucilian, who, with the rank of general of the cavalry, commanded the military powers of Illyricum, was alarmed and perplexed by the doubtful reports, which he could neither reject nor believe. He had taken some slow and irresolute measures for the purpose of collecting his troops, when he was surprised by Dagalaiphus, an active officer, whom Julian, as soon as he landed at Bononia, had pushed forwards with some light infantry. The captive general, uncertain of his life or death, was hastily thrown upon a horse, and conducted to the presence of Julian; who kindly raised him from the ground, and dispelled the terror and amazement which seemed to stupefy his faculties. But Lucilian had no sooner recovered his spirits, than he betrayed his want of discretion, by presuming to admonish his conqueror that he had rashly ventured, with a handful of men, to expose his person in the midst of his enemies. “Reserve for your master Constantius these timid remonstrances,” replied Julian, with a smile of contempt: “when I gave you my purple to kiss, I received you not as a counsellor, but as a suppliant.” Conscious that success alone could justify his attempt, and that boldness only could command success, he instantly advanced, at the head of three thousand soldiers, to attack the strongest and most populous city of the Illyrian provinces. As he entered the long suburb of Sirmium, he was received by the joyful acclamations of the army and people; who, crowned with flowers, and holding lighted tapers in their hands, conducted their acknowledged sovereign to his Imperial residence. Two days were devoted to the public joy, which was celebrated by the games of the circus; but, early on the morning of the third day, Julian marched to occupy the narrow pass of Succi, in the defiles of Mount Hæmus; which, almost in the midway between Sirmium and Constantinople, separates the provinces of Thrace and Dacia, by an abrupt descent towards the former, and a gentle declivity on the side of the latter. 33 The defence of this important post was intrusted to the brave Nevitta; who, as well as the generals of the Italian division, successfully executed the plan of the march and junction which their master had so ably conceived. 34
尤利安寄望于成败的,与其说是兵力多寡,远不如说是行动神速。执行这一冒险之举时,凡审慎所能想到的防范,他无不周全备至;一旦审慎再也帮不上忙,他便把结局交托给勇气与命运。他在巴塞尔附近集结大军,分成数路。28 一路一万人,交由骑兵统帅涅维塔统领,取道雷提亚与诺里库姆的腹地推进;另一路兵力相当,归约维乌斯与约维努斯节制,准备沿着穿越阿尔卑斯山、经意大利北境的大道斜插而行。他给将领们的号令简明有力:全军以紧密整齐的纵队疾行,视地形随时可变换成任何战斗队形;夜间以坚固的哨所与警醒的岗哨严防偷袭;以突如其来的抵达使敌人来不及抵抗;又以骤然的开拔使敌人无从探明虚实;一路张扬己方声势,散布主帅威名令敌胆寒;最后到西尔米乌姆城下与君主会师。尤利安给自己留下的,是一份更艰难、更不寻常的差事。他挑选了三千名勇猛矫健的志愿者,像他们的首领一样,决意把一切退路的指望都抛在身后;他亲率这支忠勇之师,毫无惧色地一头扎进了马尔西安森林(即黑森林)的深处——多瑙河的源头就隐没在这片林莽之中。29 一连许多天,尤利安的下落无人知晓。他行军隐秘,勤勉果决,凡险阻无不一一克服:翻山越岭,跋涉沼泽,遇桥则夺,遇河则泅,一味径直向前,30 全不理会脚下踏的是罗马人的地界还是蛮族的疆土,终于在雷根斯堡与维也纳之间露面,正是他预定让部队登船下多瑙河的地方。他以精心策划的奇计,一举夺得一支停泊待发的轻型双桅快船队,31 又备足了粗粝的口粮,足以填饱高卢军队那不讲究却狼吞虎咽的胃口,随即大胆地顺多瑙河扬帆而下。船夫们不停地奋力划桨,又一路顺风不歇,十一天里船队便驶出七百多英里;32 敌人还没能确切探得他已离开莱茵河岸,他就已在博诺尼亚——距西尔米乌姆仅十九英里之处——让部队登了岸。3211 这一路长途疾驶,尤利安心心念念只在他此行的目标;沿途虽也接见了几座抢着邀功、争先归降的城市所派的代表,可是对布防在河岸上的敌军据点,他却径直驶过,绝不为逞一时无益又不合时宜的勇武而心动。多瑙河两岸挤满了围观的人群,他们观赏军容之盛,预感事态非同小可,又把这位年轻英雄的威名传遍四邻——他率领着西方数不清的大军,以超乎凡人的速度长驱直进。卢基利阿努斯以骑兵统帅之衔执掌伊利里库姆的兵权,面对这些真假难辨、既不能不信又不敢轻信的传闻,惊惶而不知所措。他调集部队的举措迟缓而犹疑,不料被达加莱弗斯打了个措手不及——尤利安一在博诺尼亚登岸,便派这员干练的将领带一队轻步兵抢先扑上。这位被擒的主将不知自己是死是活,被匆匆推上一匹马,带到尤利安面前;尤利安和颜悦色地把他从地上扶起,替他驱散了那几乎叫他魂不附体的惊恐。谁知卢基利阿努斯刚一定神,便不知轻重,竟劝诫起这位征服他的人来,说他只带一小撮人便贸然深入敌阵、以身犯险,未免太过孟浪。“这些畏首畏尾的规谏,还是留给你的主子君士坦提乌斯吧,”尤利安冷笑着答道,“方才我伸出紫袍让你亲吻,接纳你时可不是把你当谋士,而是当一个乞命的降人。”尤利安深知,唯有成功才能为他的举兵正名,而唯有大胆才能换来成功。于是他当即率三千将士,直扑伊利里库姆诸行省中最坚固、人口最稠密的城市。他步入西尔米乌姆长长的城郊时,军民夹道欢呼相迎,头戴花冠,手擎点燃的蜡烛,簇拥着他们公认的君主前往皇宫。头两天举城纵情欢庆,还大办竞技场赛会以助其兴;可是到了第三天清晨,尤利安便拔营前去扼守海慕斯山险隘中的苏奇隘口。这处隘口几乎正当西尔米乌姆与君士坦丁堡之间的中途,分隔着色雷斯与达契亚两行省:朝色雷斯一侧陡然下坠,朝达契亚一侧则缓缓倾斜。33 扼守这一要地的重任,交给了骁勇的涅维塔;他与意大利那一路的将领一样,都出色地完成了主君精心谋划的行军与会师之策。34
—So eagerly the fiend, O’er bog, or steep, through strait, rough, dense, or rare, With head, hands, wings, or feet, pursues his way, And swims, or sinks, or wades, or creeps, or flies.]
——那恶魔亦如此急切,
越沼泽,攀峭壁,穿隘口,任其险峻、密塞抑或空疏,
或凭头、凭手、凭翼、凭足,奋然前行,
或游、或没、或涉、或匍匐、或振翅腾飞。]
越沼泽,攀峭壁,穿隘口,任其险峻、密塞抑或空疏,
或凭头、凭手、凭翼、凭足,奋然前行,
或游、或没、或涉、或匍匐、或振翅腾飞。]
The homage which Julian obtained, from the fears or the inclination of the people, extended far beyond the immediate effect of his arms. 35 The præfectures of Italy and Illyricum were administered by Taurus and Florentius, who united that important office with the vain honors of the consulship; and as those magistrates had retired with precipitation to the court of Asia, Julian, who could not always restrain the levity of his temper, stigmatized their flight by adding, in all the Acts of the Year, the epithet of fugitive to the names of the two consuls. The provinces which had been deserted by their first magistrates acknowledged the authority of an emperor, who, conciliating the qualities of a soldier with those of a philosopher, was equally admired in the camps of the Danube and in the cities of Greece. From his palace, or, more properly, from his head-quarters of Sirmium and Naissus, he distributed to the principal cities of the empire, a labored apology for his own conduct; published the secret despatches of Constantius; and solicited the judgment of mankind between two competitors, the one of whom had expelled, and the other had invited, the Barbarians. 36 Julian, whose mind was deeply wounded by the reproach of ingratitude, aspired to maintain, by argument as well as by arms, the superior merits of his cause; and to excel, not only in the arts of war, but in those of composition. His epistle to the senate and people of Athens 37 seems to have been dictated by an elegant enthusiasm; which prompted him to submit his actions and his motives to the degenerate Athenians of his own times, with the same humble deference as if he had been pleading, in the days of Aristides, before the tribunal of the Areopagus. His application to the senate of Rome, which was still permitted to bestow the titles of Imperial power, was agreeable to the forms of the expiring republic. An assembly was summoned by Tertullus, præfect of the city; the epistle of Julian was read; and, as he appeared to be master of Italy his claims were admitted without a dissenting voice. His oblique censure of the innovations of Constantine, and his passionate invective against the vices of Constantius, were heard with less satisfaction; and the senate, as if Julian had been present, unanimously exclaimed, “Respect, we beseech you, the author of your own fortune.” 38 An artful expression, which, according to the chance of war, might be differently explained; as a manly reproof of the ingratitude of the usurper, or as a flattering confession, that a single act of such benefit to the state ought to atone for all the failings of Constantius.
尤利安所赢得的归顺,无论出于民众的畏惧还是倾心,其影响都远远超出了他刀兵所能及的范围。35 意大利与伊利里库姆两大辖区,本由陶鲁斯与弗洛伦提乌斯执掌,二人还兼领着执政官的虚衔;这两位大员一见风头不对,便仓皇逃奔亚洲的朝廷。尤利安生性有时按捺不住那份轻佻,竟在当年一切公文档案里,给这两位执政官的名字都缀上“逃亡者”的字样,借此羞辱他们的逃遁。遭长官弃守的各行省,转而承认这位皇帝的权威——他兼具军人与哲人的品格,无论在多瑙河畔的军营,还是在希腊的城邦,都同样为人所景仰。他从行宫——更确切地说,是从西尔米乌姆与奈苏斯的大本营——向帝国各主要城市发出一篇为自己行事精心辩解的檄文,公布了君士坦提乌斯的密件,并请天下人评断这两个争位者的是非:一个招引蛮族入境,一个却把蛮族逐出国门。36 忘恩负义之讥深深刺痛了尤利安,他一心要以笔墨与刀剑并举,来证明自己一方理据更胜一筹,不但要在用兵之道上出类拔萃,也要在辞章之术上技压群伦。他致雅典元老院与公民的书信,37 读来仿佛出于一种优雅的热忱:他把自己的所作所为、所思所念,一一呈交给他那个时代业已堕落的雅典人评判,其谦卑恭谨,恍如置身阿里斯提德斯的年代、在阿雷奥帕戈斯的法庭前申辩一般。至于他呈请罗马元老院——这元老院仍获准授予皇权的种种称号——则合乎这个奄奄一息的共和国的旧仪。城市长官泰尔图卢斯召集了会议,宣读了尤利安的书信;既然他俨然已是意大利之主,他的要求便无一人出声反对,尽数照准。可是他对君士坦丁种种革新的旁敲侧击,以及对君士坦提乌斯种种劣迹的激烈抨击,听来就没那么受用了;于是元老院仿佛尤利安就在眼前一般,异口同声地喊道:“我们恳请您,敬重那位成就了您今日荣华的人。”38 这话说得巧妙,随战局如何演变,尽可作不同的解释:既可看作对僭主忘恩负义堂堂正正的责备,也可看作一句奉承的招认——但凡于国有此一桩大功,也就足以抵偿君士坦提乌斯的一切过失了。
The intelligence of the march and rapid progress of Julian was speedily transmitted to his rival, who, by the retreat of Sapor, had obtained some respite from the Persian war. Disguising the anguish of his soul under the semblance of contempt, Constantius professed his intention of returning into Europe, and of giving chase to Julian; for he never spoke of his military expedition in any other light than that of a hunting party. 39 In the camp of Hierapolis, in Syria, he communicated this design to his army; slightly mentioned the guilt and rashness of the Cæsar; and ventured to assure them, that if the mutineers of Gaul presumed to meet them in the field, they would be unable to sustain the fire of their eyes, and the irresistible weight of their shout of onset. The speech of the emperor was received with military applause, and Theodotus, the president of the council of Hierapolis, requested, with tears of adulation, that his city might be adorned with the head of the vanquished rebel. 40 A chosen detachment was despatched away in post-wagons, to secure, if it were yet possible, the pass of Succi; the recruits, the horses, the arms, and the magazines, which had been prepared against Sapor, were appropriated to the service of the civil war; and the domestic victories of Constantius inspired his partisans with the most sanguine assurances of success. The notary Gaudentius had occupied in his name the provinces of Africa; the subsistence of Rome was intercepted; and the distress of Julian was increased by an unexpected event, which might have been productive of fatal consequences. Julian had received the submission of two legions and a cohort of archers, who were stationed at Sirmium; but he suspected, with reason, the fidelity of those troops which had been distinguished by the emperor; and it was thought expedient, under the pretence of the exposed state of the Gallic frontier, to dismiss them from the most important scene of action. They advanced, with reluctance, as far as the confines of Italy; but as they dreaded the length of the way, and the savage fierceness of the Germans, they resolved, by the instigation of one of their tribunes, to halt at Aquileia, and to erect the banners of Constantius on the walls of that impregnable city. The vigilance of Julian perceived at once the extent of the mischief, and the necessity of applying an immediate remedy. By his order, Jovinus led back a part of the army into Italy; and the siege of Aquileia was formed with diligence, and prosecuted with vigor. But the legionaries, who seemed to have rejected the yoke of discipline, conducted the defence of the place with skill and perseverance; vited the rest of Italy to imitate the example of their courage and loyalty; and threatened the retreat of Julian, if he should be forced to yield to the superior numbers of the armies of the East. 41
尤利安进军神速的消息,很快便传到他这位对手耳中——此时沙普尔已经撤兵,君士坦提乌斯得以从波斯战事中稍事喘息。他把内心的煎熬掩藏在一副满不在乎的神色之下,扬言要返回欧洲去追剿尤利安;因为他每提起这次出兵,说的无非是去打一场围猎。39 在叙利亚希拉波利斯的营中,他把这一打算告知全军,轻描淡写地提了提那恺撒的罪行与鲁莽,还大言不惭地向众人保证:高卢那帮叛兵倘若胆敢与他们沙场对阵,只怕连他们目光中的凛凛威焰、冲锋时那势不可当的呐喊之势都招架不住。皇帝这番话赢得军中一片喝彩,希拉波利斯议事会的主席特奥多图斯更是谄媚落泪,恳请把那败亡叛贼的首级拿来装点他那座城市。40 一支精选的分遣队乘驿车疾驰而去,指望能赶在敌人之前扼守苏奇隘口;原本为对付沙普尔而征募的新兵、备下的战马、军械与粮秣,如今尽数挪作内战之用;君士坦提乌斯这些不动干戈便得手的胜绩,也叫他的党羽们对胜利抱有最乐观的信心。书记官高登提乌斯已奉他之命占据了阿非利加各行省,罗马的粮道被截断;偏偏又出了一桩意外,几乎酿成致命的后果,令尤利安更添困窘。原来驻守西尔米乌姆的两个军团和一队弓箭手已向尤利安归顺,可他有理由怀疑这些曾受皇帝另眼相待的部队并不可靠,便以高卢边境防务空虚为借口,觉得把他们调离这最要紧的战场为妙。这些人勉勉强强地开到意大利边境,却因惧怕路途遥远,又惧怕日耳曼人的凶蛮悍勇,经其中一名军事保民官的怂恿,索性决定就在阿奎莱亚停下,把君士坦提乌斯的旗帜插上了这座固若金汤的城墙。尤利安目光敏锐,一眼便看清了这祸患的分量,也深知必须即刻对症下药。他下令约维努斯率一部分兵力回师意大利,勤加布围,全力攻打阿奎莱亚。可是城中那些军团士兵,看似已挣脱了军纪的束缚,守起城来却又老练又坚韧;他们还号召意大利其余各地效法自己的勇武与忠贞,并扬言:尤利安一旦被迫屈服于东方大军的众寡之势,他们便要断了他的退路。41
But the humanity of Julian was preserved from the cruel alternative which he pathetically laments, of destroying or of being himself destroyed: and the seasonable death of Constantius delivered the Roman empire from the calamities of civil war. The approach of winter could not detain the monarch at Antioch; and his favorites durst not oppose his impatient desire of revenge. A slight fever, which was perhaps occasioned by the agitation of his spirits, was increased by the fatigues of the journey; and Constantius was obliged to halt at the little town of Mopsucrene, twelve miles beyond Tarsus, where he expired, after a short illness, in the forty-fifth year of his age, and the twenty-fourth of his reign. 42 His genuine character, which was composed of pride and weakness, of superstition and cruelty, has been fully displayed in the preceding narrative of civil and ecclesiastical events. The long abuse of power rendered him a considerable object in the eyes of his contemporaries; but as personal merit can alone deserve the notice of posterity, the last of the sons of Constantine may be dismissed from the world, with the remark, that he inherited the defects, without the abilities, of his father. Before Constantius expired, he is said to have named Julian for his successor; nor does it seem improbable, that his anxious concern for the fate of a young and tender wife, whom he left with child, may have prevailed, in his last moments, over the harsher passions of hatred and revenge. Eusebius, and his guilty associates, made a faint attempt to prolong the reign of the eunuchs, by the election of another emperor; but their intrigues were rejected with disdain, by an army which now abhorred the thought of civil discord; and two officers of rank were instantly despatched, to assure Julian, that every sword in the empire would be drawn for his service. The military designs of that prince, who had formed three different attacks against Thrace, were prevented by this fortunate event. Without shedding the blood of his fellow-citizens, he escaped the dangers of a doubtful conflict, and acquired the advantages of a complete victory. Impatient to visit the place of his birth, and the new capital of the empire, he advanced from Naissus through the mountains of Hæmus, and the cities of Thrace. When he reached Heraclea, at the distance of sixty miles, all Constantinople was poured forth to receive him; and he made his triumphal entry amidst the dutiful acclamations of the soldiers, the people, and the senate. An innumerable multitude pressed around him with eager respect and were perhaps disappointed when they beheld the small stature and simple garb of a hero, whose unexperienced youth had vanquished the Barbarians of Germany, and who had now traversed, in a successful career, the whole continent of Europe, from the shores of the Atlantic to those of the Bosphorus. 43 A few days afterwards, when the remains of the deceased emperor were landed in the harbor, the subjects of Julian applauded the real or affected humanity of their sovereign. On foot, without his diadem, and clothed in a mourning habit, he accompanied the funeral as far as the church of the Holy Apostles, where the body was deposited: and if these marks of respect may be interpreted as a selfish tribute to the birth and dignity of his Imperial kinsman, the tears of Julian professed to the world that he had forgot the injuries, and remembered only the obligations, which he had received from Constantius. 44 As soon as the legions of Aquileia were assured of the death of the emperor, they opened the gates of the city, and, by the sacrifice of their guilty leaders, obtained an easy pardon from the prudence or lenity of Julian; who, in the thirty-second year of his age, acquired the undisputed possession of the Roman empire. 45
所幸尤利安天性仁厚,终究没有落到那两难的绝境——他后来还曾为此痛心疾首:要么杀人,要么被杀。君士坦提乌斯适时故去,才使罗马帝国免遭一场内战的浩劫。隆冬将至,却拴不住这位君王的脚步;他的宠臣们也不敢违拗他那急欲复仇的心。或许是心绪激荡所致,他起初只是微感发烧,一路奔波劳顿又使病势加重;君士坦提乌斯不得不在塔尔苏斯以东十二英里处一座名叫莫普苏克雷内的小镇停下,病了没几天便撒手人寰,时年四十五岁,在位已二十四年。42 他真实的品性由骄横与懦弱、迷信与残忍杂糅而成,这一点在前文叙述的政务与教务诸事中已表露无遗。他长年滥用权柄,在同时代人眼中不失为一个举足轻重的人物;然而唯有个人的德才配得上后世的瞩目,因此,对君士坦丁这最后一个儿子,只消这样一句评断便可送他离世:他承袭了乃父的种种缺陷,却没有承袭乃父的才干。据说君士坦提乌斯临终之前,指定了尤利安为其继承人;这也并非全无可能——他撇下一位年轻娇弱、身怀六甲的妻子,为她的命运忧心忡忡,这份牵挂在他弥留之际或许压过了憎恨与复仇那些更严酷的情绪。欧塞比乌斯及其一干同罪的党徒,曾妄图另立一位皇帝,好把宦官当权的局面再延续下去;无奈军中如今对内讧之念深恶痛绝,对他们的阴谋不屑一顾;两名高级军官旋即被派去向尤利安报讯,说帝国之内每一把刀剑都将为他而出鞘。这位皇子本已谋划了三路分兵进攻色雷斯,这桩幸事一来,用兵的打算也就不必付诸实行了。他没有让同胞的鲜血流淌一滴,便躲过了一场胜负难料的恶战之险,坐收了一场大获全胜的种种好处。他迫不及待,急欲一睹自己的出生之地与帝国的新都,遂从奈苏斯启程,穿越海慕斯群山与色雷斯诸城。他抵达六十英里外的赫拉克利亚时,整座君士坦丁堡倾城而出前来迎接;他在将士、民众与元老院恭顺的欢呼声中举行了凯旋入城之礼。数不清的人群怀着热切的敬意簇拥在他四周,可当他们看清这位英雄身材矮小、衣着朴素时,或许还不免有几分失望——正是这位英雄,以其未经历练的青春年少便击败了日耳曼的蛮族,如今又一路势如破竹,从大西洋之滨横越整个欧洲大陆,直抵博斯普鲁斯海峡之畔。43 几天之后,先帝的遗体运抵港口,尤利安的臣民们对君主那份或真或假的仁厚之情赞叹不已。他徒步而行,不戴冠冕,身着丧服,随灵柩一直送到圣使徒教堂——遗体便安放在那里。这些致敬的举动,纵可解读为出于私心、只为顾全这位皇室至亲的出身与尊荣,可尤利安的泪水却向世人表白:他已忘却了从君士坦提乌斯那里所受的种种伤害,铭记的唯有种种恩义。44 阿奎莱亚的那些军团一确知皇帝驾崩的消息,便打开城门,献出他们那几个罪魁祸首,从尤利安的明智或宽仁那里轻易换得了赦免;就这样,尤利安在时年三十二岁之际,稳稳当当地把整个罗马帝国收入了掌中,再无人与之争锋。45
Notes 注释
21
Her remains were sent to Rome, and interred near those of her sister Constantina, in the suburb of the Via Nomentana. Ammian. xxi. 1. Libanius has composed a very weak apology, to justify his hero from a very absurd charge of poisoning his wife, and rewarding her physician with his mother’s jewels. (See the seventh of seventeen new orations, published at Venice, 1754, from a MS. in St. Mark’s Library, p. 117-127.) Elpidius, the Prætorian præfect of the East, to whose evidence the accuser of Julian appeals, is arraigned by Libanius, as effeminate and ungrateful; yet the religion of Elpidius is praised by Jerom, (tom. i. p. 243,) and his Ammianus (xxi. 6.)
她的遗骸被送往罗马,安葬在诺门塔纳大道(Via Nomentana)近郊,与其姊君士坦提娜的墓相邻。Ammian. xxi. 1。有人曾荒唐地指控尤利安毒杀妻子,还拿母亲的首饰去酬谢她的医生;利巴尼乌斯为替自己心目中的英雄开脱,写了一篇十分无力的辩词。(见威尼斯 1754 年据圣马可图书馆一份抄本刊印的十七篇新讲辞中的第七篇,p. 117-127。)指控尤利安者所援引的证人,乃东部禁卫军长官埃尔皮狄乌斯;利巴尼乌斯斥其柔弱无骨、忘恩负义,然而埃尔皮狄乌斯的信仰却受到哲罗姆(tom. i. p. 243)以及阿米阿努斯(xxi. 6)的称许。
22
Feriarum die quem celebrantes mense Januario, Christiani Epiphania dictitant, progressus in eorum ecclesiam, solemniter numine orato discessit. Ammian. xxi. 2. Zonaras observes, that it was on Christmas day, and his assertion is not inconsistent; since the churches of Egypt, Asia, and perhaps Gaul, celebrated on the same day (the sixth of January) the nativity and the baptism of their Savior. The Romans, as ignorant as their brethren of the real date of his birth, fixed the solemn festival to the 25th of December, the Brumalia, or winter solstice, when the Pagans annually celebrated the birth of the sun. See Bingham’s Antiquities of the Christian Church, l. xx. c. 4, and Beausobre, Hist. Critique du Manicheismo tom. ii. p. 690-700.
Feriarum die quem celebrantes mense Januario, Christiani Epiphania dictitant, progressus in eorum ecclesiam, solemniter numine orato discessit(阿米阿努斯此语意谓:基督徒于一月里庆贺、称之为“主显节”的那个节日,尤利安走进他们的教堂,庄严祈祷之后离去)。Ammian. xxi. 2。佐纳拉斯说这事发生在圣诞日,其说与此并不矛盾;因为埃及、亚洲乃至或许高卢的教会,都在同一天(1 月 6 日)同时庆贺救主的诞生与受洗。罗马人对救主降生的真实日期与其他弟兄一样茫然无知,便把这一庄严的节日定在 12 月 25 日,即布鲁马利亚节(Brumalia),也就是冬至之日——异教徒每年都在这一天庆贺太阳的诞生。参见 Bingham's Antiquities of the Christian Church, l. xx. c. 4,以及 Beausobre, Hist. Critique du Manicheisme, tom. ii. p. 690-700。
23
The public and secret negotiations between Constantius and Julian must be extracted, with some caution, from Julian himself. (Orat. ad S. P. Q. Athen. p. 286.) Libanius, (Orat. Parent. c. 51, p. 276,) Ammianus, (xx. 9,) Zosimus, (l. iii. p. 154,) and even Zonaras, (tom. ii. l. xiii. p. 20, 21, 22,) who, on this occasion, appears to have possessed and used some valuable materials.
君士坦提乌斯与尤利安之间公开与私下的种种交涉,须审慎地从尤利安本人(Orat. ad S. P. Q. Athen. p. 286)、利巴尼乌斯(Orat. Parent. c. 51, p. 276)、阿米阿努斯(xx. 9)、佐西莫斯(l. iii. p. 154),乃至佐纳拉斯(tom. ii. l. xiii. p. 20, 21, 22)的记述中钩稽而得——佐纳拉斯在此事上似乎掌握并采用了若干珍贵的材料。
24
Three hundred myriads, or three millions of medimni, a corn measure familiar to the Athenians, and which contained six Roman modii. Julian explains, like a soldier and a statesman, the danger of his situation, and the necessity and advantages of an offensive war, (ad S. P. Q. Athen. p. 286, 287.)
计三百万 medimni(一种雅典人惯用的谷物量器,每一 medimni 合六个罗马 modii)。尤利安以军人兼政治家的眼光,剖析了自己处境的凶险,以及主动出击这一战的必要与好处(ad S. P. Q. Athen. p. 286, 287)。
25
See his oration, and the behavior of the troops, in Ammian. xxi. 5.
这篇演说以及将士们的反应,见阿米阿努斯 xxi. 5。
26
He sternly refused his hand to the suppliant præfect, whom he sent into Tuscany. (Ammian. xxi. 5.) Libanius, with savage fury, insults Nebridius, applauds the soldiers, and almost censures the humanity of Julian. (Orat. Parent. c. 53, p. 278.)
他冷冷地拒绝向那乞怜的长官伸出援手,把他打发去了托斯卡纳(Ammian. xxi. 5)。利巴尼乌斯则以粗野的狂怒辱骂涅布里狄乌斯,为士兵们喝彩,甚至几乎要责怪尤利安太过仁慈(Orat. Parent. c. 53, p. 278)。
27
Ammian. xxi. 8. In this promotion, Julian obeyed the law which he publicly imposed on himself. Neque civilis quisquam judex nec militaris rector, alio quodam præter merita suffragante, ad potiorem veniat gradum. (Ammian. xx. 5.) Absence did not weaken his regard for Sallust, with whose name (A. D. 363) he honored the consulship.
Ammian. xxi. 8。在这次擢升中,尤利安遵守了他公开为自己立下的规矩。Neque civilis quisquam judex nec militaris rector, alio quodam præter merita suffragante, ad potiorem veniat gradum(其意为:无论文职法官还是武职将领,凡无真才实绩、仅凭他人举荐者,皆不得晋升高位。Ammian. xx. 5)。相隔两地并未削减他对撒路斯提乌斯的器重,公元 363 年他还让撒路斯提乌斯出任执政官,以这一显职为其名字增光。
28
Ammianus (xxi. 8) ascribes the same practice, and the same motive, to Alexander the Great and other skilful generals.
阿米阿努斯(xxi. 8)说,亚历山大大帝以及其他善战的名将也曾采取同样的做法,出于同样的用意。
29
This wood was a part of the great Hercynian forest, which, is the time of Cæsar, stretched away from the country of the Rauraci (Basil) into the boundless regions of the north. See Cluver, Germania Antiqua. l. iii. c. 47.
这片林子是浩瀚的赫尔基尼亚森林的一部分;恺撒的时代,这片森林从劳拉奇人的地界(即巴塞尔一带)绵延伸展,一直没入北方无边无际的旷野。参见 Cluver, Germania Antiqua. l. iii. c. 47。
30
Compare Libanius, Orat. Parent. c. 53, p. 278, 279, with Gregory Nazianzen, Orat. iii. p. 68. Even the saint admires the speed and secrecy of this march. A modern divine might apply to the progress of Julian the lines which were originally designed for another apostate:—
可将利巴尼乌斯(Orat. Parent. c. 53, p. 278, 279)与纳齐安的格列高利(Orat. iii. p. 68)两处相互参看。连这位圣徒也叹服此番行军之神速与隐秘。一位近世的神学家或许会把下面这几行原本为另一个叛教者所写的诗句,移用到尤利安的进军之上:——
31
In that interval the Notitia places two or three fleets, the Lauriacensis, (at Lauriacum, or Lorch,) the Arlapensis, the Maginensis; and mentions five legions, or cohorts, of Libernarii, who should be a sort of marines. Sect. lviii. edit. Labb.
在这一河段,《百官志》(Notitia)列有两三支舰队——劳里亚库姆舰队(Lauriacensis,驻劳里亚库姆,即洛尔希)、阿尔拉普舰队(Arlapensis)与马吉纳舰队(Maginensis);此外还提到五个由 Libernarii 编成的军团或步兵队,大约是一种水兵。Sect. lviii. edit. Labb。
32
Zosimus alone (l. iii. p. 156) has specified this interesting circumstance. Mamertinus, (in Panegyr. Vet. xi. 6, 7, 8,) who accompanied Julian, as count of the sacred largesses, describes this voyage in a florid and picturesque manner, challenges Triptolemus and the Argonauts of Greece, &c.
唯有佐西莫斯(l. iii. p. 156)载明了这一耐人寻味的细节。以圣库伯(comes sacrarum largitionum)身份随行的马梅尔提努斯(Panegyr. Vet. xi. 6, 7, 8)以辞藻华丽、绘声绘色的笔调描摹了这次航行,竟拿它去与特里普托勒摩斯以及希腊的阿尔戈英雄一较高下,云云。
3211
Banostar. Mannert.—M.
即今巴诺什塔尔(Banostar)。Mannert。——M
33
The description of Ammianus, which might be supported by collateral evidence, ascertains the precise situation of the Angustiæ Succorum, or passes of Succi. M. d’Anville, from the trifling resemblance of names, has placed them between Sardica and Naissus. For my own justification I am obliged to mention the only error which I have discovered in the maps or writings of that admirable geographer.
阿米阿努斯的描述——尚可有旁证支持——确定了“苏奇隘口”(Angustiæ Succorum,即 passes of Succi)的确切位置。当维尔先生仅凭名称上一点微不足道的相似,便把它们定在了萨尔迪卡与奈苏斯之间。为替自己辩白,我不得不指出这位令人钦佩的地理学家在其地图与著述中我所发现的唯一一处错误。
34
Whatever circumstances we may borrow elsewhere, Ammianus (xx. 8, 9, 10) still supplies the series of the narrative.
无论我们从别处借取了哪些细节,叙事的整个脉络仍出自阿米阿努斯(xx. 8, 9, 10)。
35
Ammian. xxi. 9, 10. Libanius, Orat. Parent. c. 54, p. 279, 280. Zosimus, l. iii. p. 156, 157.
Ammian. xxi. 9, 10。Libanius, Orat. Parent. c. 54, p. 279, 280。Zosimus, l. iii. p. 156, 157。
36
Julian (ad S. P. Q. Athen. p. 286) positively asserts, that he intercepted the letters of Constantius to the Barbarians; and Libanius as positively affirms, that he read them on his march to the troops and the cities. Yet Ammianus (xxi. 4) expresses himself with cool and candid hesitation, si famæ solius admittenda est fides. He specifies, however, an intercepted letter from Vadomair to Constantius, which supposes an intimate correspondence between them. “disciplinam non habet.”
尤利安(ad S. P. Q. Athen. p. 286)一口咬定,他截获了君士坦提乌斯写给蛮族的信件;利巴尼乌斯也同样斩钉截铁地断言,尤利安行军途中曾把这些信读给将士和各城的人听。可是阿米阿努斯(xxi. 4)的措辞却冷静而坦率地留有余地:si famæ solius admittenda est fides(意即:倘若单凭传闻也可采信的话)。不过他倒是确指有一封瓦多迈尔写给君士坦提乌斯的信被截获,其中透露出二人往来密切。“disciplinam non habet”(他不守法度)。
37
Zosimus mentions his epistles to the Athenians, the Corinthians, and the Lacedæmonians. The substance was probably the same, though the address was properly varied. The epistle to the Athenians is still extant, (p. 268-287,) and has afforded much valuable information. It deserves the praises of the Abbé de la Bleterie, (Pref. a l’Histoire de Jovien, p. 24, 25,) and is one of the best manifestoes to be found in any language.
佐西莫斯提到他分别致雅典人、科林斯人和拉栖代梦人的几封书信。内容大概相同,只是称谓依对象各有变化。致雅典人的那一封至今尚存(p. 268-287),提供了许多宝贵的材料。它当得起布莱特里神父的赞誉(Pref. a l'Histoire de Jovien, p. 24, 25),堪称任何语言中都难得一见的最佳檄文之一。
38
Auctori tuo reverentiam rogamus. Ammian. xxi. 10. It is amusing enough to observe the secret conflicts of the senate between flattery and fear. See Tacit. Hist. i. 85.
Auctori tuo reverentiam rogamus(意即:我们恳请您敬重成就您的人)。Ammian. xxi. 10。看元老院在阿谀与畏惧之间暗自纠结的情状,倒也颇为有趣。参见 Tacit. Hist. i. 85。
39
Tanquam venaticiam prædam caperet: hoc enim ad Jeniendum suorum metum subinde prædicabat. Ammian. xxii. 7.
Tanquam venaticiam prædam caperet: hoc enim ad Jeniendum suorum metum subinde prædicabat(意即:他仿佛是去猎取一头猎物;他之所以屡屡这样宣称,是为了平息部下的恐惧)。Ammian. xxii. 7。
40
See the speech and preparations in Ammianus, xxi. 13. The vile Theodotus afterwards implored and obtained his pardon from the merciful conqueror, who signified his wish of diminishing his enemies and increasing the numbers of his friends, (xxii. 14.)
这篇演说及备战情形见阿米阿努斯 xxi. 13。那卑劣的特奥多图斯后来向宽仁的征服者乞求赦免并获准;尤利安表示,他但愿减少敌人、多添朋友(xxii. 14)。
41
Ammian. xxi. 7, 11, 12. He seems to describe, with superfluous labor, the operations of the siege of Aquileia, which, on this occasion, maintained its impregnable fame. Gregory Nazianzen (Orat. iii. p. 68) ascribes this accidental revolt to the wisdom of Constantius, whose assured victory he announces with some appearance of truth. Constantio quem credebat procul dubio fore victorem; nemo enim omnium tunc ab hac constanti sententia discrepebat. Ammian. xxi. 7.
Ammian. xxi. 7, 11, 12。他似乎不厌其烦地详述了围攻阿奎莱亚的种种战况——此城这一回又保住了固若金汤的美名。纳齐安的格列高利(Orat. iii. p. 68)把这场偶发的叛乱归功于君士坦提乌斯的英明,还煞有介事地预告他必操胜券,看来倒也不无几分道理:Constantio quem credebat procul dubio fore victorem; nemo enim omnium tunc ab hac constanti sententia discrepebat(意即:人人都深信君士坦提乌斯必胜无疑,当时无一人不作如是想)。Ammian. xxi. 7。
42
His death and character are faithfully delineated by Ammianus, (xxi. 14, 15, 16;) and we are authorized to despise and detest the foolish calumny of Gregory, (Orat. iii. p. 68,) who accuses Julian of contriving the death of his benefactor. The private repentance of the emperor, that he had spared and promoted Julian, (p. 69, and Orat. xxi. p. 389,) is not improbable in itself, nor incompatible with the public verbal testament which prudential considerations might dictate in the last moments of his life. Note: Wagner thinks this sudden change of sentiment altogether a fiction of the attendant courtiers and chiefs of the army. who up to this time had been hostile to Julian. Note in loco Ammian.—M.
他的死与其为人,阿米阿努斯(xxi. 14, 15, 16)都作了忠实的刻画;至于格列高利(Orat. iii. p. 68)那愚蠢的诽谤——诬指尤利安暗中谋害了自己的恩主——我们尽可对之鄙夷而痛恨。皇帝私下里悔不该饶过并提拔尤利安(p. 69,及 Orat. xxi. p. 389),这本身并非全无可能,也与他弥留之际出于审慎考虑而当众口授的遗嘱并不冲突。按:瓦格纳认为,这种情绪的骤然转变,纯属那些直到此时仍与尤利安为敌的随侍朝臣和军中将领的虚构。Note in loco Ammian。——M
43
In describing the triumph of Julian, Ammianus (xxii. l, 2) assumes the lofty tone of an orator or poet; while Libanius (Orat. Parent, c. 56, p. 281) sinks to the grave simplicity of an historian.
描写尤利安的凯旋时,阿米阿努斯(xxii. 1, 2)摆出了演说家或诗人的高亢腔调,利巴尼乌斯(Orat. Parent. c. 56, p. 281)却反倒沉降为史家那般庄重朴实的笔致。
44
The funeral of Constantius is described by Ammianus, (xxi. 16.) Gregory Nazianzen, (Orat. iv. p. 119,) Mamertinus, in (Panegyr. Vet. xi. 27,) Libanius, (Orat. Parent. c. lvi. p. 283,) and Philostorgius, (l. vi. c. 6, with Godefroy’s Dissertations, p. 265.) These writers, and their followers, Pagans, Catholics, Arians, beheld with very different eyes both the dead and the living emperor.
君士坦提乌斯的葬礼,见于阿米阿努斯(xxi. 16)、纳齐安的格列高利(Orat. iv. p. 119)、马梅尔提努斯(Panegyr. Vet. xi. 27)、利巴尼乌斯(Orat. Parent. c. lvi. p. 283)以及菲洛斯托尔吉乌斯(l. vi. c. 6, with Godefroy's Dissertations, p. 265)的记述。这些作者以及追随他们的异教徒、大公教徒与阿里乌斯派,看待这一死一生两位皇帝时,眼光大相径庭。
45
The day and year of the birth of Julian are not perfectly ascertained. The day is probably the sixth of November, and the year must be either 331 or 332. Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 693. Ducange, Fam. Byzantin. p. 50. I have preferred the earlier date.
尤利安出生的确切日子与年份都无从考定。日子大概是 11 月 6 日,年份则不外乎 331 年或 332 年。Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 693。Ducange, Fam. Byzantin. p. 50。我取了较早的那个年份。