Chapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church.—Part IV. 第二十一章 对异端的迫害；教会的状况——第四节
¶
Such was the rise and progress, and such were the natural revolutions of those theological disputes, which disturbed the peace of Christianity under the reigns of Constantine and of his sons. But as those princes presumed to extend their despotism over the faith, as well as over the lives and fortunes, of their subjects, the weight of their suffrage sometimes inclined the ecclesiastical balance: and the prerogatives of the King of Heaven were settled, or changed, or modified, in the cabinet of an earthly monarch. The unhappy spirit of discord which pervaded the provinces of the East, interrupted the triumph of Constantine; but the emperor continued for some time to view, with cool and careless indifference, the object of the dispute. As he was yet ignorant of the difficulty of appeasing the quarrels of theologians, he addressed to the contending parties, to Alexander and to Arius, a moderating epistle; 77 which may be ascribed, with far greater reason, to the untutored sense of a soldier and statesman, than to the dictates of any of his episcopal counsellors. He attributes the origin of the whole controversy to a trifling and subtle question, concerning an incomprehensible point of law, which was foolishly asked by the bishop, and imprudently resolved by the presbyter. He laments that the Christian people, who had the same God, the same religion, and the same worship, should be divided by such inconsiderable distinctions; and he seriously recommends to the clergy of Alexandria the example of the Greek philosophers; who could maintain their arguments without losing their temper, and assert their freedom without violating their friendship. The indifference and contempt of the sovereign would have been, perhaps, the most effectual method of silencing the dispute, if the popular current had been less rapid and impetuous, and if Constantine himself, in the midst of faction and fanaticism, could have preserved the calm possession of his own mind. But his ecclesiastical ministers soon contrived to seduce the impartiality of the magistrate, and to awaken the zeal of the proselyte. He was provoked by the insults which had been offered to his statues; he was alarmed by the real, as well as the imaginary magnitude of the spreading mischief; and he extinguished the hope of peace and toleration, from the moment that he assembled three hundred bishops within the walls of the same palace. The presence of the monarch swelled the importance of the debate; his attention multiplied the arguments; and he exposed his person with a patient intrepidity, which animated the valor of the combatants. Notwithstanding the applause which has been bestowed on the eloquence and sagacity of Constantine, 78 a Roman general, whose religion might be still a subject of doubt, and whose mind had not been enlightened either by study or by inspiration, was indifferently qualified to discuss, in the Greek language, a metaphysical question, or an article of faith. But the credit of his favorite Osius, who appears to have presided in the council of Nice, might dispose the emperor in favor of the orthodox party; and a well-timed insinuation, that the same Eusebius of Nicomedia, who now protected the heretic, had lately assisted the tyrant, 79 might exasperate him against their adversaries. The Nicene creed was ratified by Constantine; and his firm declaration, that those who resisted the divine judgment of the synod, must prepare themselves for an immediate exile, annihilated the murmurs of a feeble opposition; which, from seventeen, was almost instantly reduced to two, protesting bishops. Eusebius of Cæsarea yielded a reluctant and ambiguous consent to the Homoousion; 80 and the wavering conduct of the Nicomedian Eusebius served only to delay, about three months, his disgrace and exile. 81 The impious Arius was banished into one of the remote provinces of Illyricum; his person and disciples were branded by law with the odious name of Porphyrians; his writings were condemned to the flames, and a capital punishment was denounced against those in whose possession they should be found. The emperor had now imbibed the spirit of controversy, and the angry, sarcastic style of his edicts was designed to inspire his subjects with the hatred which he had conceived against the enemies of Christ. 82
这些神学争端如何兴起、如何蔓延，又如何自然而然地几经反复，大略便是如此；在君士坦丁（Constantine）父子治下，扰乱基督教安宁的，正是这些争端。然而，这几位君主不仅对臣民的生命与财产施以专断之权，更擅自把这份专断延伸到臣民的信仰上；于是皇帝那一票的分量，有时便使教会的天平偏向一方。天国之王的种种特权，竟要在尘世君主的内廷里裁定、更改，或斟酌损益。东方各行省弥漫着一股不祥的纷争之气，一时打断了君士坦丁凯旋的欢庆；不过起先有一段时间，皇帝对争论的题旨只报以冷淡而漫不经心的态度。那时他还不知道神学家之间的争吵有多难平息，便给争执的双方亚历山大与阿里乌斯（Arius）发去一封劝和的书信；77这封信与其说是哪位主教顾问授意的，不如说是一位军人兼政治家凭着未经雕琢的常识写成的，这样看要合理得多。在他看来，整场争端都起于一个琐屑而微妙的问题：上帝律法中有一处深奥难解的疑点，主教就此发问，问得愚蠢；长老作答，又答得轻率。他慨叹：基督徒本奉同一位上帝、同一种信仰、同一套礼拜，却因这等微不足道的分歧而彼此分裂；他还郑重地劝亚历山大里亚的教士效法希腊哲人——那些人各持己见而不动肝火，各守思想的自由而无伤彼此的情谊。倘若民情的浪头不那样湍急汹涌，倘若君士坦丁本人身处党争与狂热之中仍能保持心神的宁定，那么君主这般不加理会、视若无物，本来或许是平息争论最有效的办法。然而，他身边那些教会重臣不久便设法诱使这位本应秉公的执政者偏离中立，又唤醒了他这个新皈信者的一腔热忱。他的塑像遭人侮辱，令他震怒；祸患日渐蔓延，声势有实有虚，都叫他惊惧；于是，自他把三百名主教聚于同一座宫墙之内的那一刻起，和平与宽容的指望便断送在他手里。君主亲临，这场辩论的分量随之大增；有他留意，种种论辩便层出不穷；他不辞辛劳、无所畏惧地置身其间，更激起了论战双方的斗志。尽管有人盛赞君士坦丁口才雄辩、见识过人，78可他毕竟只是一名罗马将领：宗教信仰尚且成疑，头脑既未经学问的开启，也未受天启的照亮，要他用希腊语去讨论一个形而上的难题，或是一条信仰的教义，实在不大胜任。不过，奥西乌斯（Osius）深得皇帝宠信，似乎还主持过尼西亚会议，凭他的声望，或许足以使皇帝倾向正统一方；又有人不失时机地进言，说尼科米底亚的优西比乌（Eusebius of Nicomedia）如今庇护着这名异端，而此人不久前还曾襄助僭主李锡尼；79这番话也可能激起皇帝对阿里乌斯一派的愤恨。尼西亚信经（Nicene creed）由君士坦丁批准生效；他又斩钉截铁地宣布，凡抗拒公会议神圣裁决的人，都得做好即刻流放的准备。这一声明，把本就微弱的反对之声一举压了下去：抗议的主教起先有十七位，几乎转眼之间就只剩下两位。凯撒里亚的优西比乌对“同质（Homoousion）”一说勉强而含糊地表示了赞同；80至于尼科米底亚的优西比乌，他摇摆不定，到头来也只是把失宠遭贬、被逐流放的日子往后拖了约莫三个月。81那不虔的阿里乌斯被放逐到伊利里库姆（Illyricum）某个偏远的行省；法律给他本人及其门徒都烙上了“波菲利派（Porphyrians）”这个可憎的名号；他的著作被判付之一炬，凡藏有其书者，一经查获便处以死刑。此时的皇帝已然沾染了争论的意气，他那些诏书行文愤激、语带讥诮，用意正在把自己对基督之敌所怀的仇恨，一并灌注给臣民。82
¶
But, as if the conduct of the emperor had been guided by passion instead of principle, three years from the council of Nice were scarcely elapsed before he discovered some symptoms of mercy, and even of indulgence, towards the proscribed sect, which was secretly protected by his favorite sister. The exiles were recalled, and Eusebius, who gradually resumed his influence over the mind of Constantine, was restored to the episcopal throne, from which he had been ignominiously degraded. Arius himself was treated by the whole court with the respect which would have been due to an innocent and oppressed man. His faith was approved by the synod of Jerusalem; and the emperor seemed impatient to repair his injustice, by issuing an absolute command, that he should be solemnly admitted to the communion in the cathedral of Constantinople. On the same day, which had been fixed for the triumph of Arius, he expired; and the strange and horrid circumstances of his death might excite a suspicion, that the orthodox saints had contributed more efficaciously than by their prayers, to deliver the church from the most formidable of her enemies. 83 The three principal leaders of the Catholics, Athanasius of Alexandria, Eustathius of Antioch, and Paul of Constantinople were deposed on various f accusations, by the sentence of numerous councils; and were afterwards banished into distant provinces by the first of the Christian emperors, who, in the last moments of his life, received the rites of baptism from the Arian bishop of Nicomedia. The ecclesiastical government of Constantine cannot be justified from the reproach of levity and weakness. But the credulous monarch, unskilled in the stratagems of theological warfare, might be deceived by the modest and specious professions of the heretics, whose sentiments he never perfectly understood; and while he protected Arius, and persecuted Athanasius, he still considered the council of Nice as the bulwark of the Christian faith, and the peculiar glory of his own reign. 84
然而，皇帝行事倒像是凭一时意气，而非依循原则：尼西亚会议过后还不满三年，他便对那个遭禁绝的教派流露出几分怜悯，甚至纵容；这一派一直有他宠爱的妹妹在暗中庇护。流放者被召回；那位优西比乌（Eusebius）逐渐重新左右了君士坦丁的心意，当初蒙羞被黜，如今也重登主教之座。阿里乌斯本人也受到满朝上下的礼遇，仿佛他是个含冤受屈的无辜之人。耶路撒冷公会议认可了他的信仰；皇帝也似乎急于弥补自己从前的不公，遂颁下一道不容违抗的敕令：要在君士坦丁堡的主教座堂里，隆重地接纳他重领圣餐。可就在阿里乌斯本该扬眉吐气的那一天，他却咽了气；他死得那样离奇可怖，不免叫人生疑：正统派的诸位圣徒，为替教会除掉这个最可畏的仇敌，出的力恐怕不止是祈祷而已。83大公教徒有三位主要领袖：亚历山大里亚的阿塔纳修斯（Athanasius）、安条克（Antioch）的欧斯塔提乌斯（Eustathius）和君士坦丁堡的保罗（Paul of Constantinople）。一连串公会议先后以种种罪名判处他们革职；随后，这位史上第一位信奉基督教的皇帝又把他们流放到边远行省，而他自己在生命的最后一刻，却是从阿里乌斯派（Arian）的尼科米底亚（Nicomedia）主教手中领受的洗礼。君士坦丁在教会事务上的处置，实难洗脱轻率与软弱之讥。不过，这位轻信的君主本不谙神学斗争的种种权谋，异端分子那一套谦恭而似是而非的表白，或许就蒙蔽了他，而他们的真实主张，他从来不曾完全弄明白；他一面庇护阿里乌斯、迫害阿塔纳修斯，一面却始终把尼西亚会议看作基督教信仰的壁垒，看作自己这一朝独有的荣光。84
¶
The sons of Constantine must have been admitted from their childhood into the rank of catechumens; but they imitated, in the delay of their baptism, the example of their father. Like him they presumed to pronounce their judgment on mysteries into which they had never been regularly initiated; 85 and the fate of the Trinitarian controversy depended, in a great measure, on the sentiments of Constantius; who inherited the provinces of the East, and acquired the possession of the whole empire. The Arian presbyter or bishop, who had secreted for his use the testament of the deceased emperor, improved the fortunate occasion which had introduced him to the familiarity of a prince, whose public counsels were always swayed by his domestic favorites. The eunuchs and slaves diffused the spiritual poison through the palace, and the dangerous infection was communicated by the female attendants to the guards, and by the empress to her unsuspicious husband. 86 The partiality which Constantius always expressed towards the Eusebian faction, was insensibly fortified by the dexterous management of their leaders; and his victory over the tyrant Magnentius increased his inclination, as well as ability, to employ the arms of power in the cause of Arianism. While the two armies were engaged in the plains of Mursa, and the fate of the two rivals depended on the chance of war, the son of Constantine passed the anxious moments in a church of the martyrs under the walls of the city. His spiritual comforter, Valens, the Arian bishop of the diocese, employed the most artful precautions to obtain such early intelligence as might secure either his favor or his escape. A secret chain of swift and trusty messengers informed him of the vicissitudes of the battle; and while the courtiers stood trembling round their affrighted master, Valens assured him that the Gallic legions gave way; and insinuated with some presence of mind, that the glorious event had been revealed to him by an angel. The grateful emperor ascribed his success to the merits and intercession of the bishop of Mursa, whose faith had deserved the public and miraculous approbation of Heaven. 87 The Arians, who considered as their own the victory of Constantius, preferred his glory to that of his father. 88 Cyril, bishop of Jerusalem, immediately composed the description of a celestial cross, encircled with a splendid rainbow; which during the festival of Pentecost, about the third hour of the day, had appeared over the Mount of Olives, to the edification of the devout pilgrims, and the people of the holy city. 89 The size of the meteor was gradually magnified; and the Arian historian has ventured to affirm, that it was conspicuous to the two armies in the plains of Pannonia; and that the tyrant, who is purposely represented as an idolater, fled before the auspicious sign of orthodox Christianity. 90
君士坦丁诸子想必自幼便已列入慕道者之列；然而在推迟受洗这一点上，他们却仿效了父亲的榜样。他们也和父亲一样，对那些从未正式领受过的奥义，竟敢妄下断语。85三位一体之争的命运，在很大程度上系于君士坦提乌斯（Constantius）的向背——正是他承袭了东方诸行省，日后又将整个帝国收归己有。有一位阿里乌斯派长老（一说是主教），曾私下替君士坦提乌斯保管先帝的遗嘱，由此得以亲近君主，便充分利用了这番良机；而这位君主处理朝政，历来都由身边的亲信左右。宦官与奴仆把这属灵的毒液散布于整座宫廷：宫女将这危险的病气传给卫士，皇后则传给她那毫无戒心的丈夫。86君士坦提乌斯一向偏袒优西比乌派，经这一派首领的巧妙经营，这份偏袒又在不知不觉间日益牢固；及至战胜僭主马格嫩提乌斯（Magnentius），他要动用权力的刀兵为阿里乌斯派张目，意愿与能力都随之大增。当两军在穆尔萨（Mursa）平原上厮杀、两位争位者的命运全系于战事的机运时，君士坦丁之子却在城墙脚下一座殉道者教堂里，捱过那些焦灼不安的时刻。抚慰他心灵的，是本教区那位阿里乌斯派主教瓦伦斯（Valens）；此人使出种种巧妙的手段，务求抢先探得战报，以便见机行事——或博取皇帝的欢心，或及早脱身逃命。他暗中安排了一批快捷可靠的信使，沿途接力，随时通报战局的起伏；正当群臣战战兢兢地围在惊惶失措的主上身边时，瓦伦斯却向皇帝拍胸担保：高卢（Gaul）军团已经溃退；他还颇有急智地暗示说，这一辉煌的捷报是一位天使向他显示的。皇帝感激不尽，把这场胜利归功于穆尔萨主教的德行与代祷，认定正是此人的信仰，才配得上上天当众降下的神迹嘉许。87阿里乌斯派把君士坦提乌斯的胜利视为自家的胜利，遂将他的荣耀抬举到他父亲之上。88耶路撒冷主教西里尔（Cyril）当即撰文，描述了一道天上的十字架：其外环绕着一圈绚烂的彩虹，据说在五旬节（Pentecost）那天、约当白昼第三时，显现于橄榄山（Mount of Olives）的上空，令虔诚的朝圣者与圣城的居民大受感化。89这一天象的规模愈传愈大；一位阿里乌斯派史家竟敢断言，潘诺尼亚（Pannonia）平原上交战的两军都把它看得清清楚楚；他还特意把那僭主写成拜偶像者，说此人竟在这正统基督教的祥瑞征兆面前望风而逃。90
¶
The sentiments of a judicious stranger, who has impartially considered the progress of civil or ecclesiastical discord, are always entitled to our notice; and a short passage of Ammianus, who served in the armies, and studied the character of Constantius, is perhaps of more value than many pages of theological invectives. “The Christian religion, which, in itself,” says that moderate historian, “is plain and simple, he confounded by the dotage of superstition. Instead of reconciling the parties by the weight of his authority, he cherished and promulgated, by verbal disputes, the differences which his vain curiosity had excited. The highways were covered with troops of bishops galloping from every side to the assemblies, which they call synods; and while they labored to reduce the whole sect to their own particular opinions, the public establishment of the posts was almost ruined by their hasty and repeated journeys.” 91 Our more intimate knowledge of the ecclesiastical transactions of the reign of Constantius would furnish an ample commentary on this remarkable passage, which justifies the rational apprehensions of Athanasius, that the restless activity of the clergy, who wandered round the empire in search of the true faith, would excite the contempt and laughter of the unbelieving world. 92 As soon as the emperor was relieved from the terrors of the civil war, he devoted the leisure of his winter quarters at Arles, Milan, Sirmium, and Constantinople, to the amusement or toils of controversy: the sword of the magistrate, and even of the tyrant, was unsheathed, to enforce the reasons of the theologian; and as he opposed the orthodox faith of Nice, it is readily confessed that his incapacity and ignorance were equal to his presumption. 93 The eunuchs, the women, and the bishops, who governed the vain and feeble mind of the emperor, had inspired him with an insuperable dislike to the Homoousion; but his timid conscience was alarmed by the impiety of Ætius. The guilt of that atheist was aggravated by the suspicious favor of the unfortunate Gallus; and even the death of the Imperial ministers, who had been massacred at Antioch, were imputed to the suggestions of that dangerous sophist. The mind of Constantius, which could neither be moderated by reason, nor fixed by faith, was blindly impelled to either side of the dark and empty abyss, by his horror of the opposite extreme; he alternately embraced and condemned the sentiments, he successively banished and recalled the leaders, of the Arian and Semi-Arian factions. 94 During the season of public business or festivity, he employed whole days, and even nights, in selecting the words, and weighing the syllables, which composed his fluctuating creeds. The subject of his meditations still pursued and occupied his slumbers: the incoherent dreams of the emperor were received as celestial visions, and he accepted with complacency the lofty title of bishop of bishops, from those ecclesiastics who forgot the interest of their order for the gratification of their passions. The design of establishing a uniformity of doctrine, which had engaged him to convene so many synods in Gaul, Italy, Illyricum, and Asia, was repeatedly baffled by his own levity, by the divisions of the Arians, and by the resistance of the Catholics; and he resolved, as the last and decisive effort, imperiously to dictate the decrees of a general council. The destructive earthquake of Nicomedia, the difficulty of finding a convenient place, and perhaps some secret motives of policy, produced an alteration in the summons. The bishops of the East were directed to meet at Seleucia, in Isauria; while those of the West held their deliberations at Rimini, on the coast of the Hadriatic; and instead of two or three deputies from each province, the whole episcopal body was ordered to march. The Eastern council, after consuming four days in fierce and unavailing debate, separated without any definitive conclusion. The council of the West was protracted till the seventh month. Taurus, the Prætorian præfect was instructed not to dismiss the prelates till they should all be united in the same opinion; and his efforts were supported by the power of banishing fifteen of the most refractory, and a promise of the consulship if he achieved so difficult an adventure. His prayers and threats, the authority of the sovereign, the sophistry of Valens and Ursacius, the distress of cold and hunger, and the tedious melancholy of a hopeless exile, at length extorted the reluctant consent of the bishops of Rimini. The deputies of the East and of the West attended the emperor in the palace of Constantinople, and he enjoyed the satisfaction of imposing on the world a profession of faith which established the likeness, without expressing the consubstantiality, of the Son of God. 95 But the triumph of Arianism had been preceded by the removal of the orthodox clergy, whom it was impossible either to intimidate or to corrupt; and the reign of Constantius was disgraced by the unjust and ineffectual persecution of the great Athanasius.
一位明达的局外人，若曾公允地考察过世俗或教会纷争的来龙去脉，他的看法总是值得我们留意；阿米阿努斯（Ammianus）曾在军中效力，又留心揣摩过君士坦提乌斯的性情，他一小段文字的分量，或许胜过连篇累牍的神学谩骂。这位持论平和的史家写道：“基督教本身平实而简朴，偏是他，用迷信的昏聩把它搅得一团混乱。他非但不凭自身的威权去调和各派，反倒借着口舌之争，把他那无聊的好奇心所挑起的分歧一味助长、四处张扬。大道上挤满了成群的主教，从四面八方策马奔赴他们所谓的‘公会议’；他们一心要把整个教派都拉来附和自己那套独门主张，为此匆匆往返、络绎不绝，几乎把官家的驿传制度都拖垮了。”91君士坦提乌斯一朝的教会事务，我们所知比这段文字更为详尽，足可为它作一番充分的注脚；而这段耐人寻味的文字，也印证了阿塔纳修斯那不无道理的忧虑：教士们为寻求真信仰而在帝国境内四处奔走、片刻不宁，只会招来教外世人的轻蔑与讪笑。92皇帝一旦从内战的惊惧中脱身，便把在阿尔勒（Arles）、米兰、西尔米乌姆（Sirmium）和君士坦丁堡过冬的闲暇，都消磨在争论之中，这于他既是消遣，也是苦役；为了替神学家的道理撑腰，他拔出了执政者的剑，甚至拔出了暴君的剑；而既然他所反对的乃是尼西亚的正统信仰，人们也就不难承认：他的无能与无知，恰与他的狂妄不相上下。93宦官、妇人和主教们主宰着这位皇帝虚荣而软弱的心智，早已使他对“同质”一说生出一种无从克服的厌恶；然而，埃提乌斯的不虔却又惊动了他那怯懦的良心。不幸的加卢斯（Gallus）曾对此人青眼有加，这份恩宠启人疑窦，使这个无神论者的罪过更显深重；甚至几位帝国大臣在安条克惨遭屠戮，也被归咎于这个危险的辩士从中教唆。君士坦提乌斯的心思，既不受理性节制，也没有信仰来安定；面对那黑暗而虚空的深渊，他因畏惧这一侧的极端，便盲目地倒向对面一侧；阿里乌斯派与半阿里乌斯派（Semi-Arian）的主张，他时而信奉、时而斥责；两派的首领，他也一忽儿放逐、一忽儿召还。94无论是忙于政务的时节还是节庆之日，他都整日整日、甚至通宵达旦地推敲字眼、斟酌音节，拼凑他那些反复无常的信经。他冥思的题目，连入睡之后也纠缠不休、占据着他的梦境：皇帝那些颠三倒四的梦，竟被当作上天的异象；而那班为满足私欲而置本阶层利益于不顾的教士，奉上“众主教之主教”这一崇高的头衔，他也就欣然笑纳了。他一心要确立教义的统一，为此在高卢、意大利、伊利里库姆和亚细亚接连召开了那么多次公会议；可这番用心却屡屡受挫——既坏在他自己的轻率，也坏在阿里乌斯派的内讧，还坏在大公教徒的抵拒；于是他决意作最后一搏，以求一举定局：要独断专行地为一次普世公会议钦定其决议。尼科米底亚发生了一场毁灭性的地震，合适的会址又一时难觅，或许还另有几分不便明言的政略盘算，召集的方案于是有了变动。东方的主教奉命齐集于伊苏里亚的塞琉西亚（Seleucia），西方的主教则在亚得里亚海之滨的里米尼（Rimini）共商；而且不再是每个行省只派两三名代表，而是勒令全体主教一齐赴会。东方那次会议激辩了四天，徒劳无功，最终不了了之，散了场。西方的会议则一直拖到了第七个月。禁卫军长官（Prætorian præfect）陶鲁斯奉命：非等到主教们意见尽归一致，不得放他们散去；为助他达成此事，朝廷既授他放逐十五名最顽抗者之权，又许下诺言：只要他办成这桩棘手的差事，便以执政官之位相酬。陶鲁斯的恳求与威胁、君主的威权、瓦伦斯与乌尔萨基乌斯（Ursacius）的诡辩、饥寒交迫的困苦，以及那遥遥无期的流放所带来的沉沉愁苦——凡此种种，终于逼得里米尼的主教们勉强点了头。东西方的代表齐赴君士坦丁堡的宫廷觐见皇帝，他终于如愿以偿，把一份信仰声明强加于普天之下——这份声明只确认圣子与圣父“相似”，却绝口不提二者“同质”。95但在阿里乌斯派得胜之前，那些既吓不倒、也收买不动的正统教士早已被清除；君士坦提乌斯迫害伟大的阿塔纳修斯，既不义又徒劳，他这一朝也因此蒙上了污名。
¶
We have seldom an opportunity of observing, either in active or speculative life, what effect may be produced, or what obstacles may be surmounted, by the force of a single mind, when it is inflexibly applied to the pursuit of a single object. The immortal name of Athanasius 96 will never be separated from the Catholic doctrine of the Trinity, to whose defence he consecrated every moment and every faculty of his being. Educated in the family of Alexander, he had vigorously opposed the early progress of the Arian heresy: he exercised the important functions of secretary under the aged prelate; and the fathers of the Nicene council beheld with surprise and respect the rising virtues of the young deacon. In a time of public danger, the dull claims of age and of rank are sometimes superseded; and within five months after his return from Nice, the deacon Athanasius was seated on the archiepiscopal throne of Egypt. He filled that eminent station above forty-six years, and his long administration was spent in a perpetual combat against the powers of Arianism. Five times was Athanasius expelled from his throne; twenty years he passed as an exile or a fugitive: and almost every province of the Roman empire was successively witness to his merit, and his sufferings in the cause of the Homoousion, which he considered as the sole pleasure and business, as the duty, and as the glory of his life. Amidst the storms of persecution, the archbishop of Alexandria was patient of labor, jealous of fame, careless of safety; and although his mind was tainted by the contagion of fanaticism, Athanasius displayed a superiority of character and abilities, which would have qualified him, far better than the degenerate sons of Constantine, for the government of a great monarchy. His learning was much less profound and extensive than that of Eusebius of Cæsarea, and his rude eloquence could not be compared with the polished oratory of Gregory of Basil; but whenever the primate of Egypt was called upon to justify his sentiments, or his conduct, his unpremeditated style, either of speaking or writing, was clear, forcible, and persuasive. He has always been revered, in the orthodox school, as one of the most accurate masters of the Christian theology; and he was supposed to possess two profane sciences, less adapted to the episcopal character, the knowledge of jurisprudence, 97 and that of divination. 98 Some fortunate conjectures of future events, which impartial reasoners might ascribe to the experience and judgment of Athanasius, were attributed by his friends to heavenly inspiration, and imputed by his enemies to infernal magic.
一个人若把心志毫不动摇地专注于一个目标，单凭这股心力，究竟能产生怎样的成效、克服怎样的障碍？无论在事功上还是在思辨上，我们都难得有机会见识。阿塔纳修斯这个不朽的名字，96将永远与大公教会的三位一体教义连在一起——为捍卫这一教义，他献出了生命中的每一刻，倾注了自身的每一分才能。他在亚历山大主教门下受教，早在阿里乌斯异端萌芽之初，便曾奋力加以抵制；他在这位年迈的主教手下担任要职、充当秘书；尼西亚会议上的诸位教父，曾又惊又敬地注视着这位年轻执事崭露的才德。大局危急之时，年资与品级这类呆板的成规，有时也就被撇在一旁；从尼西亚（Nice）归来还不到五个月，执事阿塔纳修斯便已登上埃及大主教的宝座。他在这一显位上坐了四十六年有余，漫长的任期全消磨在与阿里乌斯派势力的无休止搏斗之中。阿塔纳修斯五度被逐出教座，有二十年是在流放或逃亡中度过的；罗马帝国几乎每一个行省，都先后见证过他的功业，也见证过他为“同质”之义所受的苦难——这桩事业，他视为一生唯一的乐趣与本分、职责与荣耀。在迫害的狂风暴雨之中，这位亚历山大里亚（Alexandria）大主教任劳任怨，珍视声名，置自身安危于不顾；阿塔纳修斯的心智虽也沾染了几分狂热的流弊，品格与才干却超群出众，若由他来治理一个泱泱大国，远比君士坦丁那几个不肖之子称职得多。论学问的湛深与广博，他远不及凯撒里亚的优西比乌；论辞令，他那粗率的口才也比不上格列高利（Gregory）或巴西尔（Basil）那样文雅的辩才；然而，这位埃及首席主教一旦需要为自己的主张或行事申辩，无论是即席发言，还是信笔写来，言辞总是清晰、有力、令人信服。在正统学派中，他一向被尊为基督教神学最精严的大师之一；据说他还通晓两门世俗的学问，只是这两门与主教的身份不甚相称：一门是法学，97一门是占卜之术。98他对未来之事偶有几次侥幸言中，公允的论者本可归因于阿塔纳修斯的阅历与判断；他的朋友却说那是上天的启示，他的仇敌则诬为地狱的魔法。
¶
But as Athanasius was continually engaged with the prejudices and passions of every order of men, from the monk to the emperor, the knowledge of human nature was his first and most important science. He preserved a distinct and unbroken view of a scene which was incessantly shifting; and never failed to improve those decisive moments which are irrecoverably past before they are perceived by a common eye. The archbishop of Alexandria was capable of distinguishing how far he might boldly command, and where he must dexterously insinuate; how long he might contend with power, and when he must withdraw from persecution; and while he directed the thunders of the church against heresy and rebellion, he could assume, in the bosom of his own party, the flexible and indulgent temper of a prudent leader. The election of Athanasius has not escaped the reproach of irregularity and precipitation; 99 but the propriety of his behavior conciliated the affections both of the clergy and of the people. The Alexandrians were impatient to rise in arms for the defence of an eloquent and liberal pastor. In his distress he always derived support, or at least consolation, from the faithful attachment of his parochial clergy; and the hundred bishops of Egypt adhered, with unshaken zeal, to the cause of Athanasius. In the modest equipage which pride and policy would affect, he frequently performed the episcopal visitation of his provinces, from the mouth of the Nile to the confines of Æthiopia; familiarly conversing with the meanest of the populace, and humbly saluting the saints and hermits of the desert. 100 Nor was it only in ecclesiastical assemblies, among men whose education and manners were similar to his own, that Athanasius displayed the ascendancy of his genius. He appeared with easy and respectful firmness in the courts of princes; and in the various turns of his prosperous and adverse fortune he never lost the confidence of his friends, or the esteem of his enemies.
然而，阿塔纳修斯要终日周旋于从修士到皇帝、形形色色人等的偏见与私欲之间，因此洞悉人性才是他首要、也最要紧的一门学问。局面瞬息万变，他却始终把全局看得清清楚楚，目光一刻也不曾移开；那些稍纵即逝、常人尚未察觉便已一去不返的关键时机，他从不曾错失，总能善加把握。这位亚历山大里亚大主教深知分寸：何时可以放胆发号施令，何处必须巧妙地暗中示意；与强权抗争到几时为止，又该在何时避开迫害的锋芒。他一面把教会的雷霆之威指向异端与叛逆，一面在自己党羽之中，又能摆出一副明达领袖的姿态，温和圆通、宽厚待人。阿塔纳修斯的当选，也未能免于“不合规矩、操之过急”的非议；99但他行事得体，终究博得了教士与民众两方面的爱戴。亚历山大里亚的民众，为护卫这位口才出众、慷慨大度的牧者，恨不得立时揭竿而起。每逢患难，他手下教区神职人员忠贞不渝的拥戴，总能给他支撑，至少给他慰藉；而埃及那一百位主教，也都以毫不动摇的热忱，坚守着阿塔纳修斯的事业。他常常轻车简从，出巡辖下各教区，从尼罗河口一直走到埃塞俄比亚边境；这般简朴，恰是骄矜而工于谋略的人惯于装出来的。一路上，他亲切地与最卑微的百姓攀谈，又谦恭地向沙漠中的圣徒与隐修士致意。100阿塔纳修斯天赋的过人之处，并不只在教会的集会上、在那些教养与举止都与他相仿的人中间才显露出来。出入君王的宫廷，他也从容自若、不卑不亢、坚定沉着；无论时运顺逆、几经浮沉，他始终不曾失去朋友的信任，也不曾失去敌人的敬重。
¶
In his youth, the primate of Egypt resisted the great Constantine, who had repeatedly signified his will, that Arius should be restored to the Catholic communion. 101 The emperor respected, and might forgive, this inflexible resolution; and the faction who considered Athanasius as their most formidable enemy, was constrained to dissemble their hatred, and silently to prepare an indirect and distant assault. They scattered rumors and suspicions, represented the archbishop as a proud and oppressive tyrant, and boldly accused him of violating the treaty which had been ratified in the Nicene council, with the schismatic followers of Meletius. 102 Athanasius had openly disapproved that ignominious peace, and the emperor was disposed to believe that he had abused his ecclesiastical and civil power, to prosecute those odious sectaries: that he had sacrilegiously broken a chalice in one of their churches of Mareotis; that he had whipped or imprisoned six of their bishops; and that Arsenius, a seventh bishop of the same party, had been murdered, or at least mutilated, by the cruel hand of the primate. 103 These charges, which affected his honor and his life, were referred by Constantine to his brother Dalmatius the censor, who resided at Antioch; the synods of Cæsarea and Tyre were successively convened; and the bishops of the East were instructed to judge the cause of Athanasius, before they proceeded to consecrate the new church of the Resurrection at Jerusalem. The primate might be conscious of his innocence; but he was sensible that the same implacable spirit which had dictated the accusation, would direct the proceeding, and pronounce the sentence. He prudently declined the tribunal of his enemies; despised the summons of the synod of Cæsarea; and, after a long and artful delay, submitted to the peremptory commands of the emperor, who threatened to punish his criminal disobedience if he refused to appear in the council of Tyre. 104 Before Athanasius, at the head of fifty Egyptian prelates, sailed from Alexandria, he had wisely secured the alliance of the Meletians; and Arsenius himself, his imaginary victim, and his secret friend, was privately concealed in his train. The synod of Tyre was conducted by Eusebius of Cæsarea, with more passion, and with less art, than his learning and experience might promise; his numerous faction repeated the names of homicide and tyrant; and their clamors were encouraged by the seeming patience of Athanasius, who expected the decisive moment to produce Arsenius alive and unhurt in the midst of the assembly. The nature of the other charges did not admit of such clear and satisfactory replies; yet the archbishop was able to prove, that in the village, where he was accused of breaking a consecrated chalice, neither church nor altar nor chalice could really exist.
这位埃及首席主教年轻时，曾抗拒过伟大的君士坦丁——皇帝三番五次表明心意，要让阿里乌斯重归大公教会的圣餐团契。101对他这份不肯通融的决心，皇帝心存敬意，或许还能宽宥；而那一派人视阿塔纳修斯为最可畏的仇敌，此时却只得掩藏起满腔仇恨，不动声色地从远处布局，准备迂回进攻。他们散布流言与猜疑，把这位大主教描绘成一个骄横暴虐的霸主，还大胆指控他背弃了尼西亚会议所批准、与梅利提乌斯派（Meletians）分裂教徒订立的那纸和约。102阿塔纳修斯曾公开表示不齿于那桩可耻的和议，于是皇帝便倾向于相信：他滥用了自己在教会与世俗两方面的权力，去迫害那些可恨的宗派分子；相信他曾在马雷奥蒂斯（Mareotis）地方他们的一座教堂里，亵渎地打碎过一只圣杯；相信他曾鞭打或囚禁过他们的六名主教；还相信这一派的第七名主教阿尔塞尼乌斯（Arsenius），已惨死于这位首席主教的毒手，至少也被他残忍地砍断了肢体。103这些关乎他名誉与性命的指控，君士坦丁交由住在安条克的异母弟、监察官达尔马提乌斯（Dalmatius）查办；凯撒里亚（Cæsarea）与提尔（Tyre）的公会议先后召开；东方的主教们奉命先审断阿塔纳修斯一案，然后再去为耶路撒冷新建的复活教堂举行祝圣之礼。这位首席主教尽可以自问无愧；然而他也清楚，那股操纵着指控的深仇积怨，同样会左右整个审理、并最终定下判决。他谨慎地拒绝走上仇敌所设的法庭，对凯撒里亚公会议的传唤不予理睬；他巧妙地拖延了许久，直到皇帝下了不容违抗的严命，威胁说他若拒不出席提尔会议，便要治他抗命之罪，这才从命。104阿塔纳修斯率五十名埃及主教从亚历山大里亚启航之前，已明智地拉拢了梅利提乌斯派、与之结盟；而阿尔塞尼乌斯本人——那个据说被他害死的“受害者”，其实却是他暗中的朋友——就悄悄藏在他的随行队伍之中。提尔公会议由凯撒里亚的优西比乌主持，论他的学识与阅历，人们本以为他会办得高明些，不料他却办得意气有余而手腕不足；他那人多势众的一党翻来覆去地骂着“凶手”“暴君”，而阿塔纳修斯表面上的隐忍更助长了他们的鼓噪——他其实是在等一个决定性的时刻，好把活生生、毫发无损的阿尔塞尼乌斯当众领到会场中央。其余几项指控，因性质所限，无法答辩得这样清楚、这样令人信服；不过这位大主教仍能证明：在那个据称他打碎过祝圣圣杯的村子里，教堂、祭坛、圣杯，其实一样也不可能有。
¶
The Arians, who had secretly determined the guilt and condemnation of their enemy, attempted, however, to disguise their injustice by the imitation of judicial forms: the synod appointed an episcopal commission of six delegates to collect evidence on the spot; and this measure which was vigorously opposed by the Egyptian bishops, opened new scenes of violence and perjury. 105 After the return of the deputies from Alexandria, the majority of the council pronounced the final sentence of degradation and exile against the primate of Egypt. The decree, expressed in the fiercest language of malice and revenge, was communicated to the emperor and the Catholic church; and the bishops immediately resumed a mild and devout aspect, such as became their holy pilgrimage to the Sepulchre of Christ. 106
Notes 注释
77
↩
Eusebius, in Vit. Constant. l. ii. c. 64-72. The principles of toleration and religious indifference, contained in this epistle, have given great offence to Baronius, Tillemont, &c., who suppose that the emperor had some evil counsellor, either Satan or Eusebius, at his elbow. See Cortin’s Remarks, tom. ii. p. 183. * Note: Heinichen (Excursus xi.) quotes with approbation the term “golden words,” applied by Ziegler to this moderate and tolerant letter of Constantine. May an English clergyman venture to express his regret that “the fine gold soon became dim” in the Christian church?—M.
Eusebius, in Vit. Constant. l. ii. c. 64-72。此信中所含的宽容与宗教冷漠之原则，大大触怒了巴罗尼乌斯（Baronius）、蒂耶蒙（Tillemont）等人，他们臆想皇帝身边定有一位邪恶的谋士——不是撒旦，便是优西比乌。参见 Cortin's Remarks, tom. ii. p. 183。* 编者按：海尼兴（Excursus xi.）赞许地援引了齐格勒（Ziegler）加于君士坦丁这封温和宽容之信的评语——“金玉良言”。容我以一名英国牧师的身份斗胆说一句：可惜在基督教会里，这般金玉良言，这“精金”，竟“不久便黯然失色”。—M
78
↩
Eusebius in Vit. Constantin. l. iii. c. 13.
Eusebius in Vit. Constantin. l. iii. c. 13.
79
↩
Theodoret has preserved (l. i. c. 20) an epistle from Constantine to the people of Nicomedia, in which the monarch declares himself the public accuser of one of his subjects; he styles Eusebius and complains of his hostile behavior during the civil war.
狄奥多勒（Theodoret）保存了（l. i. c. 20）君士坦丁致尼科米底亚民众的一封信，信中这位君主宣称要亲自出面，公开控告自己的一名臣民；他指名道姓地斥责优西比乌，控诉此人在内战期间的敌对行径。
80
↩
See in Socrates, (l. i. c. 8,) or rather in Theodoret, (l. i. c. 12,) an original letter of Eusebius of Cæsarea, in which he attempts to justify his subscribing the Homoousion. The character of Eusebius has always been a problem; but those who have read the second critical epistle of Le Clerc, (Ars Critica, tom. iii. p. 30-69,) must entertain a very unfavorable opinion of the orthodoxy and sincerity of the bishop of Cæsarea.
见苏格拉底（l. i. c. 8），或毋宁说见狄奥多勒（l. i. c. 12），二者载有凯撒里亚的优西比乌的一封原信，他在信中力图为自己签署“同质”一词辩解。优西比乌的品格历来是个谜；但凡读过勒克莱尔（Clerc）第二封考据书简（Ars Critica, tom. iii. p. 30-69）的人，对这位凯撒里亚主教的正统与诚意必定评价甚低。
81
↩
Athanasius, tom. i. p. 727. Philostorgius, l. i. c. 10, and Godefroy’s Commentary, p. 41.
参见 Athanasius, tom. i. p. 727；Philostorgius, l. i. c. 10；及戈德弗鲁瓦（Godefroy）的注释（Godefroy's Commentary, p. 41）。
82
↩
Socrates, l. i. c. 9. In his circular letters, which were addressed to the several cities, Constantine employed against the heretics the arms of ridicule and comic raillery.
Socrates, l. i. c. 9。君士坦丁在致各城市的通谕中，动用嘲笑与近乎“喜剧”般的戏谑，作为对付异端的武器。
83
↩
We derive the original story from Athanasius, (tom. i. p. 670,) who expresses some reluctance to stigmatize the memory of the dead. He might exaggerate; but the perpetual commerce of Alexandria and Constantinople would have rendered it dangerous to invent. Those who press the literal narrative of the death of Arius (his bowels suddenly burst out in a privy) must make their option between poison and miracle.
这段原始记载出自阿塔纳修斯（tom. i. p. 670），他在文中表示，不大情愿玷污死者的令名。他或许有所夸张；但亚历山大里亚与君士坦丁堡之间往来不绝，凭空捏造是要冒风险的。凡是抓住阿里乌斯死状的字面描述（他的肠子在厕所里突然迸流而出）不放的人，都只能在“毒杀”与“神迹”二者之间择其一。
84
↩
The change in the sentiments, or at least in the conduct, of Constantine, may be traced in Eusebius, (in Vit. Constant. l. iii. c. 23, l. iv. c. 41,) Socrates, (l. i. c. 23-39,) Sozomen, (l. ii. c. 16-34,) Theodoret, (l. i. c. 14-34,) and Philostorgius, (l. ii. c. 1-17.) But the first of these writers was too near the scene of action, and the others were too remote from it. It is singular enough, that the important task of continuing the history of the church should have been left for two laymen and a heretic.
君士坦丁在思想上、或至少在行为上的转变，可在下列著作中寻得线索：优西比乌（in Vit. Constant. l. iii. c. 23, l. iv. c. 41）、苏格拉底（l. i. c. 23-39）、索佐门（l. ii. c. 16-34）、狄奥多勒（l. i. c. 14-34）以及菲洛斯托尔吉乌斯（l. ii. c. 1-17）。然而这几位作者中，头一位离事发现场太近，其余几位又离得太远。颇为奇特的是：续写教会史这一要务，竟落到了两名俗人和一名异端手里。
85
↩
Quia etiam tum catechumenus sacramentum fidei merito videretiu potuisse nescire. Sulp. Sever. Hist. Sacra, l. ii. p. 410.
“Quia etiam tum catechumenus sacramentum fidei merito videretiu potuisse nescire.”（因为他当时还是个慕道者，理当可以不知晓信仰的圣礼。）Sulp. Sever. Hist. Sacra, l. ii. p. 410。
86
↩
Socrates, l. ii. c. 2. Sozomen, l. iii. c. 18. Athanas. tom. i. p. 813, 834. He observes that the eunuchs are the natural enemies of the Son. Compare Dr. Jortin’s Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, vol. iv. p. 3 with a certain genealogy in Candide, (ch. iv.,) which ends with one of the first companions of Christopher Columbus.
Socrates, l. ii. c. 2。Sozomen, l. iii. c. 18。Athanas. tom. i. p. 813, 834。他说，宦官天生便是“圣子”的仇敌。不妨将乔廷（Jortin）博士《教会史评注》（vol. iv. p. 3）与《老实人》（Candide）（Candide，第四章）中某段家谱两相对照——那段家谱一路数下来，末了竟数到克里斯托弗（Christopher）·哥伦布（Columbus）最早的同伴之一。
87
↩
Sulpicius Severus in Hist. Sacra, l. ii. p. 405, 406.
Sulpicius Severus in Hist. Sacra, l. ii. p. 405, 406.
88
↩
Cyril (apud Baron. A. D. 353, No. 26) expressly observes that in the reign of Constantine, the cross had been found in the bowels of the earth; but that it had appeared, in the reign of Constantius, in the midst of the heavens. This opposition evidently proves, that Cyril was ignorant of the stupendous miracle to which the conversion of Constantine is attributed; and this ignorance is the more surprising, since it was no more than twelve years after his death that Cyril was consecrated bishop of Jerusalem, by the immediate successor of Eusebius of Cæsarea. See Tillemont, Mém. Eccles. tom. viii. p. 715.
西里尔（apud Baron. A. D. 353, No. 26）明确指出：在君士坦丁一朝，十字架是从地底掘出的；而在君士坦提乌斯一朝，它却显现于中天。这一对照分明表明，西里尔并不知道那桩据说促成君士坦丁归信的惊天神迹；这份无知就更令人诧异了：君士坦丁死后不过十二年，西里尔便受祝圣为耶路撒冷主教，为他祝圣的，又正是凯撒里亚的优西比乌的直接继任者。参见 Tillemont, Mém. Eccles. tom. viii. p. 715。
89
↩
It is not easy to determine how far the ingenuity of Cyril might be assisted by some natural appearances of a solar halo.
西里尔的这份巧思，究竟有多少得力于日晕之类的自然天象，实在不易断定。
90
↩
Philostorgius, l. iii. c. 26. He is followed by the author of the Alexandrian Chronicle, by Cedrenus, and by Nicephorus. (See Gothofred. Dissert. p. 188.) They could not refuse a miracle, even from the hand of an enemy.
Philostorgius, l. iii. c. 26。追随他的还有《亚历山大里亚编年史》（Alexandrian Chronicle）的作者、塞德雷努斯（Cedrenus）和尼基弗鲁斯（Nicephorus）。（参见 Gothofred. Dissert. p. 188。）神迹哪怕出自仇敌之手，他们也不忍拒之门外。
91
↩
So curious a passage well deserves to be transcribed. Christianam religionem absolutam et simplicem, anili superstitione confundens; in qua scrutanda perplexius, quam componenda gravius excitaret discidia plurima; quæ progressa fusius aluit concertatione verborum, ut catervis antistium jumentis publicis ultro citroque discarrentibus, per synodos (quas appellant) dum ritum omnem ad suum sahere conantur (Valesius reads conatur) rei vehiculariæ concideret servos. Ammianus, xxi. 16.
这样一段耐人寻味的文字，实在值得原文照录：“Christianam religionem absolutam et simplicem, anili superstitione confundens; in qua scrutanda perplexius, quam componenda gravius excitaret discidia plurima; quæ progressa fusius aluit concertatione verborum, ut catervis antistium jumentis publicis ultro citroque discarrentibus, per synodos (quas appellant) dum ritum omnem ad suum sahere conantur（瓦莱修斯（Valesius）读作 conatur）rei vehiculariæ concideret servos.”（大意：他把纯全质朴的基督教与老妪般的迷信混为一谈；他探究教义时穿凿纠缠，而不肯持重地加以调处，由此激起纷争无数；纷争既已蔓延，他又以口舌之辩推波助澜，以致成群的主教乘着公家驿马东奔西走，赶赴所谓的“宗教会议”，各自力图把全部教仪扭向己说，驿传之制也因此被拖垮了。）Ammianus, xxi. 16。
92
↩
Athanas. tom. i. p. 870.
Athanas. tom. i. p. 870.
93
↩
Socrates, l. ii. c. 35-47. Sozomen, l. iv. c. 12-30. Theodore li. c. 18-32. Philostorg. l. iv. c. 4—12, l. v. c. 1-4, l. vi. c. 1-5
参见 Socrates, l. ii. c. 35-47；Sozomen, l. iv. c. 12-30；Theodoret, l. i. c. 18-32；Philostorg. l. iv. c. 4—12, l. v. c. 1-4, l. vi. c. 1-5。
94
↩
Sozomen, l. iv. c. 23. Athanas. tom. i. p. 831. Tillemont (Mem Eccles. tom. vii. p. 947) has collected several instances of the haughty fanaticism of Constantius from the detached treatises of Lucifer of Cagliari. The very titles of these treaties inspire zeal and terror; “Moriendum pro Dei Filio.” “De Regibus Apostaticis.” “De non conveniendo cum Hæretico.” “De non parcendo in Deum delinquentibus.”
Sozomen, l. iv. c. 23。Athanas. tom. i. p. 831。蒂耶蒙（Mem. Eccles. tom. vii. p. 947）从卡利亚里的卢奇菲尔（Lucifer of Cagliari）那些零散的论著中，收集了君士坦提乌斯狂傲偏执的若干实例。单看这些论著的标题，便足以激起狂热与恐惧：“Moriendum pro Dei Filio.”（当为上帝之子（Son of God）而死）、“De Regibus Apostaticis.”（论叛教的君王）、“De non conveniendo cum Hæretico.”（论不可与异端往来）、“De non parcendo in Deum delinquentibus.”（论对得罪上帝者绝不宽贷）。
95
↩
Sulp. Sever. Hist. Sacra, l. ii. p. 418-430. The Greek historians were very ignorant of the affairs of the West.
Sulp. Sever. Hist. Sacra, l. ii. p. 418-430。希腊史家对西方的事务所知甚少。
96
↩
We may regret that Gregory Nazianzen composed a panegyric instead of a life of Athanasius; but we should enjoy and improve the advantage of drawing our most authentic materials from the rich fund of his own epistles and apologies, (tom. i. p. 670-951.) I shall not imitate the example of Socrates, (l. ii. c. l.) who published the first edition of the history, without giving himself the trouble to consult the writings of Athanasius. Yet even Socrates, the more curious Sozomen, and the learned Theodoret, connect the life of Athanasius with the series of ecclesiastical history. The diligence of Tillemont, (tom. viii,) and of the Benedictine editors, has collected every fact, and examined every difficulty
令人遗憾的是，纳齐安的格列高利（Gregory Nazianzen）为阿塔纳修斯写的是一篇颂词，而非一部传记；好在阿塔纳修斯本人的书信与申辩录（tom. i. p. 670-951）是一座丰富的宝藏，最可靠的材料尽可从中汲取；这份便利，我们理应好好珍惜、善加利用。我不会效法苏格拉底的做法（l. ii. c. l.）：他竟连阿塔纳修斯的著作都不肯费心查阅，便刊行了史书的初版。不过，就连苏格拉底，还有比他考究更勤的索佐门、学识渊博的狄奥多勒，也都把阿塔纳修斯的生平与教会史的前后脉络连在一起叙述。蒂耶蒙（tom. viii）与本笃会诸编订者则勤勉不懈，每一桩事实都已搜罗，每一处疑难也都已考订。
97
↩
Sulpicius Severus (Hist. Sacra, l. ii. p. 396) calls him a lawyer, a jurisconsult. This character cannot now be discovered either in the life or writings of Athanasius.
苏尔皮基乌斯·塞维鲁（Hist. Sacra, l. ii. p. 396）称他为一名律师、一位法学家。而这一身份，如今无论在阿塔纳修斯的生平还是著作中，都再也寻不到踪迹了。
98
↩
Dicebatur enim fatidicarum sortium fidem, quæve augurales portenderent alites scientissime callens aliquoties prædixisse futura. Ammianus, xv. 7. A prophecy, or rather a joke, is related by Sozomen, (l. iv c. 10,) which evidently proves (if the crows speak Latin) that Athanasius understood the language of the crows.
“Dicebatur enim fatidicarum sortium fidem, quæve augurales portenderent alites scientissime callens aliquoties prædixisse futura.”（据说他精于占卜之签的灵验之术，又深谙飞鸟示兆之意，曾数度预言未来。）Ammianus, xv. 7。索佐门（l. iv. c. 10）讲了一则预言，或者不如说是一则笑话，它分明证明（倘若乌鸦讲拉丁语的话）阿塔纳修斯听得懂乌鸦的语言。
99
↩
The irregular ordination of Athanasius was slightly mentioned in the councils which were held against him. See Philostorg. l. ii. c. 11, and Godefroy, p. 71; but it can scarcely be supposed that the assembly of the bishops of Egypt would solemnly attest a public falsehood. Athanas. tom. i. p. 726.
在那些针对阿塔纳修斯召开的公会议上，曾有人略略提到他受任圣职不合规矩。参见 Philostorg. l. ii. c. 11，及 Godefroy, p. 71；但很难设想，全体埃及主教会郑重其事地为一桩“公然”的谎言作证。Athanas. tom. i. p. 726。
100
↩
See the history of the Fathers of the Desert, published by Rosweide; and Tillemont, Mém. Eccles. tom. vii., in the lives of Antony, Pachomius, &c. Athanasius himself, who did not disdain to compose the life of his friend Antony, has carefully observed how often the holy monk deplored and prophesied the mischiefs of the Arian heresy Athanas. tom. ii. p. 492, 498, &c.
参见罗斯魏德（Rosweide）刊行的《沙漠教父（Fathers of the Desert）传》；以及 Tillemont, Mém. Eccles. tom. vii. 中安东尼（Antony）、帕科米乌斯（Pachomius）等人的传记。阿塔纳修斯本人也不惜屈尊为其友安东尼作传，他在传中细致地记述了这位圣洁的修士何等频繁地哀叹并预言阿里乌斯异端将带来的祸患。Athanas. tom. ii. p. 492, 498, &c.。
101
↩
At first Constantine threatened in speaking, but requested in writing. His letters gradually assumed a menacing tone; by while he required that the entrance of the church should be open to all, he avoided the odious name of Arius. Athanasius, like a skilful politician, has accurately marked these distinctions, (tom. i. p. 788.) which allowed him some scope for excuse and delay
起初，君士坦丁“口头上”是威胁，“书面上”却是请求。他的信函逐渐带上了恫吓的口吻；然而，他一面要求教会之门应向“所有人”敞开，一面却避而不提阿里乌斯这个可憎的名字。阿塔纳修斯像个老练的政客，精确地抓住了这些分别（tom. i. p. 788），这便给他留下了几分申辩与拖延的余地。
102
↩
The Meletians in Egypt, like the Donatists in Africa, were produced by an episcopal quarrel which arose from the persecution. I have not leisure to pursue the obscure controversy, which seems to have been misrepresented by the partiality of Athanasius and the ignorance of Epiphanius. See Mosheim’s General History of the Church, vol. i. p. 201.
埃及的梅利提乌斯派，正如阿非利加的多纳图斯派（Donatists）一样，都是由一场因迫害而起的主教纷争所催生的。这桩争端晦暗不明，阿塔纳修斯出于偏袒，埃皮法尼乌斯（Epiphanius）出于无知，似乎都把它歪曲了；我无暇细加追究。参见 Mosheim's General History of the Church, vol. i. p. 201。
103
↩
The treatment of the six bishops is specified by Sozomen, (l. ii. c. 25;) but Athanasius himself, so copious on the subject of Arsenius and the chalice, leaves this grave accusation without a reply. Note: This grave charge, if made, (and it rests entirely on the authority of Soz omen,) seems to have been silently dropped by the parties themselves: it is never alluded to in the subsequent investigations. From Sozomen himself, who gives the unfavorable report of the commission of inquiry sent to Egypt concerning the cup. it does not appear that they noticed this accusation of personal violence.—M
那六名主教所受的对待，索佐门有具体记述（l. ii. c. 25）；但阿塔纳修斯本人在阿尔塞尼乌斯与圣杯一事上虽极尽详尽，对这项严重的指控却不置一词。* 编者按：这项严重的指控即便真有人提出过（此事全凭索佐门一人之言），当事各方自己似乎也把它悄然搁置了：此后的历次调查中，都再未提及。调查团曾奉派前往埃及查究圣杯一事，索佐门本人记下了他们那份对阿塔纳修斯不利的报告；可即便照他的记述，也看不出他们曾留意过这桩涉及人身暴力的指控。—M
104
↩
Athanas, tom. i. p. 788. Socrates, l. i.c. 28. Sozomen, l. ii. c 25. The emperor, in his Epistle of Convocation, (Euseb. in Vit. Constant. l. iv. c. 42,) seems to prejudge some members of the clergy and it was more than probable that the synod would apply those reproaches to Athanasius.
Athanas, tom. i. p. 788。Socrates, l. i. c. 28。Sozomen, l. ii. c. 25。皇帝在其召集会议的诏书中（Euseb. in Vit. Constant. l. iv. c. 42）似乎对某些神职人员已存成见；而公会议极有可能会把那些斥责之词加诸阿塔纳修斯头上。
105
↩
See, in particular, the second Apology of Athanasius, (tom. i. p. 763-808,) and his Epistles to the Monks, (p. 808-866.) They are justified by original and authentic documents; but they would inspire more confidence if he appeared less innocent, and his enemies less absurd.
尤可参看阿塔纳修斯的第二篇《申辩》（tom. i. p. 763-808）及其《致修士书》（p. 808-866）。这些文字都有原始而可靠的文献为凭；不过，倘若他显得不那么清白无辜、他的敌人显得不那么荒唐可笑，这些文字或许更能取信于人。
106
↩
Eusebius in Vit. Constantin. l. iv. c. 41-47.
Eusebius in Vit. Constantin. l. iv. c. 41-47.