Chapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church.—Part III. 第二十一章 对异端的迫害;教会的状况——第三节
Chapter XXI: Persecution Of Heresy, State Of The Church.—Part III.
第二十一章 对异端的迫害;教会的状况——第三节
II. The devotion of individuals was the first circumstance which distinguished the Christians from the Platonists: the second was the authority of the church. The disciples of philosophy asserted the rights of intellectual freedom, and their respect for the sentiments of their teachers was a liberal and voluntary tribute, which they offered to superior reason. But the Christians formed a numerous and disciplined society; and the jurisdiction of their laws and magistrates was strictly exercised over the minds of the faithful. The loose wanderings of the imagination were gradually confined by creeds and confessions; 40 the freedom of private judgment submitted to the public wisdom of synods; the authority of a theologian was determined by his ecclesiastical rank; and the episcopal successors of the apostles inflicted the censures of the church on those who deviated from the orthodox belief. But in an age of religious controversy, every act of oppression adds new force to the elastic vigor of the mind; and the zeal or obstinacy of a spiritual rebel was sometimes stimulated by secret motives of ambition or avarice. A metaphysical argument became the cause or pretence of political contests; the subtleties of the Platonic school were used as the badges of popular factions, and the distance which separated their respective tenets were enlarged or magnified by the acrimony of dispute. As long as the dark heresies of Praxeas and Sabellius labored to confound the Father with the Son, 41 the orthodox party might be excused if they adhered more strictly and more earnestly to the distinction, than to the equality, of the divine persons. But as soon as the heat of controversy had subsided, and the progress of the Sabellians was no longer an object of terror to the churches of Rome, of Africa, or of Egypt, the tide of theological opinion began to flow with a gentle but steady motion towards the contrary extreme; and the most orthodox doctors allowed themselves the use of the terms and definitions which had been censured in the mouth of the sectaries. 42 After the edict of toleration had restored peace and leisure to the Christians, the Trinitarian controversy was revived in the ancient seat of Platonism, the learned, the opulent, the tumultuous city of Alexandria; and the flame of religious discord was rapidly communicated from the schools to the clergy, the people, the province, and the East. The abstruse question of the eternity of the Logos was agitated in ecclesiastic conferences and popular sermons; and the heterodox opinions of Arius 43 were soon made public by his own zeal, and by that of his adversaries. His most implacable adversaries have acknowledged the learning and blameless life of that eminent presbyter, who, in a former election, had declared, and perhaps generously declined, his pretensions to the episcopal throne. 44 His competitor Alexander assumed the office of his judge. The important cause was argued before him; and if at first he seemed to hesitate, he at length pronounced his final sentence, as an absolute rule of faith. 45 The undaunted presbyter, who presumed to resist the authority of his angry bishop, was separated from the community of the church. But the pride of Arius was supported by the applause of a numerous party. He reckoned among his immediate followers two bishops of Egypt, seven presbyters, twelve deacons, and (what may appear almost incredible) seven hundred virgins. A large majority of the bishops of Asia appeared to support or favor his cause; and their measures were conducted by Eusebius of Cæsarea, the most learned of the Christian prelates; and by Eusebius of Nicomedia, who had acquired the reputation of a statesman without forfeiting that of a saint. Synods in Palestine and Bithynia were opposed to the synods of Egypt. The attention of the prince and people was attracted by this theological dispute; and the decision, at the end of six years, 46 was referred to the supreme authority of the general council of Nice.
二、使基督徒有别于柏拉图主义者的,第一在于个人的虔敬,第二则在于教会的权威。研习哲学的门徒各自主张思想自由的权利;他们对师长见解的尊重,不过是向更高的理性慷慨而自愿地献上的一份敬意罢了。基督徒却结成了一个人数众多、纪律严明的团体;教会的律法与官长,则对信众的心灵行使着严格的管辖。信经与信条渐渐勒住了想象力那漫无边际的驰骋;40个人判断的自由,屈从于宗教会议的公共智慧;一位神学家的权威,取决于他在教阶中的高下;而承继使徒之位的众主教,则将教会的谴责加于一切背离正统信仰的人。然而在一个宗教争论的时代,每一次压制反倒为心灵那愈压愈强的弹力平添新的力量;属灵叛逆者的热忱或固执,有时还暗暗受着野心或贪欲的驱使。一个形而上的论点,成了政治角逐的起因,或者说是借口;柏拉图学派的种种精微之辨,被拿来充当各党派的徽记,而争辩的刻毒,又把分隔各派教义的距离越拉越大、越描越显。只要普拉克塞阿斯与撒伯里乌斯那些晦暗的异端还在竭力混淆圣父与圣子,41那么正统一派若更严格、更急切地坚持诸神圣位格之间的“区别”而非其“平等”,也情有可原。可是,一旦争论的热度消退,撒伯里乌派的蔓延不再令罗马、阿非利加或埃及的诸教会感到恐惧,神学舆论的潮水便开始缓慢而坚定地涌向相反的极端;就连最正统的神学家,也开始容许自己使用那些当年出自异端之口、曾遭斥责的措辞与界说。42宽容敕令为基督徒重新带来太平与闲暇之后,三位一体之争便在柏拉图主义的古老发祥地——那座博学、富庶而又喧嚣不安的亚历山大里亚城——死灰复燃;宗教纷争的火焰迅速蔓延,从学派烧到教士,再烧及民众、行省,直至整个东方。关于逻各斯是否永恒这一深奥难解的问题,在教会的集会与大众的布道中反复激荡;阿里乌斯43那些异于正统的见解,很快便因他本人的热忱、也因其论敌的热忱而昭告于众。即便是最不肯善罢甘休的对手,也承认这位杰出长老学识渊博、生平无可指摘;在先前的一次选举中,他本已表明可以问鼎主教之位,末了却或许出于大度而婉拒了。44他昔日的竞争对手亚历山大,如今却当上了审判他的法官。这桩要案在他面前反复辩论;他起初似乎有些犹疑,终究还是宣布了最后的裁决,并将其定为不可移易的信仰准则。45这位无所畏惧的长老竟敢抗拒盛怒之下主教的权威,于是被逐出了教会的团契。然而阿里乌斯的傲气,自有一大批党羽的喝彩为之撑腰。单是他身边的直接追随者,便有埃及的两名主教、七名长老、十二名执事,还有——此事几乎令人难以置信——七百名童贞女。亚细亚的主教大多似乎都支持或偏袒他的主张;而为他们出谋划策、统筹行动的,一是基督教高级教士中最博学的凯撒里亚的优西比乌,二是尼科米底亚的优西比乌——此人既博得了政治家的名声,又不曾因此折损圣徒之誉。巴勒斯坦与比提尼亚的宗教会议,同埃及的宗教会议针锋相对。这场神学争端引起了君主与百姓的关注;六年之后,46这一裁断终究交由尼西亚大公会议的最高权威去定夺。
When the mysteries of the Christian faith were dangerously exposed to public debate, it might be observed, that the human understanding was capable of forming three district, though imperfect systems, concerning the nature of the Divine Trinity; and it was pronounced, that none of these systems, in a pure and absolute sense, were exempt from heresy and error. 47 I. According to the first hypothesis, which was maintained by Arius and his disciples, the Logos was a dependent and spontaneous production, created from nothing by the will of the father. The Son, by whom all things were made, 48 had been begotten before all worlds, and the longest of the astronomical periods could be compared only as a fleeting moment to the extent of his duration; yet this duration was not infinite, 49 and there had been a time which preceded the ineffable generation of the Logos. On this only-begotten Son, the Almighty Father had transfused his ample spirit, and impressed the effulgence of his glory. Visible image of invisible perfection, he saw, at an immeasurable distance beneath his feet, the thrones of the brightest archangels; yet he shone only with a reflected light, and, like the sons of the Romans emperors, who were invested with the titles of Cæsar or Augustus, 50 he governed the universe in obedience to the will of his Father and Monarch. II. In the second hypothesis, the Logos possessed all the inherent, incommunicable perfections, which religion and philosophy appropriate to the Supreme God. Three distinct and infinite minds or substances, three coëqual and coëternal beings, composed the Divine Essence; 51 and it would have implied contradiction, that any of them should not have existed, or that they should ever cease to exist. 52 The advocates of a system which seemed to establish three independent Deities, attempted to preserve the unity of the First Cause, so conspicuous in the design and order of the world, by the perpetual concord of their administration, and the essential agreement of their will. A faint resemblance of this unity of action may be discovered in the societies of men, and even of animals. The causes which disturb their harmony, proceed only from the imperfection and inequality of their faculties; but the omnipotence which is guided by infinite wisdom and goodness, cannot fail of choosing the same means for the accomplishment of the same ends. III. Three beings, who, by the self-derived necessity of their existence, possess all the divine attributes in the most perfect degree; who are eternal in duration, infinite in space, and intimately present to each other, and to the whole universe; irresistibly force themselves on the astonished mind, as one and the same being, 53 who, in the economy of grace, as well as in that of nature, may manifest himself under different forms, and be considered under different aspects. By this hypothesis, a real substantial trinity is refined into a trinity of names, and abstract modifications, that subsist only in the mind which conceives them. The Logos is no longer a person, but an attribute; and it is only in a figurative sense that the epithet of Son can be applied to the eternal reason, which was with God from the beginning, and by which, not by whom, all things were made. The incarnation of the Logos is reduced to a mere inspiration of the Divine Wisdom, which filled the soul, and directed all the actions, of the man Jesus. Thus, after revolving around the theological circle, we are surprised to find that the Sabellian ends where the Ebionite had begun; and that the incomprehensible mystery which excites our adoration, eludes our inquiry. 54
当基督教信仰的种种奥秘被贸然摊到公众辩论之中时,人们不难看出:就神圣三位一体的本性而言,人的理智能够构想出三套彼此判然有别、却又都不完备的体系;而且可以断言:这三套体系,若求其纯粹而绝对,没有一套能免于异端与谬误。47其一。依照阿里乌斯及其门徒所持的第一种假说,逻各斯乃是一个从属的、自发的产物,由圣父的意志从无中创造出来。万物都藉这位圣子而造,48他在诸世界形成之先便已受生;纵是天文学上最漫长的纪元,若与他存在的久远相比,也不过转瞬一刻;然而这久远终究并非无限,49在逻各斯那不可言说的受生之前,确曾有过一段时间。全能圣父将他丰盈的灵倾注在这位独生子身上,又把自己荣耀的光辉印在其上。他既是不可见之完美的可见形象,俯视脚下,最明亮的大天使的宝座也远在不可测度的下方;但他所发的不过是反射之光;正如罗马皇帝的诸子获授“恺撒”或“奥古斯都”的尊号,50他也只是秉承其圣父兼君主的意志来统辖宇宙。其二。在第二种假说里,逻各斯具备一切内在的、不可授予他者的完美——这些完美,正是宗教与哲学所归于至高上帝的。三个各自判然有别、皆为无限的心灵或本体,三个彼此同等、同样永恒的存在,共同构成了神圣的本质;51若说其中任何一个不曾存在,或有朝一日会不复存在,便自相矛盾了。52这套体系看似确立了三位各自独立的神;其鼓吹者便试图以三者治理上的永恒协调、意志上的本质一致,来维系第一因的统一——而这统一,在世界的设计与秩序中本是昭然可见的。这种行动上的统一,在人类、乃至动物的群体中,也可觅得一丝仿佛。扰乱其和谐的种种缘由,无非出于它们才能上的欠缺与参差;但全能自有无限的智慧与善为其引导,为成就同一目的,断不会不选取同一手段。其三。有三个存在,凭其自身存在的必然性,最完满地具备一切神圣属性;他们历时永恒,遍在无际,彼此之间、以及对整个宇宙,都亲密地临在;于是不由分说地在惊愕的心智面前呈现为同一个存在,53这存在无论在恩典的安排中、还是在自然的安排中,都可以不同的形式显现自身,从不同的方面被人领会。照此假说,一个真实而具本体的三位一体,被提炼成了名目上的三位一体,成了若干抽象的样态,只存在于构想它们的心灵之中。逻各斯不再是一个位格,而只是一种属性;“子”这一称谓之能加于那太初便与上帝同在的永恒理性,也只是就譬喻的意义而言——万物乃是藉“它”而造,并非藉“他”而造。逻各斯的道成肉身,也被贬低为神圣智慧的一次单纯感召,这感召充满了、也主宰着耶稣其人的灵魂与一切行为。于是,绕着这神学的圆圈转了一周,我们惊讶地发现:撒伯里乌派的终点,恰是伊便尼派的起点;而那激起我们崇拜的不可思议之奥秘,终究逃出了我们的探究。54
If the bishops of the council of Nice 55 had been permitted to follow the unbiased dictates of their conscience, Arius and his associates could scarcely have flattered themselves with the hopes of obtaining a majority of votes, in favor of an hypothesis so directly averse to the two most popular opinions of the Catholic world. The Arians soon perceived the danger of their situation, and prudently assumed those modest virtues, which, in the fury of civil and religious dissensions, are seldom practised, or even praised, except by the weaker party. They recommended the exercise of Christian charity and moderation; urged the incomprehensible nature of the controversy, disclaimed the use of any terms or definitions which could not be found in the Scriptures; and offered, by very liberal concessions, to satisfy their adversaries without renouncing the integrity of their own principles. The victorious faction received all their proposals with haughty suspicion; and anxiously sought for some irreconcilable mark of distinction, the rejection of which might involve the Arians in the guilt and consequences of heresy. A letter was publicly read, and ignominiously torn, in which their patron, Eusebius of Nicomedia, ingenuously confessed, that the admission of the Homoousion, or Consubstantial, a word already familiar to the Platonists, was incompatible with the principles of their theological system. The fortunate opportunity was eagerly embraced by the bishops, who governed the resolutions of the synod; and, according to the lively expression of Ambrose, 56 they used the sword, which heresy itself had drawn from the scabbard, to cut off the head of the hated monster. The consubstantiality of the Father and the Son was established by the council of Nice, and has been unanimously received as a fundamental article of the Christian faith, by the consent of the Greek, the Latin, the Oriental, and the Protestant churches. But if the same word had not served to stigmatize the heretics, and to unite the Catholics, it would have been inadequate to the purpose of the majority, by whom it was introduced into the orthodox creed. This majority was divided into two parties, distinguished by a contrary tendency to the sentiments of the Tritheists and of the Sabellians. But as those opposite extremes seemed to overthrow the foundations either of natural or revealed religion, they mutually agreed to qualify the rigor of their principles; and to disavow the just, but invidious, consequences, which might be urged by their antagonists. The interest of the common cause inclined them to join their numbers, and to conceal their differences; their animosity was softened by the healing counsels of toleration, and their disputes were suspended by the use of the mysterious Homoousion, which either party was free to interpret according to their peculiar tenets. The Sabellian sense, which, about fifty years before, had obliged the council of Antioch 57 to prohibit this celebrated term, had endeared it to those theologians who entertained a secret but partial affection for a nominal Trinity. But the more fashionable saints of the Arian times, the intrepid Athanasius, the learned Gregory Nazianzen, and the other pillars of the church, who supported with ability and success the Nicene doctrine, appeared to consider the expression of substance as if it had been synonymous with that of nature; and they ventured to illustrate their meaning, by affirming that three men, as they belong to the same common species, are consubstantial, or homoousian to each other. 58 This pure and distinct equality was tempered, on the one hand, by the internal connection, and spiritual penetration which indissolubly unites the divine persons; 59 and, on the other, by the preëminence of the Father, which was acknowledged as far as it is compatible with the independence of the Son. 60 Within these limits, the almost invisible and tremulous ball of orthodoxy was allowed securely to vibrate. On either side, beyond this consecrated ground, the heretics and the dæmons lurked in ambush to surprise and devour the unhappy wanderer. But as the degrees of theological hatred depend on the spirit of the war, rather than on the importance of the controversy, the heretics who degraded, were treated with more severity than those who annihilated, the person of the Son. The life of Athanasius was consumed in irreconcilable opposition to the impious madness of the Arians; 61 but he defended above twenty years the Sabellianism of Marcellus of Ancyra; and when at last he was compelled to withdraw himself from his communion, he continued to mention, with an ambiguous smile, the venial errors of his respectable friend. 62
假如尼西亚会议的主教们55获准全凭自己不偏不倚的良心行事,那么阿里乌斯及其同党,恐怕休想指望能为一套如此直接背离大公教界两种最流行意见的假说博得多数票。阿里乌斯派很快察觉到自身处境的凶险,便谨慎地摆出一副谦和的姿态;而这类谦德,在世俗与宗教纷争的狂热之中,除了弱势的一方,是很少有人践行、甚至很少有人称许的。他们劝人践行基督徒的仁爱与克制,强调这场争论本属不可究诘,声明凡《圣经》中找不到的措辞与界说一概不用,并以极为慷慨的让步,力图既满足对手,又不至于放弃本派原则的完整。得胜的一派却以倨傲的猜疑接下这一切提议,急切地要找出某个无可调和的区分标记,好让阿里乌斯派因拒不接受它而背上异端的罪名,承受异端的后果。一封信当众宣读,随即又被羞辱地撕碎;信中,他们的庇护者尼科米底亚的优西比乌坦率承认:接受“同质”(Homoousion,即 Consubstantial,本是柏拉图主义者早已熟悉的字眼)一词,与本派神学体系的原则势不两立。主宰会议决议的那些主教,急不可待地抓住了这个天赐良机;用安布罗斯那句生动的话说,56他们正是拿起异端自己拔出鞘来的这柄剑,去砍下这可憎怪物的脑袋。圣父与圣子同质这一条,就此由尼西亚会议确立下来,并经希腊、拉丁、东方与新教诸教会一致公认,成为基督教信仰的一项根本信条。然而这个词若不是既能给异端打上烙印、又能把大公教徒团结起来,对于把它引入正统信经的多数派而言,本是不敷所用的。这多数派内部又分为两股,各自朝着相反的方向倾斜:一股偏向三神论者的主张,一股偏向撒伯里乌派的主张。但这两个相反的极端,一个像要掀翻自然宗教的根基,一个像要掀翻启示宗教的根基;于是双方商定,各自都把原则的严苛处放宽几分,并否认那些虽合乎逻辑、却招人反感、随时可能被论敌拿来做文章的推论。共同事业的利害,促使他们合兵一处、掩去分歧;宽容那一番息事宁人的劝告,缓和了彼此的敌意;而借着“同质”一词的神秘含混,双方的争执也暂被搁置——反正无论哪一派,都尽可以按自己那套特有的教义去解释它。约五十年前,正是这个词的撒伯里乌派含义,逼得安条克会议57不得不明令禁用它;而如今,恰恰是这层含义,使它博得了那些暗中偏爱名目上的三位一体的神学家的欢心。但阿里乌斯时代那些更为时髦的圣徒——无所畏惧的阿塔纳修斯、博学的纳齐安的格列高利,以及其余那些卓有才干、成功捍卫尼西亚教义的教会栋梁——却似乎把“本体”一语当作了“本性”的同义词;他们甚至斗胆这样打比方:三个人既同属一个种类,彼此便是“同质的”,即彼此 homoousion。58这种纯粹而分明的平等,一方面由内在的联系与灵性的贯通加以调和——正是它们把诸神圣位格牢不可分地联为一体;59另一方面,又由圣父的优先地位加以调和——不过这一优先,只在不妨碍圣子独立性的限度内才获得承认。60就在这两道界限之间,正统那几乎看不见、微微颤动的小球,得以安然地来回摆荡。而在这片圣地之外,无论哪一边,都有异端与群魔埋伏着,只待偷袭并吞噬那不幸迷途的人。然而神学仇恨的深浅,取决于交战的意气,而非争论本身的分量;因此,那些只是贬低圣子位格的异端,反倒比那些干脆取消圣子位格的异端遭到更严厉的对待。阿塔纳修斯毕生的精力,都耗在与阿里乌斯派那种不虔的“疯狂”势不两立的斗争之中;61可他却为安基拉的马塞勒斯那套撒伯里乌派主张辩护了二十多年;到末了不得不同此人断绝往来时,他提起这位可敬朋友那些情有可原的过失,脸上仍带着一丝暧昧的微笑。62
The authority of a general council, to which the Arians themselves had been compelled to submit, inscribed on the banners of the orthodox party the mysterious characters of the word Homoousion, which essentially contributed, notwithstanding some obscure disputes, some nocturnal combats, to maintain and perpetuate the uniformity of faith, or at least of language. The consubstantialists, who by their success have deserved and obtained the title of Catholics, gloried in the simplicity and steadiness of their own creed, and insulted the repeated variations of their adversaries, who were destitute of any certain rule of faith. The sincerity or the cunning of the Arian chiefs, the fear of the laws or of the people, their reverence for Christ, their hatred of Athanasius, all the causes, human and divine, that influence and disturb the counsels of a theological faction, introduced among the sectaries a spirit of discord and inconstancy, which, in the course of a few years, erected eighteen different models of religion, 63 and avenged the violated dignity of the church. The zealous Hilary, 64 who, from the peculiar hardships of his situation, was inclined to extenuate rather than to aggravate the errors of the Oriental clergy, declares, that in the wide extent of the ten provinces of Asia, to which he had been banished, there could be found very few prelates who had preserved the knowledge of the true God. 65 The oppression which he had felt, the disorders of which he was the spectator and the victim, appeased, during a short interval, the angry passions of his soul; and in the following passage, of which I shall transcribe a few lines, the bishop of Poitiers unwarily deviates into the style of a Christian philosopher. “It is a thing,” says Hilary, “equally deplorable and dangerous, that there are as many creeds as opinions among men, as many doctrines as inclinations, and as many sources of blasphemy as there are faults among us; because we make creeds arbitrarily, and explain them as arbitrarily. The Homoousion is rejected, and received, and explained away by successive synods. The partial or total resemblance of the Father and of the Son is a subject of dispute for these unhappy times. Every year, nay, every moon, we make new creeds to describe invisible mysteries. We repent of what we have done, we defend those who repent, we anathematize those whom we defended. We condemn either the doctrine of others in ourselves, or our own in that of others; and reciprocally tearing one another to pieces, we have been the cause of each other’s ruin.” 66
一次大公会议的权威,连阿里乌斯派自己也被迫俯首;它把“同质”一词那神秘的字样写上了正统一派的旗帜。尽管其间不乏一些晦暗不明的争执、一些暗夜里的厮杀,这个词终究在根本上帮助维系并延续了信仰的一致——至少是言辞上的一致。同质派因其成功,既配得、也得到了“大公教徒”的名号;他们既以本派信经的简明与坚定自夸,又讥讽对手信条的一变再变——那些对手手里根本没有一条确定的信仰准则。阿里乌斯派首领们的真诚也罢、狡诈也罢,对律法或民众的畏惧,对基督的敬畏,对阿塔纳修斯的仇恨——凡此种种影响并搅乱一个神学派系决策的缘由,无论属人的还是属神的,都在这一派中埋下了不和与反复无常的种子;短短数年之间,这种子竟催生出十八种各不相同的信仰模式,63算是替教会那遭到亵渎的尊严出了口气。热忱的希拉里64因自身处境格外艰难,本倾向于替东方教士的谬误开脱、而非加以苛责;然而就连他也断言:在他被放逐所到的亚细亚十个行省那辽阔的地界内,能保全对真正上帝之认识的高级教士,寥寥无几。65他亲身所受的压迫,他既目睹又深受其害的种种乱象,在一段短暂的间歇里平息了他心中激愤的情绪;在下面这段话里(我且抄录数行),这位普瓦捷的主教竟不经意地流露出一位基督教哲学家的口吻。希拉里说道:“有一件事,既可悲又可危:人间有多少种意见,就有多少种信经;有多少种偏好,就有多少种教义;我们身上有多少过失,亵渎的源头就有多少——只因我们随意制定信经,又随意加以解释。‘同质’一词,被一届又一届的宗教会议时而否弃,时而接纳,时而又曲解得面目全非。圣父与圣子究竟是部分相似还是全然相似,成了这不幸年月里争论不休的题目。每一年,不,每一月,我们都要制定新的信经,去描摹那些不可见的奥秘。我们为自己所做的事后悔,我们为后悔者辩护,我们又诅咒自己方才辩护过的人。我们要么在自己身上谴责别人的教义,要么在别人身上谴责自己的教义;如此彼此撕扯,终至互为对方覆灭的祸根。”66
It will not be expected, it would not perhaps be endured, that I should swell this theological digression, by a minute examination of the eighteen creeds, the authors of which, for the most part, disclaimed the odious name of their parent Arius. It is amusing enough to delineate the form, and to trace the vegetation, of a singular plant; but the tedious detail of leaves without flowers, and of branches without fruit, would soon exhaust the patience, and disappoint the curiosity, of the laborious student. One question, which gradually arose from the Arian controversy, may, however, be noticed, as it served to produce and discriminate the three sects, who were united only by their common aversion to the Homoousion of the Nicene synod. 1. If they were asked whether the Son was like unto the Father, the question was resolutely answered in the negative, by the heretics who adhered to the principles of Arius, or indeed to those of philosophy; which seem to establish an infinite difference between the Creator and the most excellent of his creatures. This obvious consequence was maintained by Ætius, 67 on whom the zeal of his adversaries bestowed the surname of the Atheist. His restless and aspiring spirit urged him to try almost every profession of human life. He was successively a slave, or at least a husbandman, a travelling tinker, a goldsmith, a physician, a schoolmaster, a theologian, and at last the apostle of a new church, which was propagated by the abilities of his disciple Eunomius. 68 Armed with texts of Scripture, and with captious syllogisms from the logic of Aristotle, the subtle Ætius had acquired the fame of an invincible disputant, whom it was impossible either to silence or to convince. Such talents engaged the friendship of the Arian bishops, till they were forced to renounce, and even to persecute, a dangerous ally, who, by the accuracy of his reasoning, had prejudiced their cause in the popular opinion, and offended the piety of their most devoted followers. 2. The omnipotence of the Creator suggested a specious and respectful solution of the likeness of the Father and the Son; and faith might humbly receive what reason could not presume to deny, that the Supreme God might communicate his infinite perfections, and create a being similar only to himself. 69 These Arians were powerfully supported by the weight and abilities of their leaders, who had succeeded to the management of the Eusebian interest, and who occupied the principal thrones of the East. They detested, perhaps with some affectation, the impiety of Ætius; they professed to believe, either without reserve, or according to the Scriptures, that the Son was different from all other creatures, and similar only to the Father. But they denied, the he was either of the same, or of a similar substance; sometimes boldly justifying their dissent, and sometimes objecting to the use of the word substance, which seems to imply an adequate, or at least, a distinct, notion of the nature of the Deity. 3. The sect which deserted the doctrine of a similar substance, was the most numerous, at least in the provinces of Asia; and when the leaders of both parties were assembled in the council of Seleucia, 70 their opinion would have prevailed by a majority of one hundred and five to forty-three bishops. The Greek word, which was chosen to express this mysterious resemblance, bears so close an affinity to the orthodox symbol, that the profane of every age have derided the furious contests which the difference of a single diphthong excited between the Homoousians and the Homoiousians. As it frequently happens, that the sounds and characters which approach the nearest to each other accidentally represent the most opposite ideas, the observation would be itself ridiculous, if it were possible to mark any real and sensible distinction between the doctrine of the Semi-Arians, as they were improperly styled, and that of the Catholics themselves. The bishop of Poitiers, who in his Phrygian exile very wisely aimed at a coalition of parties, endeavors to prove that by a pious and faithful interpretation, 71 the Homoiousion may be reduced to a consubstantial sense. Yet he confesses that the word has a dark and suspicious aspect; and, as if darkness were congenial to theological disputes, the Semi-Arians, who advanced to the doors of the church, assailed them with the most unrelenting fury.
想必没有人期望——或许也无人肯容忍——我把这段神学的枝蔓再拉长,去逐一细究那十八种信经;何况炮制这些信经的人,大多还矢口否认自己出自阿里乌斯这个可憎的祖师门下。描摹一株奇异植物的形貌、追踪它的生长,原是颇有趣味的;可若是把那些只有叶而无花、只有枝而无果的细节一一絮叨,勤勉的读者很快就会耗尽耐心、扫了兴致。不过,有一个问题倒值得一提,它从阿里乌斯之争中渐渐衍生而出,又催生、区分出了三个派别;而这三派之间唯一的共同点,便是都厌恶尼西亚会议的“同质”一词。一、若问圣子是否“相似”于圣父,那些恪守阿里乌斯原则、或者说恪守哲学原则的异端,会斩钉截铁地予以否认;因为哲学似乎主张,造物主与其最卓越的受造物之间,存在着无限的差别。这一显而易见的推论,为埃提乌斯67所坚持;他的论敌出于义愤,送了他一个“无神论者”的绰号。他那颗躁动而好高骛远的心,驱使他几乎把人间各行各业都试了个遍。他先后做过奴隶——至少也当过农夫——又当过走乡串户的补锅匠、金匠、医生、塾师、神学家,最后成了一个新教派的开山使徒;而这教派的传扬,全靠他门徒欧诺米乌斯的本事。68精明的埃提乌斯一手握着《圣经》经文,一手握着从亚里士多德逻辑里搬来的刁钻三段论,博得了不可战胜的辩者之名——谁也没法叫他闭嘴,谁也没法说服他。这般才具,起初赢得了阿里乌斯派主教们的友谊;到后来,他们却不得不同这位危险的盟友划清界限,甚至加以迫害——因为他推理太过精确,反倒在民众舆论中损害了本派的声名,又冒犯了本派最虔诚追随者的敬虔之情。二、造物主的全能,为圣父与圣子的“相似”提供了一个貌似有理、又不失恭敬的解答;于是,理性既不敢断然否认,信仰便不妨谦卑地领受:至高上帝大可把自己无限的完美传授出去,造出一个唯独与他自己相似的存在。69这一派阿里乌斯信徒,背后有其首领的声望与才干为强援;这些首领接掌了优西比乌一系的势力,占据着东方各主要教座。他们憎恶埃提乌斯的不虔——这憎恶或许带着几分做作;他们声称自己毫无保留地、或者说按照《圣经》相信:圣子有别于其他一切受造物,唯独与圣父相似。但他们否认圣子与圣父同质,也否认二者本体相似;他们时而大胆地为自己的异议申辩,时而又反对使用“本体”一词,说这个词仿佛意味着人对神性的本性已有了充分的、或至少是明晰的概念。三、抛弃“本体相似”之说的那一派,人数最多,至少在亚细亚各行省是如此;当两派首领齐集塞琉西亚会议时,70单论主教人数,他们这一派的意见本可以一百零五对四十三的多数占上风。他们选来表达这种神秘相似的那个希腊词,与正统的标记字眼实在太过相近,以致历来的俗人都讥笑:仅仅一个双元音之差,竟能在“同质派”(Homoousians)与“类质派”(Homoiousians)之间掀起如此狂暴的争斗。世间常有这样的事:读音与字形最相近者,偏偏碰巧代表着最相反的观念;因此,倘若在这些被人不当地称作“半阿里乌斯派”者的教义与大公教徒本身的教义之间,当真能划出什么真实而可感的区别,那么上面这番讥评本身反倒可笑了。那位普瓦捷的主教,在弗里吉亚的流放地颇为明智地力图促成各派的联合;他竭力证明:只要作一番虔诚而忠实的解释,71“类质”(Homoiousion)一词也可以归结出“同质”的含义。然而他也承认,这个词面目晦暗、启人疑窦;而且,仿佛晦暗天生就与神学争论气味相投似的,半阿里乌斯派虽已逼近教会的大门,却仍以最毫不留情的狂暴向门内猛攻。
The provinces of Egypt and Asia, which cultivated the language and manners of the Greeks, had deeply imbibed the venom of the Arian controversy. The familiar study of the Platonic system, a vain and argumentative disposition, a copious and flexible idiom, supplied the clergy and people of the East with an inexhaustible flow of words and distinctions; and, in the midst of their fierce contentions, they easily forgot the doubt which is recommended by philosophy, and the submission which is enjoined by religion. The inhabitants of the West were of a less inquisitive spirit; their passions were not so forcibly moved by invisible objects, their minds were less frequently exercised by the habits of dispute; and such was the happy ignorance of the Gallican church, that Hilary himself, above thirty years after the first general council, was still a stranger to the Nicene creed. 72 The Latins had received the rays of divine knowledge through the dark and doubtful medium of a translation. The poverty and stubbornness of their native tongue was not always capable of affording just equivalents for the Greek terms, for the technical words of the Platonic philosophy, 73 which had been consecrated, by the gospel or by the church, to express the mysteries of the Christian faith; and a verbal defect might introduce into the Latin theology a long train of error or perplexity. 74 But as the western provincials had the good fortune of deriving their religion from an orthodox source, they preserved with steadiness the doctrine which they had accepted with docility; and when the Arian pestilence approached their frontiers, they were supplied with the seasonable preservative of the Homoousion, by the paternal care of the Roman pontiff. Their sentiments and their temper were displayed in the memorable synod of Rimini, which surpassed in numbers the council of Nice, since it was composed of above four hundred bishops of Italy, Africa, Spain, Gaul, Britain, and Illyricum. From the first debates it appeared, that only fourscore prelates adhered to the party, though they affected to anathematize the name and memory, of Arius. But this inferiority was compensated by the advantages of skill, of experience, and of discipline; and the minority was conducted by Valens and Ursacius, two bishops of Illyricum, who had spent their lives in the intrigues of courts and councils, and who had been trained under the Eusebian banner in the religious wars of the East. By their arguments and negotiations, they embarrassed, they confounded, they at last deceived, the honest simplicity of the Latin bishops; who suffered the palladium of the faith to be extorted from their hand by fraud and importunity, rather than by open violence. The council of Rimini was not allowed to separate, till the members had imprudently subscribed a captious creed, in which some expressions, susceptible of an heretical sense, were inserted in the room of the Homoousion. It was on this occasion, that, according to Jerom, the world was surprised to find itself Arian. 75 But the bishops of the Latin provinces had no sooner reached their respective dioceses, than they discovered their mistake, and repented of their weakness. The ignominious capitulation was rejected with disdain and abhorrence; and the Homoousian standard, which had been shaken but not overthrown, was more firmly replanted in all the churches of the West. 76
埃及与亚细亚各行省素来沿袭希腊人的语言与风习,早已深深浸染了阿里乌斯之争的毒液。对柏拉图体系的谙熟研习,一副爱慕虚荣、好辩逞强的性情,再加上一种词汇丰富、伸缩自如的语言,给东方的教士与民众供应了取之不尽的辞藻与辨析;于是在激烈的争斗之中,他们轻易便忘了哲学所劝人持守的存疑,也忘了宗教所命人恪守的顺服。西方的居民则少几分刨根问底的心性;不可见之物不那么强烈地牵动他们的情感,争辩的习气也不那么频繁地操练他们的头脑;高卢教会更是无知得幸福,以致在第一次大公会议召开三十多年之后,连希拉里本人都还不曾听闻尼西亚信经。72拉丁人所领受的神圣知识之光,是透过翻译这一晦暗而可疑的媒介才照进来的。他们本族的语言既贫乏又执拗,未必总能为那些希腊术语、为柏拉图哲学的种种专门用语73提供恰如其分的对应词——而这些词,本已由福音或教会奉为圣用,专门用来表述基督教信仰的奥秘;于是一个字眼上的缺陷,便足以给拉丁神学引来一长串的谬误或困惑。74但西方各行省的人有幸从一个正统的源头承接了自己的宗教,因而对当初驯顺领受的教义,也守持得颇为坚定;当阿里乌斯的瘟疫逼近他们边境时,罗马教宗又以慈父般的关怀,及时把“同质”这剂良药供给了他们。他们的信念与脾性,在那次值得纪念的里米尼会议上显露无遗;这次会议在人数上超过了尼西亚会议,因为与会的意大利、阿非利加、西班牙、高卢、不列颠和伊利里库姆的主教共有四百余名。头几场辩论下来便看得出:附和阿里乌斯派的高级教士只有八十名,尽管这些人还煞有介事地装作要诅咒阿里乌斯的名字与遗绪。但手腕、经验与纪律上的优势,弥补了人数上的劣势;率领这少数派的,是伊利里库姆的两位主教瓦伦斯与乌尔萨基乌斯,二人毕生周旋于宫廷与会议的种种阴谋之间,又是在东方的宗教战争中于优西比乌一系的旗下受过历练的。凭着一番番辩说与斡旋,他们把拉丁主教们那诚实的憨直搅得先是狼狈、继而糊涂,末了竟受了蒙骗;这些主教眼睁睁地让信仰的守护圣物从自己手中被夺走——凭的不是公然的暴力,而是欺诈与死缠硬磨。里米尼会议迟迟不获准散会,直到与会众人轻率地在一份暗藏机关的信经上签了字才罢;这信经里塞进了几处可作异端解释的措辞,取代了“同质”一词。据哲罗姆说,正是在此时,全世界惊讶地发现自己竟成了阿里乌斯派。75但拉丁各行省的主教一回到各自的教区,便立刻发觉了自己的错误,为方才的软弱懊悔不已。那份可耻的降书遭到了鄙夷与憎恶的唾弃;“同质”的大旗虽曾被撼动,却未曾倾倒,如今更牢固地重新插遍了西方所有的教会。76
Notes 注释
40
The most ancient creeds were drawn up with the greatest latitude. See Bull, (Judicium Eccles. Cathol.,) who tries to prevent Episcopius from deriving any advantage from this observation.
最古老的信经拟定时留有极大的伸缩余地。参见布尔(Judicium Eccles. Cathol.);他力图不让埃皮斯科皮乌斯从这一观察中占到任何便宜。
41
The heresies of Praxeas, Sabellius, &c., are accurately explained by Mosheim (p. 425, 680-714.) Praxeas, who came to Rome about the end of the second century, deceived, for some time, the simplicity of the bishop, and was confuted by the pen of the angry Tertullian.
普拉克塞阿斯、撒伯里乌斯等人的异端,莫斯海姆有精确的阐述(p. 425, 680-714)。普拉克塞阿斯约于二世纪末来到罗马,一度蒙骗了主教的单纯,后被盛怒的德尔图良以笔驳倒。
42
Socrates acknowledges, that the heresy of Arius proceeded from his strong desire to embrace an opinion the most diametrically opposite to that of Sabellius.
苏格拉底承认,阿里乌斯的异端,源于他一心要抱持一种与撒伯里乌斯针锋相对、截然相反的见解。
43
The figure and manners of Arius, the character and numbers of his first proselytes, are painted in very lively colors by Epiphanius, (tom. i. Hæres. lxix. 3, p. 729,) and we cannot but regret that he should soon forget the historian, to assume the task of controversy.
阿里乌斯的仪容举止,以及他最初那批归信者的品性与人数,都被埃皮法尼乌斯描绘得活灵活现(tom. i. Hæres. lxix. 3, p. 729);只可惜他转眼便忘了史家的本分,去干起论战的行当来,令人不能不为之惋惜。
44
See Philostorgius (l. i. c. 3,) and Godefroy’s ample Commentary. Yet the credibility of Philostorgius is lessened, in the eyes of the orthodox, by his Arianism; and in those of rational critics, by his passion, his prejudice, and his ignorance.
参见菲洛斯托尔吉乌斯(l. i. c. 3)及戈德弗鲁瓦详尽的评注。不过菲洛斯托尔吉乌斯的可信度是要打折扣的:在正统派眼里,是因他信奉阿里乌斯派;在讲理的批评家眼里,则是因他意气用事、心存偏见而又孤陋寡闻。
45
Sozomen (l. i. c. 15) represents Alexander as indifferent, and even ignorant, in the beginning of the controversy; while Socrates (l. i. c. 5) ascribes the origin of the dispute to the vain curiosity of his theological speculations. Dr. Jortin (Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, vol. ii. p. 178) has censured, with his usual freedom, the conduct of Alexander.
索佐门(l. i. c. 15)把争论之初的亚历山大写成一个漠不关心、甚至懵懂无知的人;苏格拉底(l. i. c. 5)却把争端的起因归于他神学思辨中那种无谓的好奇。乔廷博士(《教会史评注》,vol. ii. p. 178)则一如其惯常的直率,对亚历山大的所作所为加以指责。
46
The flames of Arianism might burn for some time in secret; but there is reason to believe that they burst out with violence as early as the year 319. Tillemont, Mém. Eccles. tom. vi. p. 774-780.
阿里乌斯派的火焰或许曾暗中燃烧过一段时日,但有理由相信,它早在公元 319 年便已猛烈爆发。见蒂耶蒙,Mém. Eccles. tom. vi. p. 774-780。
47
Quid credidit? Certe, aut tria nomina audiens tres Deos esse credidit, et idololatra effectus est; aut in tribus vocabulis trinominem credens Deum, in Sabellii hæresim incurrit; aut edoctus ab Arianis unum esse verum Deum Patrem, filium et spiritum sanctum credidit creaturas. Aut extra hæc quid credere potuerit nescio. Hieronym adv. Luciferianos. Jerom reserves for the last the orthodox system, which is more complicated and difficult.
Quid credidit? Certe, aut tria nomina audiens tres Deos esse credidit, et idololatra effectus est; aut in tribus vocabulis trinominem credens Deum, in Sabellii hæresim incurrit; aut edoctus ab Arianis unum esse verum Deum Patrem, filium et spiritum sanctum credidit creaturas. Aut extra hæc quid credere potuerit nescio. Hieronym adv. Luciferianos.(哲罗姆把正统体系留到最后才说,因为它更为繁复、也更难索解。)
48
As the doctrine of absolute creation from nothing was gradually introduced among the Christians, (Beausobre, tom. ii. p. 165- 215,) the dignity of the workman very naturally rose with that of the work.
随着“从无中绝对创造”这一教义在基督徒中逐渐流行开来(博索布尔,tom. ii. p. 165-215),“工匠”的尊荣也很自然地随“作品”的尊荣而水涨船高。
49
The metaphysics of Dr. Clarke (Scripture Trinity, p. 276-280) could digest an eternal generation from an infinite cause.
克拉克博士的形而上学(《圣经中的三位一体》,p. 276-280)竟能消化“由无限之因而来的永恒受生”这一说法。
50
This profane and absurd simile is employed by several of the primitive fathers, particularly by Athenagoras, in his Apology to the emperor Marcus and his son; and it is alleged, without censure, by Bull himself. See Defens. Fid. Nicen. sect. iii. c. 5, No. 4.
这个亵渎而荒唐的比喻,好几位早期教父都用过,尤以阿特那哥拉在其呈给马可皇帝及其子的《申辩》中为甚;就连布尔本人也援引了它,且不加任何非难。见 Defens. Fid. Nicen. sect. iii. c. 5, No. 4。
51
See Cudworth’s Intellectual System, p. 559, 579. This dangerous hypothesis was countenanced by the two Gregories, of Nyssa and Nazianzen, by Cyril of Alexandria, John of Damascus, &c. See Cudworth, p. 603. Le Clerc, Bibliothèque Universelle, tom xviii. p. 97-105.
见卡德沃思《理智体系》,p. 559, 579。这一危险的假说,曾得到两位格列高利(尼撒的格列高利与纳齐安的格列高利)、亚历山大里亚的西里尔、大马士革的约翰等人的支持。见卡德沃思,p. 603;勒克莱尔,Bibliothèque Universelle, tom. xviii. p. 97-105。
52
Augustin seems to envy the freedom of the Philosophers. Liberis verbis loquuntur philosophi.... Nos autem non dicimus duo vel tria principia, duos vel tres Deos. De Civitat. Dei, x. 23.
奥古斯丁似乎很羡慕哲学家们的自由。Liberis verbis loquuntur philosophi.... Nos autem non dicimus duo vel tria principia, duos vel tres Deos.(《上帝之城》,x. 23。)
53
Boetius, who was deeply versed in the philosophy of Plato and Aristotle, explains the unity of the Trinity by the indifference of the three persons. See the judicious remarks of Le Clerc, Bibliothèque Choisie, tom. xvi. p. 225, &c.
波爱修斯深通柏拉图与亚里士多德的哲学,他以三个位格之间的“无别”来解释三位一体的统一。参见勒克莱尔中肯的评论,Bibliothèque Choisie, tom. xvi. p. 225 及以下。
54
If the Sabellians were startled at this conclusion, they were driven another precipice into the confession, that the Father was born of a virgin, that he had suffered on the cross; and thus deserved the epithet of Patripassians, with which they were branded by their adversaries. See the invectives of Tertullian against Praxeas, and the temperate reflections of Mosheim, (p. 423, 681;) and Beausobre, tom. i. l. iii. c. 6, p. 533.
撒伯里乌派若是被这一结论吓了一跳,那就等于被逼向另一处悬崖,只得承认:圣父是由童女所生,是“他”在十字架上受了难;这样一来,他们便当得起论敌加在他们头上的“圣父受苦派”这个称号了。参见德尔图良对普拉克塞阿斯的痛斥,以及莫斯海姆平和的思考(p. 423, 681),还有博索布尔,tom. i. l. iii. c. 6, p. 533。
55
The transactions of the council of Nice are related by the ancients, not only in a partial, but in a very imperfect manner. Such a picture as Fra Paolo would have drawn, can never be recovered; but such rude sketches as have been traced by the pencil of bigotry, and that of reason, may be seen in Tillemont, (Mém. Eccles. tom. v. p. 669-759,) and in Le Clerc, (Bibliothèque Universelle, tom. x p. 435-454.)
古人对尼西亚会议始末的记述,不但偏颇,而且极不完备。弗拉·保罗若来执笔,本可绘出一幅怎样的图景,如今已无从追回;至于偏执之笔与理性之笔各自勾勒的那些粗糙草图,则可见于蒂耶蒙(Mém. Eccles. tom. v. p. 669-759)与勒克莱尔(Bibliothèque Universelle, tom. x. p. 435-454)。
56
We are indebted to Ambrose (De Fide, l. iii.) knowledge of this curious anecdote. Hoc verbum quod viderunt adversariis esse formidini; ut ipsis gladio, ipsum nefandæ caput hæreseos.
这段离奇的逸闻,我们得自安布罗斯(《论信仰》,l. iii.)。Hoc verbum quod viderunt adversariis esse formidini; ut ipsis gladio, ipsum nefandæ caput hæreseos.
57
See Bull, Defens. Fid. Nicen. sect. ii. c. i. p. 25-36. He thinks it his duty to reconcile two orthodox synods.
见布尔,Defens. Fid. Nicen. sect. ii. c. i. p. 25-36。他认为调和两次正统会议是自己分内的职责。
58
According to Aristotle, the stars were homoousian to each other. “That Homoousios means of one substance in kind, hath been shown by Petavius, Curcellæus, Cudworth, Le Clerc, &c., and to prove it would be actum agere.” This is the just remark of Dr. Jortin, (vol. ii p. 212,) who examines the Arian controversy with learning, candor, and ingenuity.
依亚里士多德之见,众星彼此是“同质的”。“Homoousios 意谓在‘种类’上同属一体,此点佩塔维乌斯、库尔切莱乌斯、卡德沃思、勒克莱尔等人早已证明,再去证它,无异于 actum agere(多此一举)。”这是乔廷博士(vol. ii. p. 212)的公允之论;他考察阿里乌斯之争,既有学识,又能持平,且见识精到。
59
See Petavius, (Dogm. Theolog. tom. ii. l. iv. c. 16, p. 453, &c.,) Cudworth, (p. 559,) Bull, (sect. iv. p. 285-290, edit. Grab.) The circumincessio, is perhaps the deepest and darkest he whole theological abyss.
见佩塔维乌斯(Dogm. Theolog. tom. ii. l. iv. c. 16, p. 453 及以下)、卡德沃思(p. 559)、布尔(sect. iv. p. 285-290, 格拉贝校订本)。circumincessio(三位相互内住)一语,或许是整座神学深渊中最幽深、最晦暗之处。
60
The third section of Bull’s Defence of the Nicene Faith, which some of his antagonists have called nonsense, and others heresy, is consecrated to the supremacy of the Father.
布尔《尼西亚信仰辩护》的第三节——有的论敌斥之为一派胡言,有的斥之为异端——通篇都在论证圣父的至上地位。
61
The ordinary appellation with which Athanasius and his followers chose to compliment the Arians, was that of Ariomanites.
阿塔纳修斯及其追随者惯常用来“恭维”阿里乌斯派的称呼,便是“阿里乌疯派”(Ariomanites)。
62
Epiphanius, tom i. Hæres. lxxii. 4, p. 837. See the adventures of Marcellus, in Tillemont, (Mém. Eccles. tom. v. i. p. 880- 899.) His work, in one book, of the unity of God, was answered in the three books, which are still extant, of Eusebius.——After a long and careful examination, Petavius (tom. ii. l. i. c. 14, p. 78) has reluctantly pronounced the condemnation of Marcellus.
埃皮法尼乌斯,tom. i. Hæres. lxxii. 4, p. 837。马塞勒斯的种种经历,见蒂耶蒙(Mém. Eccles. tom. v. i. p. 880-899)。他那部论上帝之统一的著作只有一卷,优西比乌却写了三卷来驳斥,且至今尚存。——经过长久而审慎的考订,佩塔维乌斯(tom. ii. l. i. c. 14, p. 78)才不情愿地宣布马塞勒斯有罪。
63
Athanasius, in his epistle concerning the Synods of Seleucia and Rimini, (tom. i. p. 886-905,) has given an ample list of Arian creeds, which has been enlarged and improved by the labors of the indefatigable Tillemont, (Mém. Eccles. tom. vi. p. 477.)
阿塔纳修斯在其论塞琉西亚与里米尼两次会议的书信中(tom. i. p. 886-905),开列了一份详尽的阿里乌斯派信经清单;不知疲倦的蒂耶蒙又下功夫将其扩充、订正(Mém. Eccles. tom. vi. p. 477)。
64
Erasmus, with admirable sense and freedom, has delineated the just character of Hilary. To revise his text, to compose the annals of his life, and to justify his sentiments and conduct, is the province of the Benedictine editors.
伊拉斯谟以令人钦佩的见识与洒脱,勾勒出希拉里的真实面貌。至于校订其文本、编纂其生平年谱、并为其思想与行事辩护,那是本笃会编者们分内的事。
65
Absque episcopo Eleusio et paucis cum eo, ex majore parte Asianæ decem provinciæ, inter quas consisto, vere Deum nesciunt. Atque utinam penitus nescirent! cum procliviore enim venia ignorarent quam obtrectarent. Hilar. de Synodis, sive de Fide Orientalium, c. 63, p. 1186, edit. Benedict. In the celebrated parallel between atheism and superstition, the bishop of Poitiers would have been surprised in the philosophic society of Bayle and Plutarch.
Absque episcopo Eleusio et paucis cum eo, ex majore parte Asianæ decem provinciæ, inter quas consisto, vere Deum nesciunt. Atque utinam penitus nescirent! cum procliviore enim venia ignorarent quam obtrectarent.(希拉里《论众会议,或论东方人的信仰》,c. 63, p. 1186,本笃会校订本。)在那段将无神论与迷信相提并论的著名议论中,这位普瓦捷的主教竟与培尔、普鲁塔克为伍,跻身哲人之列,实在出人意表。
66
Hilarius ad Constantium, l. i. c. 4, 5, p. 1227, 1228. This remarkable passage deserved the attention of Mr. Locke, who has transcribed it (vol. iii. p. 470) into the model of his new common-place book.
Hilarius ad Constantium, l. i. c. 4, 5, p. 1227, 1228。这段非同寻常的文字曾引起洛克先生的注意,他把它抄录进了自己那本新式札记簿的范本之中(vol. iii. p. 470)。
67
In Philostorgius (l. iii. c. 15) the character and adventures of Ætius appear singular enough, though they are carefully softened by the hand of a friend. The editor, Godefroy, (p. 153,) who was more attached to his principles than to his author, has collected the odious circumstances which his various adversaries have preserved or invented.
在菲洛斯托尔吉乌斯笔下(l. iii. c. 15),埃提乌斯的性情与经历已够离奇的了,尽管这还是一位友人小心加以美化后的样子。校订者戈德弗鲁瓦(p. 153)看重自家立场更甚于看重所校订的作者,便把埃提乌斯各路论敌保存下来、或凭空捏造出来的种种可憎情节,一并搜罗在了一处。
68
According to the judgment of a man who respected both these sectaries, Ætius had been endowed with a stronger understanding and Eunomius had acquired more art and learning. (Philostorgius l. viii. c. 18.) The confession and apology of Eunomius (Fabricius, Bibliot. Græc. tom. viii. p. 258-305) is one of the few heretical pieces which have escaped.
据一位对这两位异端人物都心怀敬意者的评断,埃提乌斯天资更为聪颖,欧诺米乌斯则更富技巧与学识(菲洛斯托尔吉乌斯,l. viii. c. 18)。欧诺米乌斯的《信仰告白与申辩》(法布里丘斯,Bibliot. Græc. tom. viii. p. 258-305)是少数几篇幸免湮没的异端著作之一。
69
Yet, according to the opinion of Estius and Bull, (p. 297,) there is one power—that of creation—which God cannot communicate to a creature. Estius, who so accurately defined the limits of Omnipotence was a Dutchman by birth, and by trade a scholastic divine. Dupin Bibliot. Eccles. tom. xvii. p. 45.
然而,依埃斯提乌斯与布尔之见(p. 297),有一种能力——即创造之能——是上帝“不能”授予受造物的。这位如此精确地划定了全能之界限的埃斯提乌斯,生为荷兰人,业为经院神学家。见迪潘,Bibliot. Eccles. tom. xvii. p. 45。
70
Sabinus ap. Socrat. (l. ii. c. 39) had copied the acts: Athanasius and Hilary have explained the divisions of this Arian synod; the other circumstances which are relative to it are carefully collected by Baro and Tillemont
萨比努斯(见苏格拉底,l. ii. c. 39)曾抄录过会议记录;阿塔纳修斯与希拉里则说明了这次阿里乌斯派会议中的种种分歧;与之相关的其余情形,则由巴罗尼乌斯与蒂耶蒙悉心搜集而成。
71
Fideli et piâ intelligentiâ... De Synod. c. 77, p. 1193. In his his short apologetical notes (first published by the Benedictines from a MS. of Chartres) he observes, that he used this cautious expression, qui intelligerum et impiam, p. 1206. See p. 1146. Philostorgius, who saw those objects through a different medium, is inclined to forget the difference of the important diphthong. See in particular viii. 17, and Godefroy, p. 352.
Fideli et piâ intelligentiâ……(De Synod. c. 77, p. 1193。)在他那几条简短的辩护性附注中(由本笃会编者依沙特尔的一份手稿首次刊行),他说自己之所以用这一谨慎的措辞,是 qui intelligerum et impiam(p. 1206;参见 p. 1146)。菲洛斯托尔吉乌斯透过另一副眼镜看待这些事物,便倾向于把那个至关紧要的双元音之别抛诸脑后。尤可参见 viii. 17,及戈德弗鲁瓦,p. 352。
72
Testor Deum cœli atque terræ me cum neutrum audissem, semper tamen utrumque sensisse.... Regeneratus pridem et in episcopatu aliquantisper manens fidem Nicenam nunquam nisi exsulaturus audivi. Hilar. de Synodis, c. xci. p. 1205. The Benedictines are persuaded that he governed the diocese of Poitiers several years before his exile.
Testor Deum cœli atque terræ me cum neutrum audissem, semper tamen utrumque sensisse.... Regeneratus pridem et in episcopatu aliquantisper manens fidem Nicenam nunquam nisi exsulaturus audivi.(希拉里《论众会议》,c. xci. p. 1205。)本笃会编者们确信,早在流放之前数年,他便已在治理普瓦捷教区了。
73
Seneca (Epist. lviii.) complains that even the of the Platonists (the ens of the bolder schoolmen) could not be expressed by a Latin noun.
塞涅卡(Epist. lviii.)抱怨说:就连柏拉图派所谓的“存在”(即更大胆的经院学者所说的 ens),也无法用一个拉丁名词来表达。
74
The preference which the fourth council of the Lateran at length gave to a numerical rather than a generical unity (See Petav. tom. ii. l. v. c. 13, p. 424) was favored by the Latin language: seems to excite the idea of substance, trinitas of qualities.
第四次拉特兰会议最终宁取“数目上的”统一,而不取“类属上的”统一(见佩塔维乌斯,tom. ii. l. v. c. 13, p. 424);拉丁语言也助成了这一取舍:“统一”(unitas)一词似乎会唤起“本体”的观念,而 trinitas(三位)则唤起“属性”的观念。
75
Ingemuit totus orbis, et Arianum se esse miratus est. Hieronym. adv. Lucifer. tom. i. p. 145.
Ingemuit totus orbis, et Arianum se esse miratus est. Hieronym. adv. Lucifer. tom. i. p. 145.
76
The story of the council of Rimini is very elegantly told by Sulpicius Severus, (Hist. Sacra, l. ii. p. 419-430, edit. Lugd. Bat. 1647,) and by Jerom, in his dialogue against the Luciferians. The design of the latter is to apologize for the conduct of the Latin bishops, who were deceived, and who repented.
里米尼会议的始末,苏尔皮基乌斯·塞维鲁叙述得极为典雅(Hist. Sacra, l. ii. p. 419-430, 1647 年莱顿版),哲罗姆在其《驳卢奇菲尔派对话录》中也讲述过。后者的用意,是为那些受了蒙骗、后又幡然悔悟的拉丁主教辩解。