Chapter XIX: Constantius Sole Emperor.—Part IV. 第十九章 君士坦提乌斯独掌帝国——第四节

Chapter XIX: Constantius Sole Emperor.—Part IV.

第十九章 君士坦提乌斯独掌帝国——第四节

Under these melancholy circumstances, an unexperienced youth was appointed to save and to govern the provinces of Gaul, or rather, as he expressed it himself, to exhibit the vain image of Imperial greatness. The retired scholastic education of Julian, in which he had been more conversant with books than with arms, with the dead than with the living, left him in profound ignorance of the practical arts of war and government; and when he awkwardly repeated some military exercise which it was necessary for him to learn, he exclaimed with a sigh, “O Plato, Plato, what a task for a philosopher!” Yet even this speculative philosophy, which men of business are too apt to despise, had filled the mind of Julian with the noblest precepts and the most shining examples; had animated him with the love of virtue, the desire of fame, and the contempt of death. The habits of temperance recommended in the schools, are still more essential in the severe discipline of a camp. The simple wants of nature regulated the measure of his food and sleep. Rejecting with disdain the delicacies provided for his table, he satisfied his appetite with the coarse and common fare which was allotted to the meanest soldiers. During the rigor of a Gallic winter, he never suffered a fire in his bed-chamber; and after a short and interrupted slumber, he frequently rose in the middle of the night from a carpet spread on the floor, to despatch any urgent business, to visit his rounds, or to steal a few moments for the prosecution of his favorite studies. 67 The precepts of eloquence, which he had hitherto practised on fancied topics of declamation, were more usefully applied to excite or to assuage the passions of an armed multitude: and although Julian, from his early habits of conversation and literature, was more familiarly acquainted with the beauties of the Greek language, he had attained a competent knowledge of the Latin tongue. 68 Since Julian was not originally designed for the character of a legislator, or a judge, it is probable that the civil jurisprudence of the Romans had not engaged any considerable share of his attention: but he derived from his philosophic studies an inflexible regard for justice, tempered by a disposition to clemency; the knowledge of the general principles of equity and evidence, and the faculty of patiently investigating the most intricate and tedious questions which could be proposed for his discussion. The measures of policy, and the operations of war, must submit to the various accidents of circumstance and character, and the unpractised student will often be perplexed in the application of the most perfect theory.
值此凄凉之际,一位毫无阅历的青年受命去拯救并治理高卢诸行省——或者用他自己的话说,不过是去摆出一副帝国威仪的空架子。尤利安幼年所受的是与世隔绝的书斋教育,亲书本而远刀兵,交古人而疏今人,因而对治军理政的实务一无所知。每当他笨拙地操演那些不得不学的军事动作时,便叹息道:“柏拉图啊,柏拉图,这哪里是一个哲人该做的事!”然而,这门务实之人每每轻视的思辨哲学,却已在尤利安心中注满了最崇高的箴言与最辉煌的典范,激起他对德行的热爱、对声名的渴望,以及对死亡的蔑视。学园所倡导的节制之习,在军营的严酷纪律中愈发不可或缺。他的饮食起居,一概以天性的简朴需求为度。案上珍馐,他不屑一顾,只以分给最低贱士卒的粗粝饭食果腹。高卢寒冬酷烈,他的寝室里却从不生火;短暂而屡遭打断的睡眠之后,他常在半夜从铺于地上的一张毯子上起身,或处理紧急军务,或巡视营防,或忙里偷闲、钻研他所钟爱的学问。67 修辞之术,他此前只在虚拟的演说题目上操练,如今却派上了更实际的用场——用以鼓动或平息一群武装之众的激情;尽管尤利安因早年的谈吐与阅读习惯,对希腊语之美更为熟稔,他对拉丁语也已掌握到足敷应用的地步。68 尤利安本非注定要充当立法者或法官,因此罗马民法大概未曾占去他多少心力;然而从哲学研习中,他习得了对正义坚定不移的信守,又以宽仁的性情加以调和;他懂得公平与证据的一般原则,也能耐心究诘摆到他面前的种种最繁难、最冗长的问题。至于施政的方略与用兵的谋划,则须因时因人、随机应变,纵有最完备的理论,缺乏历练的书生一旦付诸实施,也常会一筹莫展。
But in the acquisition of this important science, Julian was assisted by the active vigor of his own genius, as well as by the wisdom and experience of Sallust, and officer of rank, who soon conceived a sincere attachment for a prince so worthy of his friendship; and whose incorruptible integrity was adorned by the talent of insinuating the harshest truths without wounding the delicacy of a royal ear. 69
不过,在研习这门要紧学问的过程中,尤利安一则得力于自己天赋中那股蓬勃的锐气,二则受益于撒路斯提乌斯的睿智与阅历。此人官居显位,很快便对这位当得起他友谊的君主生出真挚的情谊;他清廉刚正、一尘不染,又兼有一种本领:纵是最刺耳的忠言,也能婉转道出,而不伤及君王娇贵的耳朵。69
Immediately after Julian had received the purple at Milan, he was sent into Gaul with a feeble retinue of three hundred and sixty soldiers. At Vienna, where he passed a painful and anxious winter in the hands of those ministers to whom Constantius had intrusted the direction of his conduct, the Cæsar was informed of the siege and deliverance of Autun. That large and ancient city, protected only by a ruined wall and pusillanimous garrison, was saved by the generous resolution of a few veterans, who resumed their arms for the defence of their country. In his march from Autun, through the heart of the Gallic provinces, Julian embraced with ardor the earliest opportunity of signalizing his courage. At the head of a small body of archers and heavy cavalry, he preferred the shorter but the more dangerous of two roads; 6911 and sometimes eluding, and sometimes resisting, the attacks of the Barbarians, who were masters of the field, he arrived with honor and safety at the camp near Rheims, where the Roman troops had been ordered to assemble. The aspect of their young prince revived the drooping spirits of the soldiers, and they marched from Rheims in search of the enemy, with a confidence which had almost proved fatal to them. The Alemanni, familiarized to the knowledge of the country, secretly collected their scattered forces, and seizing the opportunity of a dark and rainy day, poured with unexpected fury on the rear-guard of the Romans. Before the inevitable disorder could be remedied, two legions were destroyed; and Julian was taught by experience that caution and vigilance are the most important lessons of the art of war. In a second and more successful action, he recovered and established his military fame; but as the agility of the Barbarians saved them from the pursuit, his victory was neither bloody nor decisive. He advanced, however, to the banks of the Rhine, surveyed the ruins of Cologne, convinced himself of the difficulties of the war, and retreated on the approach of winter, discontented with the court, with his army, and with his own success. 70 The power of the enemy was yet unbroken; and the Cæsar had no sooner separated his troops, and fixed his own quarters at Sens, in the centre of Gaul, than he was surrounded and besieged, by a numerous host of Germans. Reduced, in this extremity, to the resources of his own mind, he displayed a prudent intrepidity, which compensated for all the deficiencies of the place and garrison; and the Barbarians, at the end of thirty days, were obliged to retire with disappointed rage.
尤利安在米兰披上紫袍后,随即被派往高卢,随行的不过是三百六十名士卒,声势单薄。在维埃纳,这位恺撒落在君士坦提乌斯派来监督其言行的那班大臣手中,熬过了一个痛苦而惶惑的冬天;也正是在这里,他得知欧坦城被围又获解救的消息。这座古老的大城仅有一道残破的城墙和一支怯懦的守军可恃,全靠几名老兵慷慨赴难、重执兵器保卫家园,才得以保全。从欧坦出发、穿越高卢腹地的行军途中,尤利安满腔热忱,抓住最早的机会来彰显自己的勇武。他率领一小队弓箭手和重甲骑兵,在两条路当中,宁取那条较近却更凶险的;6911 蛮族当时称雄于旷野,他时而避其锋芒,时而迎头抵御,终于安然无恙、不失体面地抵达兰斯附近的营地——罗马各部奉命在此集结。年轻君主的到来重振了士卒低落的士气,他们从兰斯开拔去寻敌决战,那份自信却险些送了他们的命。阿勒曼尼人熟知当地地形,暗中纠集起分散的兵力,趁着一个阴雨晦暗的日子,出其不意地向罗马军的后卫猛扑过来。阵脚顿时大乱,还未及收拾,两个军团便已被歼灭;尤利安由此以切身之痛领教到:谨慎与警觉乃是用兵之道中最要紧的一课。在第二次较为得手的交锋中,他挽回并奠定了自己的军事声誉;只是蛮族身手矫捷,脱离了追击,因此这场胜利既不血腥,也不足以决定大局。尽管如此,他还是挺进到莱茵河畔,察看了科隆的废墟,亲眼确信了这场战争的重重艰难,遂在冬天将临时撤退,心中对朝廷、对自己的军队、也对自己这点战果,都满怀不快。70 敌人的实力尚未受挫;这位恺撒刚把部队分驻各地、自己驻扎在高卢中部的桑斯,就被一支人数众多的日耳曼大军团团围困。值此危局,他唯有凭一己的心智应对,展现出一种审慎而无畏的胆略,弥补了城防与守军的种种不足;蛮族围攻三十天后,只得悻悻然带着满腔失望撤走。
The conscious pride of Julian, who was indebted only to his sword for this signal deliverance, was imbittered by the reflection, that he was abandoned, betrayed, and perhaps devoted to destruction, by those who were bound to assist him, by every tie of honor and fidelity. Marcellus, master-general of the cavalry in Gaul, interpreting too strictly the jealous orders of the court, beheld with supine indifference the distress of Julian, and had restrained the troops under his command from marching to the relief of Sens. If the Cæsar had dissembled in silence so dangerous an insult, his person and authority would have been exposed to the contempt of the world; and if an action so criminal had been suffered to pass with impunity, the emperor would have confirmed the suspicions, which received a very specious color from his past conduct towards the princes of the Flavian family. Marcellus was recalled, and gently dismissed from his office. 71 In his room Severus was appointed general of the cavalry; an experienced soldier, of approved courage and fidelity, who could advise with respect, and execute with zeal; and who submitted, without reluctance to the supreme command which Julian, by the inrerest of his patroness Eusebia, at length obtained over the armies of Gaul. 72 A very judicious plan of operations was adopted for the approaching campaign. Julian himself, at the head of the remains of the veteran bands, and of some new levies which he had been permitted to form, boldly penetrated into the centre of the German cantonments, and carefully reestablished the fortifications of Saverne, in an advantageous post, which would either check the incursions, or intercept the retreat, of the enemy. At the same time, Barbatio, general of the infantry, advanced from Milan with an army of thirty thousand men, and passing the mountains, prepared to throw a bridge over the Rhine, in the neighborhood of Basil. It was reasonable to expect that the Alemanni, pressed on either side by the Roman arms, would soon be forced to evacuate the provinces of Gaul, and to hasten to the defence of their native country. But the hopes of the campaign were defeated by the incapacity, or the envy, or the secret instructions, of Barbatio; who acted as if he had been the enemy of the Cæsar, and the secret ally of the Barbarians. The negligence with which he permitted a troop of pillagers freely to pass, and to return almost before the gates of his camp, may be imputed to his want of abilities; but the treasonable act of burning a number of boats, and a superfluous stock of provisions, which would have been of the most essential service to the army of Gaul, was an evidence of his hostile and criminal intentions. The Germans despised an enemy who appeared destitute either of power or of inclination to offend them; and the ignominious retreat of Barbatio deprived Julian of the expected support; and left him to extricate himself from a hazardous situation, where he could neither remain with safety, nor retire with honor. 73
这场化险为夷全凭尤利安自己的刀剑,他自然引以为傲;然而一想到那些本应以荣誉与忠诚之义相助于他的人,竟弃他于不顾、对他背信弃义,甚至或许存心要将他置于死地,这份自豪便化作了满心的酸楚。高卢骑兵统帅马塞勒斯把朝廷那道猜忌重重的命令解读得过于死板,对尤利安的困境袖手旁观、漠然置之,还约束麾下部队,不许他们开赴桑斯解围。这般凶险的羞辱,恺撒若忍气吞声、佯作不觉,他本人和他的威权便要沦为天下人的笑柄;而这样一桩罪行若竟逍遥法外、不受追究,皇帝便无异于坐实了外间的猜疑——他昔日对弗拉维安皇族诸王子的所作所为,早已给这猜疑抹上了一层煞有介事的色彩。马塞勒斯被召回,只是从轻免去了职务。71 接替他出任骑兵统帅的是塞维鲁,一位久经沙场的老将,勇武与忠诚屡经考验,进言时恭谨有礼,奉命时又热忱尽力;尤利安靠着庇护他的欧塞比娅从中斡旋,终于取得了高卢诸军的最高统率权,而塞维鲁对此心甘情愿地俯首听命。72 为即将到来的这一战役,制定了一套极为周密的作战方略。尤利安亲率残余的老兵队伍以及获准招募的一些新兵,大胆插入日耳曼人驻地的腹心,在一处形势有利的据点悉心重修萨韦尔讷的防御工事,使之既能遏制敌军的入侵,又能截断其退路。与此同时,步兵统帅巴尔巴提奥率三万大军自米兰进发,翻越山岭,准备在巴塞尔附近的莱茵河上架起一座桥梁。照理说,阿勒曼尼人腹背受敌,为罗马两路大军所逼,用不了多久便会被迫撤出高卢诸行省,赶回去保卫自己的家园。然而这场战役的期望却化为泡影,坏就坏在巴尔巴提奥身上——或因其无能,或因其嫉妒,或因其暗中另奉密令;他的所作所为,俨然是恺撒的敌人、蛮族的暗盟。他听任一股劫掠的蛮兵几乎就在他营门前自由往返,这份疏忽,或可归咎于他才具不足;但他烧毁若干船只、又焚去一批多余粮秣的叛逆之举,却暴露了他心怀敌意、居心不良——那些船只与粮秣本对高卢大军至关紧要。日耳曼人瞧不起这样一个既无力、又无意来犯的敌手;巴尔巴提奥可耻地一退,尤利安便失去了指望中的策应,只能独自设法脱身于险境——留则不安全,退则失体面。73
As soon as they were delivered from the fears of invasion, the Alemanni prepared to chastise the Roman youth, who presumed to dispute the possession of that country, which they claimed as their own by the right of conquest and of treaties. They employed three days, and as many nights, in transporting over the Rhine their military powers. The fierce Chnodomar, shaking the ponderous javelin which he had victoriously wielded against the brother of Magnentius, led the van of the Barbarians, and moderated by his experience the martial ardor which his example inspired. 74 He was followed by six other kings, by ten princes of regal extraction, by a long train of high-spirited nobles, and by thirty-five thousand of the bravest warriors of the tribes of Germany. The confidence derived from the view of their own strength, was increased by the intelligence which they received from a deserter, that the Cæsar, with a feeble army of thirteen thousand men, occupied a post about one-and-twenty miles from their camp of Strasburgh. With this inadequate force, Julian resolved to seek and to encounter the Barbarian host; and the chance of a general action was preferred to the tedious and uncertain operation of separately engaging the dispersed parties of the Alemanni. The Romans marched in close order, and in two columns; the cavalry on the right, the infantry on the left; and the day was so far spent when they appeared in sight of the enemy, that Julian was desirous of deferring the battle till the next morning, and of allowing his troops to recruit their exhausted strength by the necessary refreshments of sleep and food. Yielding, however, with some reluctance, to the clamors of the soldiers, and even to the opinion of his council, he exhorted them to justify by their valor the eager impatience, which, in case of a defeat, would be universally branded with the epithets of rashness and presumption. The trumpets sounded, the military shout was heard through the field, and the two armies rushed with equal fury to the charge. The Cæsar, who conducted in person his right wing, depended on the dexterity of his archers, and the weight of his cuirassiers. But his ranks were instantly broken by an irregular mixture of light horse and of light infantry, and he had the mortification of beholding the flight of six hundred of his most renowned cuirassiers. 75 The fugitives were stopped and rallied by the presence and authority of Julian, who, careless of his own safety, threw himself before them, and urging every motive of shame and honor, led them back against the victorious enemy. The conflict between the two lines of infantry was obstinate and bloody. The Germans possessed the superiority of strength and stature, the Romans that of discipline and temper; and as the Barbarians, who served under the standard of the empire, united the respective advantages of both parties, their strenuous efforts, guided by a skilful leader, at length determined the event of the day. The Romans lost four tribunes, and two hundred and forty-three soldiers, in this memorable battle of Strasburgh, so glorious to the Cæsar, 76 and so salutary to the afflicted provinces of Gaul. Six thousand of the Alemanni were slain in the field, without including those who were drowned in the Rhine, or transfixed with darts while they attempted to swim across the river. 77 Chnodomar himself was surrounded and taken prisoner, with three of his brave companions, who had devoted themselves to follow in life or death the fate of their chieftain. Julian received him with military pomp in the council of his officers; and expressing a generous pity for the fallen state, dissembled his inward contempt for the abject humiliation, of his captive. Instead of exhibiting the vanquished king of the Alemanni, as a grateful spectacle to the cities of Gaul, he respectfully laid at the feet of the emperor this splendid trophy of his victory. Chnodomar experienced an honorable treatment: but the impatient Barbarian could not long survive his defeat, his confinement, and his exile. 78
阿勒曼尼人一旦解除了被入侵之虞,便准备教训这个胆敢与他们争夺土地的罗马青年——那片土地,他们凭征服之功与缔约之权,视为己有。他们花了三天三夜,才把全部兵力渡过莱茵河。凶悍的赫诺多马尔挥舞着那杆沉重的标枪——他曾持此枪战胜马格嫩提乌斯的兄弟——统领蛮族前锋;他以身作则激起众人的战意,又凭一身阅历使这股锐气有所节制。74 随他而来的,有另外六位国王、十位王族血统的亲王、一长列意气昂扬的贵胄,以及日耳曼各部落中最勇猛的战士三万五千人。眼见自家兵强马壮,他们信心倍增;又从一名逃兵口中得知,那位恺撒仅率一万三千人的孱弱之师,驻扎在离他们斯特拉斯堡大营约二十一英里的地方,这信心便更添几分。尤利安虽兵力悬殊,仍决意主动去寻蛮族大军决战;与其零敲碎打地分头对付散布各处的阿勒曼尼人,费时费力又胜负难料,他宁可赌一场全面会战。罗马军列成密集队形,分作两路纵队推进,骑兵居右,步兵居左;待到望见敌军时,天色已晚,尤利安本想把会战推迟到次日清晨,好让疲惫的士卒以睡眠和饮食恢复必要的体力。然而士卒鼓噪求战,连他的幕僚也持此议,他虽有几分不情愿,终究还是让了步;他勉励众人:这份急不可耐若换来一场败仗,天下人必以“鲁莽”“冒进”相讥,你们当以勇武来证明它并非虚妄。号角吹响,喊杀声响彻疆场,两军以同样的狂怒相向冲杀。恺撒亲自指挥右翼,所倚仗的是弓箭手的娴熟身手与重甲骑兵的冲击之力。不料敌方轻骑与轻步兵杂沓无序地扑来,他的阵列顷刻被冲乱,他更痛心地目睹麾下六百名最负盛名的重甲骑兵仓皇逃窜。75 尤利安挺身而出,不顾自身安危挡在逃兵面前,凭其威望将他们截住、重新集结,又以羞耻与荣誉之心百般激励,率领他们回身去迎击那乘胜的敌人。两军步兵阵线之间的厮杀,既顽强又血腥。日耳曼人占了体力与身量之长,罗马人则胜在纪律与沉着;而在帝国旗号下从军的那些蛮族士兵,恰好兼具双方之长,在一位善战主帅的调度下奋力拼杀,终于左右了这一天的战局。在这场令人难忘的斯特拉斯堡会战中,罗马一方损失了四名军政官和二百四十三名士兵;此役于恺撒极为荣耀,76 于饱受蹂躏的高卢诸行省又极为有益。阿勒曼尼人有六千名死于阵中,尚不算那些淹死在莱茵河里、或在泅渡时被标枪射穿的。77 赫诺多马尔本人连同三名勇敢的同伴一并被围俘获,那三人早已立誓生死相随,与主帅共命运。尤利安在众将会议上以隆重的军礼接见了他,对其败落之境表以宽厚的怜悯,却将内心对这俘虏卑躬屈膝之态的鄙夷掩藏起来。他没有把这位战败的阿勒曼尼国王当作快人心意的景观押去高卢各城示众,而是恭恭敬敬地把这份辉煌的战利品献于皇帝足下。赫诺多马尔受到了体面的对待;然而这位性情焦躁的蛮王,经此一败、又遭囚禁与放逐,终究没能活得太久。78
After Julian had repulsed the Alemanni from the provinces of the Upper Rhine, he turned his arms against the Franks, who were seated nearer to the ocean, on the confines of Gaul and Germany; and who, from their numbers, and still more from their intrepid valor, had ever been esteemed the most formidable of the Barbarians. 79 Although they were strongly actuated by the allurements of rapine, they professed a disinterested love of war; which they considered as the supreme honor and felicity of human nature; and their minds and bodies were so completely hardened by perpetual action, that, according to the lively expression of an orator, the snows of winter were as pleasant to them as the flowers of spring. In the month of December, which followed the battle of Strasburgh, Julian attacked a body of six hundred Franks, who had thrown themselves into two castles on the Meuse. 80 In the midst of that severe season they sustained, with inflexible constancy, a siege of fifty-four days; till at length, exhausted by hunger, and satisfied that the vigilance of the enemy, in breaking the ice of the river, left them no hopes of escape, the Franks consented, for the first time, to dispense with the ancient law which commanded them to conquer or to die. The Cæsar immediately sent his captives to the court of Constantius, who, accepting them as a valuable present, 81 rejoiced in the opportunity of adding so many heroes to the choicest troops of his domestic guards. The obstinate resistance of this handful of Franks apprised Julian of the difficulties of the expedition which he meditated for the ensuing spring, against the whole body of the nation. His rapid diligence surprised and astonished the active Barbarians. Ordering his soldiers to provide themselves with biscuit for twenty days, he suddenly pitched his camp near Tongres, while the enemy still supposed him in his winter quarters of Paris, expecting the slow arrival of his convoys from Aquitain. Without allowing the Franks to unite or deliberate, he skilfully spread his legions from Cologne to the ocean; and by the terror, as well as by the success, of his arms, soon reduced the suppliant tribes to implore the clemency, and to obey the commands, of their conqueror. The Chamavians submissively retired to their former habitations beyond the Rhine; but the Salians were permitted to possess their new establishment of Toxandria, as the subjects and auxiliaries of the Roman empire. 82 The treaty was ratified by solemn oaths; and perpetual inspectors were appointed to reside among the Franks, with the authority of enforcing the strict observance of the conditions. An incident is related, interesting enough in itself, and by no means repugnant to the character of Julian, who ingeniously contrived both the plot and the catastrophe of the tragedy. When the Chamavians sued for peace, he required the son of their king, as the only hostage on whom he could rely. A mournful silence, interrupted by tears and groans, declared the sad perplexity of the Barbarians; and their aged chief lamented in pathetic language, that his private loss was now imbittered by a sense of public calamity. While the Chamavians lay prostrate at the foot of his throne, the royal captive, whom they believed to have been slain, unexpectedly appeared before their eyes; and as soon as the tumult of joy was hushed into attention, the Cæsar addressed the assembly in the following terms: “Behold the son, the prince, whom you wept. You had lost him by your fault. God and the Romans have restored him to you. I shall still preserve and educate the youth, rather as a monument of my own virtue, than as a pledge of your sincerity. Should you presume to violate the faith which you have sworn, the arms of the republic will avenge the perfidy, not on the innocent, but on the guilty.” The Barbarians withdrew from his presence, impressed with the warmest sentiments of gratitude and admiration. 83
尤利安把阿勒曼尼人逐出上莱茵诸行省之后,便掉转兵锋去对付法兰克人。法兰克人居处更近海洋,盘踞在高卢与日耳曼交界之地;无论就其人数而言,还是更就其无畏的勇武而言,向来被视为蛮族中最可畏的一支。79 他们固然深为劫掠之利所驱使,却也自诩对战争怀有一种不计得失的热爱,视之为人生至高的荣耀与幸福;连年征战把他们的身心磨砺得无比坚韧,用一位演说家生动的话来说,冬日的白雪于他们,竟如春日的繁花一般惬意。斯特拉斯堡会战之后的那个十二月,尤利安进攻一股六百人的法兰克队伍,他们据守在默兹河畔的两座城堡里。80 在这严酷的季节里,他们以坚定不移的毅力苦守了五十四天;直到最后饥饿难支,又眼见敌人时刻警觉、把河上的冰面凿破,使他们再无逃脱之望,这些法兰克人才破天荒头一回,肯违背那条要他们“不胜则死”的古老律法。恺撒随即把这批俘虏送往君士坦提乌斯的宫廷;皇帝将他们当作一份贵重的礼物收下,81 欣喜于能借此把这许多勇士补入自己最精锐的内廷卫队。这一小撮法兰克人如此顽强的抵抗,使尤利安预感到:他谋划在来年春天发动的、针对法兰克全族的远征,将会何等艰难。他行动神速、勤于用兵,令一向机敏的蛮族也大感意外、措手不及。他命士卒各自备下二十天的干粮,出其不意地在通格伦附近扎营;而敌人还以为他滞留在巴黎的冬营里,正等着从阿基坦缓缓运来的辎重。他不容法兰克人有合兵或计议的余地,巧妙地把各军团从科隆一线铺展到海边;凭着兵威所至的赫赫战功与由此而生的恐惧,很快便迫使那些俯首求饶的部落乞求征服者的宽恕、唯命是从。卡马维人驯顺地退回莱茵河对岸的旧居;萨利安人则获准以罗马帝国臣民兼辅军的身份,保有他们在托克桑德里亚的新居地。82 盟约以庄严的誓言加以确认,并派驻常设的监察官长住法兰克人中间,授权他们督促蛮族严格履行各项条款。史书记载了一桩逸事,本身颇耐寻味,也与尤利安的性情毫不相悖——这出戏的开端与结局,皆由他巧手安排。卡马维人求和时,他索要他们国王之子为人质,说唯有此人他方能信得过。一片哀伤的沉默,间以泪水与呜咽,道出了蛮族进退两难的悲苦;他们年迈的首领以凄恻的言辞悲叹:如今丧子的私痛,更因举族蒙难之感而愈发难当。正当卡马维人匍匐在他的御座之下时,那位他们以为早已被杀的王子俘虏,竟出人意料地出现在众人眼前;待到欢腾的喧闹平息、众人凝神静听,恺撒便向会众如是说道:“看哪,这就是你们为之落泪的王子、你们的子嗣。你们因自己的过错失去了他,如今神明与罗马人又把他还给了你们。我仍将留养并教导这位少年,与其说是要他做你们诚意的抵押,不如说是要他做我德行的见证。倘若你们胆敢背弃立下的誓言,共和国的刀兵必将追讨这份背信之罪——不罚无辜,只惩有罪。”蛮族满怀最热切的感激与钦佩之情,从他面前退下。83
It was not enough for Julian to have delivered the provinces of Gaul from the Barbarians of Germany. He aspired to emulate the glory of the first and most illustrious of the emperors; after whose example, he composed his own commentaries of the Gallic war. 84 Cæsar has related, with conscious pride, the manner in which he twice passed the Rhine. Julian could boast, that before he assumed the title of Augustus, he had carried the Roman eagles beyond that great river in three successful expeditions. 85 The consternation of the Germans, after the battle of Strasburgh, encouraged him to the first attempt; and the reluctance of the troops soon yielded to the persuasive eloquence of a leader, who shared the fatigues and dangers which he imposed on the meanest of the soldiers. The villages on either side of the Meyn, which were plentifully stored with corn and cattle, felt the ravages of an invading army. The principal houses, constructed with some imitation of Roman elegance, were consumed by the flames; and the Cæsar boldly advanced about ten miles, till his progress was stopped by a dark and impenetrable forest, undermined by subterraneous passages, which threatened with secret snares and ambush every step of the assailants. The ground was already covered with snow; and Julian, after repairing an ancient castle which had been erected by Trajan, granted a truce of ten months to the submissive Barbarians. At the expiration of the truce, Julian undertook a second expedition beyond the Rhine, to humble the pride of Surmar and Hortaire, two of the kings of the Alemanni, who had been present at the battle of Strasburgh. They promised to restore all the Roman captives who yet remained alive; and as the Cæsar had procured an exact account from the cities and villages of Gaul, of the inhabitants whom they had lost, he detected every attempt to deceive him, with a degree of readiness and accuracy, which almost established the belief of his supernatural knowledge. His third expedition was still more splendid and important than the two former. The Germans had collected their military powers, and moved along the opposite banks of the river, with a design of destroying the bridge, and of preventing the passage of the Romans. But this judicious plan of defence was disconcerted by a skilful diversion. Three hundred light-armed and active soldiers were detached in forty small boats, to fall down the stream in silence, and to land at some distance from the posts of the enemy. They executed their orders with so much boldness and celerity, that they had almost surprised the Barbarian chiefs, who returned in the fearless confidence of intoxication from one of their nocturnal festivals. Without repeating the uniform and disgusting tale of slaughter and devastation, it is sufficient to observe, that Julian dictated his own conditions of peace to six of the haughtiest kings of the Alemanni, three of whom were permitted to view the severe discipline and martial pomp of a Roman camp. Followed by twenty thousand captives, whom he had rescued from the chains of the Barbarians, the Cæsar repassed the Rhine, after terminating a war, the success of which has been compared to the ancient glories of the Punic and Cimbric victories.
把高卢诸行省从日耳曼蛮族手中解救出来,对尤利安来说还不够。他一心要与那位最早、也最声名显赫的皇帝一较荣光,并仿效其榜样,亲自撰写自己的《高卢战记》。84 恺撒曾不无自豪地记述,自己是如何两度渡过莱茵河的;尤利安则可以夸口:早在他加冕奥古斯都尊号之前,就已三度率军远征、把罗马的鹰旗擎过了那条大河。85 斯特拉斯堡会战后日耳曼人的惊惶,鼓舞他作了头一次尝试;士卒起初不愿,但主帅甘愿与最卑微的士兵同担劳苦、共赴危难,一番动人的劝说很快便打消了他们的犹疑。美因河两岸的村庄储满了谷物与牛羊,如今尝到了入侵大军蹂躏之苦。那些略仿罗马雅致格调建造的大宅悉数付之一炬;恺撒大胆挺进约十英里,直到一片幽暗而无从穿越的森林挡住去路——林下暗道纵横,处处以隐秘的陷阱与埋伏威胁着来犯者的每一步。此时地面已是积雪一片;尤利安修复了一座图拉真昔日所建的古堡后,便对俯首归顺的蛮族准予十个月的休战。休战期满,尤利安发动了第二次越过莱茵河的远征,去挫一挫苏尔马尔和霍尔泰尔的傲气——这二人都是阿勒曼尼人的国王,曾亲历斯特拉斯堡一役。他们答应把尚且活着的罗马俘虏悉数交还;而恺撒早已从高卢各城各村取得了一份失踪居民的确切名册,因此对方每有蒙骗的企图,他都能应对如流、准确无误地当场识破,几乎令人相信他有未卜先知的神通。他的第三次远征,比前两次更为辉煌、也更为重要。日耳曼人集结起兵力,沿河对岸移动,意图毁桥断路,阻止罗马人渡河。然而一次巧妙的声东击西,打乱了这套原本周密的防御部署。尤利安派出三百名轻装敏捷的士兵,分乘四十只小船,悄无声息地顺流而下,在离敌军哨位稍远处登岸。他们奉命行事,既大胆又迅捷,几乎当场逮住了那几位蛮族首领——他们刚从一场通宵狂欢中归来,醉意熏熏,浑然不觉危险。那些千篇一律、令人作呕的屠戮与劫掠情形,不必再赘述;只消说一句便够了:尤利安向阿勒曼尼人中六位最桀骜的国王口授了他单方面拟定的和约条件,其中三位还获准入营,一睹罗马军营森严的纪律与赫赫的军威。恺撒结束这场战争后重渡莱茵河,身后跟着他从蛮族锁链下解救出来的两万名俘虏;此役之功,曾有人拿来与古时布匿战争和金布里战争的赫赫胜绩相提并论。
As soon as the valor and conduct of Julian had secured an interval of peace, he applied himself to a work more congenial to his humane and philosophic temper. The cities of Gaul, which had suffered from the inroads of the Barbarians, he diligently repaired; and seven important posts, between Mentz and the mouth of the Rhine, are particularly mentioned, as having been rebuilt and fortified by the order of Julian. 86 The vanquished Germans had submitted to the just but humiliating condition of preparing and conveying the necessary materials. The active zeal of Julian urged the prosecution of the work; and such was the spirit which he had diffused among the troops, that the auxiliaries themselves, waiving their exemption from any duties of fatigue, contended in the most servile labors with the diligence of the Roman soldiers. It was incumbent on the Cæsar to provide for the subsistence, as well as for the safety, of the inhabitants and of the garrisons. The desertion of the former, and the mutiny of the latter, must have been the fatal and inevitable consequences of famine. The tillage of the provinces of Gaul had been interrupted by the calamities of war; but the scanty harvests of the continent were supplied, by his paternal care, from the plenty of the adjacent island. Six hundred large barks, framed in the forest of the Ardennes, made several voyages to the coast of Britain; and returning from thence, laden with corn, sailed up the Rhine, and distributed their cargoes to the several towns and fortresses along the banks of the river. 87 The arms of Julian had restored a free and secure navigation, which Constantinius had offered to purchase at the expense of his dignity, and of a tributary present of two thousand pounds of silver. The emperor parsimoniously refused to his soldiers the sums which he granted with a lavish and trembling hand to the Barbarians. The dexterity, as well as the firmness, of Julian was put to a severe trial, when he took the field with a discontented army, which had already served two campaigns, without receiving any regular pay or any extraordinary donative. 88
尤利安以勇武与谋略换来一段和平的间隙之后,便着手一桩更合乎他仁厚而好哲思之性情的事业。高卢各城饱经蛮族侵扰,他一一勤加修葺;史书尤其提到,美因茨与莱茵河口之间有七处要隘,是奉尤利安之命重建并加固的。86 战败的日耳曼人接受了一项公道却屈辱的条件:由他们备办并运送所需的材料。尤利安热忱十足,力促工程进行;他在军中激起的那股风气,竟使辅军也主动放弃了免服劳役的特权,在最低贱的苦力活上与罗马士兵比着卖力。恺撒责无旁贷,既要保居民与守军的安全,也要保他们的口粮;一旦闹起饥荒,居民逃亡、守军哗变,便是无可避免的致命后果。高卢诸行省的农耕已因战乱而中断;大陆上收成微薄,全靠他如慈父一般的经营,从邻近的岛屿调来充裕的粮食加以补足。六百艘大船在阿登森林中打造,数次往返于不列颠海岸;满载谷物归来,溯莱茵河而上,把货物分发给沿岸各城镇与要塞。87 尤利安以武力恢复了自由而安全的航运;而这航运,君士坦提乌斯当年曾不惜有失身份,以两千磅白银的贡礼去换取。同一个皇帝,对蛮族出手阔绰、战战兢兢地奉上钱财,对自己的士卒却锱铢必较、一毛不拔。尤利安率领一支满腹怨气的军队出征时,他的机变与坚毅都受到了严峻的考验——这支军队已征战两役,却既没领到正常的军饷,也没得到任何额外的赏赐。88
A tender regard for the peace and happiness of his subjects was the ruling principle which directed, or seemed to direct, the administration of Julian. 89 He devoted the leisure of his winter quarters to the offices of civil government; and affected to assume, with more pleasure, the character of a magistrate than that of a general. Before he took the field, he devolved on the provincial governors most of the public and private causes which had been referred to his tribunal; but, on his return, he carefully revised their proceedings, mitigated the rigor of the law, and pronounced a second judgment on the judges themselves. Superior to the last temptation of virtuous minds, an indiscreet and intemperate zeal for justice, he restrained, with calmness and dignity, the warmth of an advocate, who prosecuted, for extortion, the president of the Narbonnese province. “Who will ever be found guilty,” exclaimed the vehement Delphidius, “if it be enough to deny?” “And who,” replied Julian, “will ever be innocent, if it be sufficient to affirm?” In the general administration of peace and war, the interest of the sovereign is commonly the same as that of his people; but Constantius would have thought himself deeply injured, if the virtues of Julian had defrauded him of any part of the tribute which he extorted from an oppressed and exhausted country. The prince who was invested with the ensigns of royalty, might sometimes presume to correct the rapacious insolence of his inferior agents, to expose their corrupt arts, and to introduce an equal and easier mode of collection. But the management of the finances was more safely intrusted to Florentius, prætorian præfect of Gaul, an effeminate tyrant, incapable of pity or remorse: and the haughty minister complained of the most decent and gentle opposition, while Julian himself was rather inclined to censure the weakness of his own behavior. The Cæsar had rejected, with abhorrence, a mandate for the levy of an extraordinary tax; a new superindiction, which the præfect had offered for his signature; and the faithful picture of the public misery, by which he had been obliged to justify his refusal, offended the court of Constantius. We may enjoy the pleasure of reading the sentiments of Julian, as he expresses them with warmth and freedom in a letter to one of his most intimate friends. After stating his own conduct, he proceeds in the following terms: “Was it possible for the disciple of Plato and Aristotle to act otherwise than I have done? Could I abandon the unhappy subjects intrusted to my care? Was I not called upon to defend them from the repeated injuries of these unfeeling robbers? A tribune who deserts his post is punished with death, and deprived of the honors of burial. With what justice could I pronounce his sentence, if, in the hour of danger, I myself neglected a duty far more sacred and far more important? God has placed me in this elevated post; his providence will guard and support me. Should I be condemned to suffer, I shall derive comfort from the testimony of a pure and upright conscience. Would to Heaven that I still possessed a counsellor like Sallust! If they think proper to send me a successor, I shall submit without reluctance; and had much rather improve the short opportunity of doing good, than enjoy a long and lasting impunity of evil.” 90 The precarious and dependent situation of Julian displayed his virtues and concealed his defects. The young hero who supported, in Gaul, the throne of Constantius, was not permitted to reform the vices of the government; but he had courage to alleviate or to pity the distress of the people. Unless he had been able to revive the martial spirit of the Romans, or to introduce the arts of industry and refinement among their savage enemies, he could not entertain any rational hopes of securing the public tranquillity, either by the peace or conquest of Germany. Yet the victories of Julian suspended, for a short time, the inroads of the Barbarians, and delayed the ruin of the Western Empire.
对臣民安宁与福祉的殷切关怀,是主宰——或者说看上去主宰着——尤利安施政的首要原则。89 冬营中的闲暇,他都用在了民政事务上,且故作姿态,仿佛更乐于扮演一名理民的长官,而非一名将军。出征之前,他把呈交到自己法庭的大多数公私案件都下放给各行省总督处置;但归来之后,他又仔细复核他们的审理,缓和律法的严苛,并对法官本人再作一番裁断。高尚之人最后一重诱惑,莫过于对正义那份不知分寸、失于节制的热忱;尤利安却能超乎其上。一名讼师起诉纳博讷行省的省长敲诈勒索,情绪激愤,尤利安以沉着而威严的姿态加以约束。激动的德尔菲狄乌斯高声道:“若一句抵赖便可脱罪,天下还有谁定得了罪?”尤利安答道:“若一句指控便算数,天下又还有谁是清白的?”在承平与战时的一般治理上,君主的利益通常与其人民的利益一致;但尤利安的德政若使他从这个饱受压榨、民穷财尽之地少勒索到一分贡赋,君士坦提乌斯便会自觉大受损害。这位身佩王权徽记的君主,有时或可斗胆去纠正下属官吏贪婪骄横的行径,揭露他们的舞弊伎俩,并推行一套更公平、更简便的征收办法。但财政的管理,还是更稳妥地托付给了高卢禁卫军长官弗洛伦提乌斯——一个软弱阴柔的暴虐之徒,既不知怜悯,也不知悔愧;对于最有分寸、最温和的异议,这位傲慢的大臣也要大加抱怨,而尤利安本人反倒倾向于责备自己举止太过软弱。恺撒曾满怀厌恶地驳回了一道征收额外赋税的命令——那是长官呈请他签署的一道新的附加税诏;而他为申明拒签之由,如实描绘了民间的困苦景象,这却触怒了君士坦提乌斯的宫廷。尤利安在给一位至交的信中,热切而坦率地抒发了自己的心迹,我们不妨一读为快。他先陈述了自己的作为,接着写道:“身为柏拉图与亚里士多德的门徒,我除了如此行事,还能怎样?难道我能抛下托付于我照拂的这些不幸的子民吗?难道我不该挺身而出,护他们免遭这帮冷酷强盗一再的戕害吗?一名军政官若擅离职守,便要处死,且不得享葬礼之荣。倘若危难当头,我自己却疏忽了一项远为神圣、远为重大的职责,我又有什么资格去公正地宣判的罪呢?神明把我安置在这崇高的职位上,他的天意自会护佑扶持于我。纵使我注定要受苦难,一颗纯洁正直的良心作证,也足以给我慰藉。但愿上天让我身边仍有一位像撒路斯提乌斯那样的谋臣!他们若认为合适,要另派人来接替我,我也甘心顺从、绝无怨言;比起长久稳享作恶而不受惩处,我宁愿抓住这短暂的时机多行些善事。”90 尤利安地位不稳、仰人鼻息,这处境反倒彰显了他的德行,也遮掩了他的缺陷。这位在高卢撑持着君士坦提乌斯王座的年轻英雄,虽无权革除弊政,却有胆量去减轻、去体恤百姓的苦难。除非他能重振罗马人的尚武之风,或把勤业与文明之术传布给那些野蛮的敌人,否则无论是靠与日耳曼媾和还是靠征服日耳曼,他都无从抱有确保天下太平的合理指望。尽管如此,尤利安的一次次胜利毕竟在短时间内遏止了蛮族的入侵,延缓了西罗马帝国的覆亡。
His salutary influence restored the cities of Gaul, which had been so long exposed to the evils of civil discord, Barbarian war, and domestic tyranny; and the spirit of industry was revived with the hopes of enjoyment. Agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, again flourished under the protection of the laws; and the curiæ, or civil corporations, were again filled with useful and respectable members: the youth were no longer apprehensive of marriage; and married persons were no longer apprehensive of posterity: the public and private festivals were celebrated with customary pomp; and the frequent and secure intercourse of the provinces displayed the image of national prosperity. 91 A mind like that of Julian must have felt the general happiness of which he was the author; but he viewed, with particular satisfaction and complacency, the city of Paris; the seat of his winter residence, and the object even of his partial affection. 92 That splendid capital, which now embraces an ample territory on either side of the Seine, was originally confined to the small island in the midst of the river, from whence the inhabitants derived a supply of pure and salubrious water. The river bathed the foot of the walls; and the town was accessible only by two wooden bridges. A forest overspread the northern side of the Seine, but on the south, the ground, which now bears the name of the University, was insensibly covered with houses, and adorned with a palace and amphitheatre, baths, an aqueduct, and a field of Mars for the exercise of the Roman troops. The severity of the climate was tempered by the neighborhood of the ocean; and with some precautions, which experience had taught, the vine and fig-tree were successfully cultivated. But in remarkable winters, the Seine was deeply frozen; and the huge pieces of ice that floated down the stream, might be compared, by an Asiatic, to the blocks of white marble which were extracted from the quarries of Phrygia. The licentiousness and corruption of Antioch recalled to the memory of Julian the severe and simple manners of his beloved Lutetia; 93 where the amusements of the theatre were unknown or despised. He indignantly contrasted the effeminate Syrians with the brave and honest simplicity of the Gauls, and almost forgave the intemperance, which was the only stain of the Celtic character. 94 If Julian could now revisit the capital of France, he might converse with men of science and genius, capable of understanding and of instructing a disciple of the Greeks; he might excuse the lively and graceful follies of a nation, whose martial spirit has never been enervated by the indulgence of luxury; and he must applaud the perfection of that inestimable art, which softens and refines and embellishes the intercourse of social life.
高卢各城长久饱受内乱、蛮族战祸与本邦暴政之苦,如今在他有益的影响下重获生机;随着安享成果的希望复燃,勤勉营生的风气也再度兴起。农业、手工业与商业在法律的庇护下再度繁荣;各地的 curiæ(市议会,即市政自治团体)中,也重新坐满了有用而可敬的成员:年轻人不再对婚姻心怀畏惧,已婚之人也不再对生儿育女忧心忡忡;公私节庆重又依循旧俗、隆重举办;各行省之间往来频繁而安稳,处处呈现出举国兴旺的气象。91 像尤利安这样的心灵,对自己一手促成的普遍安乐,自然感同身受;而其中令他格外满意、格外自得的,则是巴黎城——他冬日驻跸之所,甚至是他偏爱有加的对象。92 这座壮丽的都城,如今在塞纳河两岸铺展开一片广袤的疆域,最初却只局促于河心的一座小岛之上,岛上居民由此汲取洁净而有益健康的水源。河水拍打着城墙脚下,进城的通道唯有两座木桥。塞纳河北岸为一片森林所覆盖;南岸那片如今唤作“大学区”的地方,则不知不觉盖满了房屋,又点缀着一座宫殿、一座圆形剧场、若干浴场、一道引水渠,还有一片供罗马军队操练的战神校场。因濒临海洋,气候的严寒得以缓和;再辅以经验所授的若干防护之法,葡萄与无花果也能栽种成活。但逢严寒异常的冬天,塞纳河也会冻得极深;顺流漂下的大块浮冰,在一个亚洲人眼里,或许竟可比作从弗里吉亚采石场里凿出的一方方白色大理石。安条克的放荡与腐败,令尤利安追忆起他所钟爱的卢泰西亚那种严肃而质朴的风尚;93 在那里,戏院的种种娱乐要么无人知晓,要么为人所不齿。他愤然把柔靡的叙利亚人与勇武、诚实而朴质的高卢人两相对照,甚至几乎肯原谅高卢人纵酒的毛病——那是凯尔特人性情上唯一的污点。94 倘若尤利安今日能重游法国的都城,他大可与那些兼备学识与才智的人交谈——他们既能领会一位希腊门徒的思想,也能给他以教益;他大可原谅这个民族那些活泼而优雅的荒唐之举,因为它的尚武精神从不曾被奢靡的享乐所消磨;他更必会击节称赏那门无价之艺已臻的化境——它使社交往来变得柔和、变得文雅、变得赏心悦目。

Notes 注释

67
The private life of Julian in Gaul, and the severe discipline which he embraced, are displayed by Ammianus, (xvi. 5,) who professes to praise, and by Julian himself, who affects to ridicule, (Misopogon, p. 340,) a conduct, which, in a prince of the house of Constantine, might justly excite the surprise of mankind.
尤利安在高卢的私生活及其奉行的严酷自律,见于阿米阿努斯(xvi. 5)与尤利安本人之笔;前者明言称许,后者则在《憎须者》(p. 340)中佯作嘲讽。对于君士坦丁家族出身的一位君主而言,这般行止,原也理当令世人称奇。
68
Aderat Latine quoque disserenti sufficiens sermo. Ammianus xvi. 5. But Julian, educated in the schools of Greece, always considered the language of the Romans as a foreign and popular dialect which he might use on necessary occasions.
Aderat Latine quoque disserenti sufficiens sermo.(他用拉丁语论说时,言辞也足敷使用。)阿米阿努斯 xvi. 5。不过尤利安受教于希腊的学园,始终把罗马人的语言看作一种异邦的通俗方言,仅在必要时才拿来一用。
69
We are ignorant of the actual office of this excellent minister, whom Julian afterwards created præfect of Gaul. Sallust was speedly recalled by the jealousy of the emperor; and we may still read a sensible but pedantic discourse, (p. 240-252,) in which Julian deplores the loss of so valuable a friend, to whom he acknowledges himself indebted for his reputation. See La Bleterie, Preface a la Vie de lovien, p. 20.
这位杰出的大臣当时究竟担任什么官职,我们不得而知;尤利安后来擢升他为高卢长官。撒路斯提乌斯不久便因皇帝的猜忌而被召回;今日我们仍可读到一篇言之有理却不免迂腐的讲辞(p. 240-252),尤利安在其中痛惜失去这样一位可贵的朋友,并坦承自己的声誉多有赖于他。参见 La Bleterie, Preface a la Vie de lovien, p. 20。
6911
Aliis per Arbor—quibusdam per Sedelaucum et Coram in debere firrantibus. Amm. Marc. xvi. 2. I do not know what place can be meant by the mutilated name Arbor. Sedelanus is Saulieu, a small town of the department of the Cote d’Or, six leagues from Autun. Cora answers to the village of Cure, on the river of the same name, between Autun and Nevera 4; Martin, ii. 162.—M. ——Note: At Brocomages, Brumat, near Strasburgh. St. Martin, ii. 184.—M.
Aliis per Arbor—quibusdam per Sedelaucum et Coram in debere firrantibus.(拉丁原文异读,述行军路线)Amm. Marc. xvi. 2。Arbor 这个残缺的地名究竟指何处,我不得而知。Sedelaucum 即索略,科多尔省的一座小镇,距欧坦六法里。Cora 对应屈尔村,坐落在同名的屈尔河畔,介于欧坦与讷韦尔之间;Martin, ii. 162。—M ——按:在布罗科马格斯,即斯特拉斯堡附近的布吕马。St. Martin, ii. 184。—M
70
Ammianus (xvi. 2, 3) appears much better satisfied with the success of his first campaign than Julian himself; who very fairly owns that he did nothing of consequence, and that he fled before the enemy.
阿米阿努斯(xvi. 2, 3)对尤利安首役的战果,远比尤利安本人更为满意;尤利安倒是相当坦白地承认,自己并无甚建树,还曾在敌人面前一逃了之。
71
Ammian. xvi. 7. Libanius speaks rather more advantageously of the military talents of Marcellus, Orat. x. p. 272. And Julian insinuates, that he would not have been so easily recalled, unless he had given other reasons of offence to the court, p. 278.
Ammian. xvi. 7。利巴尼乌斯对马塞勒斯的军事才能评价略高,见 Orat. x. p. 272。尤利安则暗示,马塞勒斯若非另有触怒朝廷之处,也不至于如此轻易便被召回,p. 278。
72
Severus, non discors, non arrogans, sed longa militiæ frugalitate compertus; et eum recta præeuntem secuturus, ut duetorem morigeran miles. Ammian xvi. 11. Zosimus, l. iii. p. 140.
Severus, non discors, non arrogans, sed longa militiæ frugalitate compertus; et eum recta præeuntem secuturus, ut duetorem morigeran miles.(大意:塞维鲁不好争、不傲慢,久历行伍以简朴见称;他甘作顺服的士卒,追随恺撒沿正道前行。)Ammian xvi. 11。Zosimus, l. iii. p. 140。
73
On the design and failure of the cooperation between Julian and Barbatio, see Ammianus (xvi. 11) and Libanius, (Orat. x. p. 273.) Note: Barbatio seems to have allowed himself to be surprised and defeated—M.
关于尤利安与巴尔巴提奥协同作战的谋划及其失败,参见阿米阿努斯(xvi. 11)与利巴尼乌斯(Orat. x. p. 273)。按:巴尔巴提奥似乎是自己疏于防范,以致遭袭战败。—M
74
Ammianus (xvi. 12) describes with his inflated eloquence the figure and character of Chnodomar. Audax et fidens ingenti robore lacertorum, ubi ardor prœlii sperabatur immanis, equo spumante sublimior, erectus in jaculum formidandæ vastitatis, armorumque nitore conspicuus: antea strenuus et miles, et utilis præter cæteros ductor... Decentium Cæsarem superavit æquo marte congressus.
阿米阿努斯(xvi. 12)以他一贯夸张的辞藻,描摹了赫诺多马尔的形貌与性情:Audax et fidens ingenti robore lacertorum, ubi ardor prœlii sperabatur immanis, equo spumante sublimior, erectus in jaculum formidandæ vastitatis, armorumque nitore conspicuus: antea strenuus et miles, et utilis præter cæteros ductor... Decentium Cæsarem superavit æquo marte congressus.(大意:他勇悍自负,双臂力大无穷;每逢激战正酣,便高踞于口吐白沫的战马之上,挺举着一柄骇人的巨型标枪,甲胄光彩夺目;既是奋勇的战士,又是远胜他人的良将……曾在一场势均力敌的会战中击败恺撒德森提乌斯。)
75
After the battle, Julian ventured to revive the rigor of ancient discipline, by exposing these fugitives in female apparel to the derision of the whole camp. In the next campaign, these troops nobly retrieved their honor. Zosimus, l. iii. p. 142.
会战之后,尤利安大胆重申古时严明的军纪,命这些逃兵身着女装,任全营讥笑羞辱。到了下一场战事,这支部队又慷慨激昂地挽回了自己的荣誉。Zosimus, l. iii. p. 142。
76
Julian himself (ad S. P. Q. Athen. p. 279) speaks of the battle of Strasburgh with the modesty of conscious merit; Zosimus compares it with the victory of Alexander over Darius; and yet we are at a loss to discover any of those strokes of military genius which fix the attention of ages on the conduct and success of a single day.
尤利安本人(ad S. P. Q. Athen. p. 279)谈及斯特拉斯堡会战时,怀着一种自知有功者的谦逊;佐西莫斯则把它比作亚历山大战胜大流士的那一役。然而我们遍寻此役,却找不出哪一处堪称军事天才的手笔,足以让后世为这一日的部署与成功而长久瞩目。
77
Ammianus, xvi. 12. Libanius adds 2000 more to the number of the slain, (Orat. x. p. 274.) But these trifling differences disappear before the 60,000 Barbarians, whom Zosimus has sacrificed to the glory of his hero, (l. iii. p. 141.) We might attribute this extravagant number to the carelessness of transcribers, if this credulous or partial historian had not swelled the army of 35,000 Alemanni to an innumerable multitude of Barbarians,. It is our own fault if this detection does not inspire us with proper distrust on similar occasions.
Ammianus, xvi. 12。利巴尼乌斯把阵亡人数又添了两千(Orat. x. p. 274)。不过,比起佐西莫斯为成全其英雄的荣耀而牺牲掉的六万蛮族(l. iii. p. 141),这点微末的出入便不值一提了。这个离谱的数字,本或可归咎于抄写者的疏忽——若不是这位轻信而偏颇的史家,还把三万五千人的阿勒曼尼军队夸大成数不胜数的蛮族大军的话。倘若这番揭破仍不能使我们在类似情形下生出应有的戒心,那便是我们自己的过错了。
78
Ammian. xvi. 12. Libanius, Orat. x. p. 276.
Ammian. xvi. 12。Libanius, Orat. x. p. 276。
79
Libanius (Orat. iii. p. 137) draws a very lively picture of the manners of the Franks.
利巴尼乌斯(Orat. iii. p. 137)为法兰克人的习俗描绘了一幅极为生动的画卷。
80
Ammianus, xvii. 2. Libanius, Orat. x. p. 278. The Greek orator, by misapprehending a passage of Julian, has been induced to represent the Franks as consisting of a thousand men; and as his head was always full of the Peloponnesian war, he compares them to the Lacedæmonians, who were besieged and taken in the Island of Sphatoria.
Ammianus, xvii. 2。Libanius, Orat. x. p. 278。这位希腊演说家误解了尤利安的一段文字,遂以为这批法兰克人只有一千之众;而他满脑子又总装着伯罗奔尼撒战争,便把他们比作当年在斯法克特里亚岛上被围俘的拉栖代梦人。
81
Julian. ad S. P. Q. Athen. p. 280. Libanius, Orat. x. p. 278. According to the expression of Libanius, the emperor, which La Bleterie understands (Vie de Julien, p. 118) as an honest confession, and Valesius (ad Ammian. xvii. 2) as a mean evasion, of the truth. Dom Bouquet, (Historiens de France, tom. i. p. 733,) by substituting another word, would suppress both the difficulty and the spirit of this passage.
Julian. ad S. P. Q. Athen. p. 280。Libanius, Orat. x. p. 278。利巴尼乌斯谈及皇帝时所用的措辞,布莱特里(Vie de Julien, p. 118)视之为一句老实的招认,瓦莱修斯(ad Ammian. xvii. 2)则视之为对真相的一种卑劣搪塞。布凯(Historiens de France, tom. i. p. 733)换用了另一个词,若依其改法,这段文字的难解之处连同其神韵都要一并抹去了。
82
Ammian. xvii. 8. Zosimus, l. iii. p. 146-150, (his narrative is darkened by a mixture of fable,) and Julian. ad S. P. Q. Athen. p. 280. His expression. This difference of treatment confirms the opinion that the Salian Franks were permitted to retain the settlements in Toxandria. Note: A newly discovered fragment of Eunapius, whom Zosimus probably transcribed, illustrates this transaction. “Julian commanded the Romans to abstain from all hostile measures against the Salians, neither to waste or ravage their own country, for he called every country their own which was surrendered without resistance or toil on the part of the conquerors.” Mai, Script. Vez Nov. Collect. ii. 256, and Eunapius in Niebuhr, Byzant. Hist.
Ammian. xvii. 8。Zosimus, l. iii. p. 146-150(其叙述因掺入传闻而晦暗不明),以及 Julian. ad S. P. Q. Athen. p. 280(用其原话)。这种处置上的差别,印证了一种看法:萨利安法兰克人获准保留在托克桑德里亚的居地。按:新近发现的一段欧纳皮乌斯残篇(佐西莫斯大概即抄录自此)可为这桩交涉作注:“尤利安命令罗马人不得对萨利安人采取任何敌对举动,也不得糟蹋或劫掠他们自己的土地——因为凡是不待征服者动一刀一枪、不费一兵一卒便归降的地方,他都称之为他们自己的土地。”Mai, Script. Vez Nov. Collect. ii. 256;又见 Eunapius in Niebuhr, Byzant. Hist.
83
This interesting story, which Zosimus has abridged, is related by Eunapius, (in Excerpt. Legationum, p. 15, 16, 17,) with all the amplifications of Grecian rhetoric: but the silence of Libanius, of Ammianus, and of Julian himself, renders the truth of it extremely suspicious.
这个饶有趣味的故事,佐西莫斯作了删节,而欧纳皮乌斯(in Excerpt. Legationum, p. 15, 16, 17)则以希腊修辞术特有的种种铺陈加以叙述;但利巴尼乌斯、阿米阿努斯乃至尤利安本人皆对此缄口不言,令其真实性大可怀疑。
84
Libanius, the friend of Julian, clearly insinuates (Orat. ix. p. 178) that his hero had composed the history of his Gallic campaigns But Zosimus (l. iii. p, 140) seems to have derived his information only from the Orations and the Epistles of Julian. The discourse which is addressed to the Athenians contains an accurate, though general, account of the war against the Germans.
尤利安的友人利巴尼乌斯明白地暗示(Orat. ix. p. 178),他心目中的这位英雄曾撰写过自己历次高卢征战的历史;但佐西莫斯(l. iii. p. 140)的材料,似乎仅取自尤利安的演说与书信。那篇致雅典人的讲辞,对日耳曼战事有一段虽属概略却相当准确的记述。
85
See Ammian. xvii. 1, 10, xviii. 2, and Zosim. l. iii. p. 144. Julian ad S. P. Q. Athen. p. 280.
参见 Ammian. xvii. 1, 10, xviii. 2,以及 Zosim. l. iii. p. 144。Julian ad S. P. Q. Athen. p. 280。
86
Ammian. xviii. 2. Libanius, Orat. x. p. 279, 280. Of these seven posts, four are at present towns of some consequence; Bingen, Andernach, Bonn, and Nuyss. The other three, Tricesimæ, Quadriburgium, and Castra Herculis, or Heraclea, no longer subsist; but there is room to believe, that on the ground of Quadriburgium the Dutch have constructed the fort of Schenk, a name so offensive to the fastidious delicacy of Boileau. See D’Anville, Notice de l’Ancienne Gaule, p. 183. Boileau, Epitre iv. and the notes. Note: Tricesimæ, Kellen, Mannert, quoted by Wagner. Heraclea, Erkeleus in the district of Juliers. St. Martin, ii. 311.—M.
Ammian. xviii. 2。Libanius, Orat. x. p. 279, 280。这七处要隘中,如今有四处仍是颇具规模的城镇:宾根、安德纳赫、波恩和诺伊斯。其余三处——Tricesimæ、Quadriburgium 与 Castra Herculis(又名 Heraclea)——则已不复存在;但有理由相信,荷兰人正是在 Quadriburgium 旧址上筑起了申克堡,此名令挑剔的布瓦洛大为不悦。参见 D’Anville, Notice de l’Ancienne Gaule, p. 183。Boileau, Epitre iv. 及注。按:Tricesimæ,即凯伦,据瓦格纳所引曼纳特之说。Heraclea,即于利希地区的埃尔克伦斯。St. Martin, ii. 311。—M
87
We may credit Julian himself, (Orat. ad S. P. Q. Atheniensem, p. 280,) who gives a very particular account of the transaction. Zosimus adds two hundred vessels more, (l. iii. p. 145.) If we compute the 600 corn ships of Julian at only seventy tons each, they were capable of exporting 120,000 quarters, (see Arbuthnot’s Weights and Measures, p. 237;) and the country which could bear so large an exportation, must already have attained an improved state of agriculture.
对此事有极详尽记述的尤利安本人(Orat. ad S. P. Q. Atheniensem, p. 280),我们不妨采信。佐西莫斯又多添了两百艘船(l. iii. p. 145)。尤利安那六百艘运粮船,即便每艘只按七十吨计,也能输出十二万夸特谷物(参见 Arbuthnot’s Weights and Measures, p. 237);而一个能承受如此大宗输出的地方,其农业想必已臻于相当进步的境地。
88
The troops once broke out into a mutiny, immediately before the second passage of the Rhine. Ammian. xvii. 9.
就在第二次渡莱茵河之前,军队曾一度哗变。Ammian. xvii. 9。
89
Ammian. xvi. 5, xviii. 1. Mamertinus in Panegyr. Vet. xi. 4
Ammian. xvi. 5, xviii. 1。Mamertinus in Panegyr. Vet. xi. 4。
90
Ammian. xvii. 3. Julian. Epistol. xv. edit. Spanheim. Such a conduct almost justifies the encomium of Mamertinus. Ita illi anni spatia divisa sunt, ut aut Barbaros domitet, aut civibus jura restituat, perpetuum professus, aut contra hostem, aut contra vitia, certamen.
Ammian. xvii. 3。Julian. Epistol. xv. edit. Spanheim。这般行止,几乎坐实了马梅尔提努斯的溢美之词:Ita illi anni spatia divisa sunt, ut aut Barbaros domitet, aut civibus jura restituat, perpetuum professus, aut contra hostem, aut contra vitia, certamen.(大意:他把一年的光阴如此分配:不是征讨蛮族,便是为公民重整法度;他自誓要永不停歇地征战——不与外敌战,便与邪恶战。)
91
Libanius, Orat. Parental. in Imp. Julian. c. 38, in Fabricius Bibliothec. Græc. tom. vii. p. 263, 264.
Libanius, Orat. Parental. in Imp. Julian. c. 38,见 Fabricius Bibliothec. Græc. tom. vii. p. 263, 264。
92
See Julian. in Misopogon, p. 340, 341. The primitive state of Paris is illustrated by Henry Valesius, (ad Ammian. xx. 4,) his brother Hadrian Valesius, or de Valois, and M. D’Anville, (in their respective Notitias of ancient Gaul,) the Abbé de Longuerue, (Description de la France, tom. i. p. 12, 13,) and M. Bonamy, (in the Mém. de l’Académie des Inscriptions, tom. xv. p. 656-691.)
参见 Julian. in Misopogon, p. 340, 341。巴黎早期的情形,可参亨利·瓦莱修斯(ad Ammian. xx. 4)、其弟哈德良·瓦莱修斯(即德·瓦卢瓦)与当维尔先生(三人各自的《古代高卢志》)、隆格吕神父(Description de la France, tom. i. p. 12, 13)以及博纳米先生(Mém. de l’Académie des Inscriptions, tom. xv. p. 656-691)的著述。
93
Julian, in Misopogon, p. 340. Leuce tia, or Lutetia, was the ancient name of the city, which, according to the fashion of the fourth century, assumed the territorial appellation of Parisii.
Julian, in Misopogon, p. 340。Leuce tia(即 Lutetia,卢泰西亚)是这座城市的古名;依四世纪的风尚,它后来采用了取自当地部族之名的称呼 Parisii
94
Julian in Misopogon, p. 359, 360.
Julian in Misopogon, p. 359, 360。