Chapter XIX: Constantius Sole Emperor.—Part I. 第十九章 君士坦提乌斯独掌帝国——第一节
Chapter XIX: Constantius Sole Emperor.—Part I.
第十九章 君士坦提乌斯独掌帝国——第一节
Constantius Sole Emperor.—Elevation And Death Of Gallus.— Danger And Elevation Of Julian.—Sarmatian And Persian Wars.—Victories Of Julian In Gaul. The divided provinces of the empire were again united by the victory of Constantius; but as that feeble prince was destitute of personal merit, either in peace or war; as he feared his generals, and distrusted his ministers; the triumph of his arms served only to establish the reign of the eunuchs over the Roman world. Those unhappy beings, the ancient production of Oriental jealousy and despotism, 1 were introduced into Greece and Rome by the contagion of Asiatic luxury. 2 Their progress was rapid; and the eunuchs, who, in the time of Augustus, had been abhorred, as the monstrous retinue of an Egyptian queen, 3 were gradually admitted into the families of matrons, of senators, and of the emperors themselves. 4 Restrained by the severe edicts of Domitian and Nerva, cherished by the pride of Diocletian, reduced to an humble station by the prudence of Constantine, 6 they multiplied in the palaces of his degenerate sons, and insensibly acquired the knowledge, and at length the direction, of the secret councils of Constantius. The aversion and contempt which mankind had so uniformly entertained for that imperfect species, appears to have degraded their character, and to have rendered them almost as incapable as they were supposed to be, of conceiving any generous sentiment, or of performing any worthy action. 7 But the eunuchs were skilled in the arts of flattery and intrigue; and they alternately governed the mind of Constantius by his fears, his indolence, and his vanity. 8 Whilst he viewed in a deceitful mirror the fair appearance of public prosperity, he supinely permitted them to intercept the complaints of the injured provinces, to accumulate immense treasures by the sale of justice and of honors; to disgrace the most important dignities, by the promotion of those who had purchased at their hands the powers of oppression, 9 and to gratify their resentment against the few independent spirits, who arrogantly refused to solicit the protection of slaves. Of these slaves the most distinguished was the chamberlain Eusebius, who ruled the monarch and the palace with such absolute sway, that Constantius, according to the sarcasm of an impartial historian, possessed some credit with this haughty favorite. 10 By his artful suggestions, the emperor was persuaded to subscribe the condemnation of the unfortunate Gallus, and to add a new crime to the long list of unnatural murders which pollute the honor of the house of Constantine.
君士坦提乌斯独掌帝国——加卢斯的擢升与败亡——尤利安的危难与擢立——萨尔马提亚与波斯之战——尤利安在高卢的胜利。君士坦提乌斯一战获胜,帝国分裂的各行省重归一统;然而这位懦弱的君主,论治世则无能,论用兵则无才,对将帅心存忌惮,对大臣满腹狐疑,故其武功之盛,到头来不过是把宦官的统治扶上了罗马世界的宝座。阉人本是东方的猜忌与专制自古以来的产物 1,随亚洲奢靡之风浸染,传入希腊、罗马 2。其蔓延甚速:奥古斯都之世,人们还把阉人看作某位埃及女王身边的一群怪诞扈从,对之深恶痛绝 3,可渐渐地,他们竟登堂入室,进了贵妇之家、元老之家,乃至皇帝本人的宫廷 4。图密善与涅尔瓦曾颁严令加以约束,戴克里先则以其骄矜之心加以宠养,君士坦丁又以其审慎将他们贬回卑微之位 6;然而到了他那几个不肖之子当政,阉人便在宫中繁衍滋生,先是不知不觉摸清了君士坦提乌斯的密议,最终竟操纵起这些密议来。世人对这一残缺之族历来一致的厌憎与鄙夷,似乎当真败坏了他们的品性,使他们几乎真如人们所料想的那般:既生不出一丝高尚之情,也做不出一件可称道之事 7。然而阉人却谙熟谄媚与权谋之术,时而借君士坦提乌斯的畏惧,时而借他的怠惰,时而借他的虚荣,轮番操纵着他的心志 8。他对着一面骗人的镜子,只顾观赏太平盛世的虚假光景,却听凭这帮人截下受害行省的申诉,靠贩卖公道与荣衔聚敛巨财,靠抬举那些花钱买得欺压之权的人来玷污国中最尊贵的职位 9,更任由他们向少数几个不肯低头的孤介之士泄愤——只因这些人自恃气节,不屑于向一群奴才乞求庇护。这群奴才中最显赫的,是内侍长欧塞比乌斯。他把持君主与宫廷,权柄之专断无以复加,以致一位秉笔无私的史家讥讽道:君士坦提乌斯在这位骄横的宠臣跟前,倒还算说得上几分话 10。正是在他机巧的怂恿下,皇帝终于动心,签署了将不幸的加卢斯处死的判决,为君士坦丁家族那一长串骨肉相残、污损门楣的罪行,又添上新的一笔。
Ut Spado vincebat Capitolia Nostra Posides. Juvenal. Sat. xiv.] Castrari mares vetuit. Sueton. in Domitian. c. 7. See Dion Cassius, l. lxvii. p. 1107, l. lxviii. p. 1119.]
尤维纳利斯《讽刺诗》第十四首讥阉奴之显贵:Ut Spado vincebat Capitolia Nostra Posides,谓“阉奴波西德斯竟盖过了我们的卡皮托利”。苏埃托尼乌斯《图密善传》第七章载图密善曾下令禁止阉割男子:Castrari mares vetuit。另见狄奥·卡西乌斯,卷六十七第 1107 页、卷六十八第 1119 页。
When the two nephews of Constantine, Gallus and Julian, were saved from the fury of the soldiers, the former was about twelve, and the latter about six, years of age; and, as the eldest was thought to be of a sickly constitution, they obtained with the less difficulty a precarious and dependent life, from the affected pity of Constantius, who was sensible that the execution of these helpless orphans would have been esteemed, by all mankind, an act of the most deliberate cruelty. 11 Different cities of Ionia and Bithynia were assigned for the places of their exile and education; but as soon as their growing years excited the jealousy of the emperor, he judged it more prudent to secure those unhappy youths in the strong castle of Macellum, near Cæsarea. The treatment which they experienced during a six years’ confinement, was partly such as they could hope from a careful guardian, and partly such as they might dread from a suspicious tyrant. 12 Their prison was an ancient palace, the residence of the kings of Cappadocia; the situation was pleasant, the buildings stately, the enclosure spacious. They pursued their studies, and practised their exercises, under the tuition of the most skilful masters; and the numerous household appointed to attend, or rather to guard, the nephews of Constantine, was not unworthy of the dignity of their birth. But they could not disguise to themselves that they were deprived of fortune, of freedom, and of safety; secluded from the society of all whom they could trust or esteem, and condemned to pass their melancholy hours in the company of slaves devoted to the commands of a tyrant who had already injured them beyond the hope of reconciliation. At length, however, the emergencies of the state compelled the emperor, or rather his eunuchs, to invest Gallus, in the twenty-fifth year of his age, with the title of Cæsar, and to cement this political connection by his marriage with the princess Constantina. After a formal interview, in which the two princes mutually engaged their faith never to undertake any thing to the prejudice of each other, they repaired without delay to their respective stations. Constantius continued his march towards the West, and Gallus fixed his residence at Antioch; from whence, with a delegated authority, he administered the five great dioceses of the eastern præfecture. 13 In this fortunate change, the new Cæsar was not unmindful of his brother Julian, who obtained the honors of his rank, the appearances of liberty, and the restitution of an ample patrimony. 14
君士坦丁的两个侄儿加卢斯与尤利安,从乱兵的狂暴中幸免于难时,前者约十二岁,后者约六岁;又因人们都以为长兄体弱多病,两个孩子倒也不太费力,便从君士坦提乌斯假意的怜悯中讨得了一条朝不保夕、仰人鼻息的活路——君士坦提乌斯心里明白,处死这两个无依无靠的孤儿,世人必将视之为蓄意已久的残忍之举 11。起初,两人流放与就学之地,选在伊奥尼亚、比提尼亚的几座城市;可一旦两人年岁渐长,惹起皇帝的猜忌,他便觉得把这两个不幸的少年关进凯撒里亚附近的马凯卢姆坚堡,才更为稳妥。幽禁的六年里,他们所受的待遇,一半像是出自尽心的监护人,另一半却像是出自多疑的暴君 12。囚禁他们的地方是一座古老的宫殿,昔日卡帕多西亚列王的居所:地势宜人,殿宇巍峨,苑囿开阔。他们在最出色的师傅教导下研习学问、操练技艺;朝廷还派了大批仆役来服侍——或者说看管——君士坦丁的这两位侄儿;这一份排场,倒也没有辱没他们高贵的出身。然而他们心里骗不了自己:家产、自由、安全都已被剥夺,与一切可信可敬之人隔绝,只能在一群奴仆的陪伴下打发凄凉的时光——那些奴仆一心听命于那位暴君,而暴君对他们的伤害,早已深到无可和解的地步。然而到头来,国事危急,迫使皇帝——或者说迫使他那帮宦官——在加卢斯二十五岁那年授予他“恺撒”的名号,又让他迎娶公主君士坦提娜,借这门婚事加固两家的政治联结。两位君王正式会晤,彼此立誓,永不做出任何有损对方的事,随后便即刻各奔驻地。君士坦提乌斯继续向西进军,加卢斯则把驻节之地定在安条克;他在那里凭着受托的权柄,总揽东部长官辖区下辖的五个大区的政务 13。时来运转之际,这位新恺撒也没有忘记兄弟尤利安,让他得以获得与其身份相称的荣誉、几分自由的表象,并讨回了一份丰厚的祖业 14。
The writers the most indulgent to the memory of Gallus, and even Julian himself, though he wished to cast a veil over the frailties of his brother, are obliged to confess that the Cæsar was incapable of reigning. Transported from a prison to a throne, he possessed neither genius nor application, nor docility to compensate for the want of knowledge and experience. A temper naturally morose and violent, instead of being corrected, was soured by solitude and adversity; the remembrance of what he had endured disposed him to retaliation rather than to sympathy; and the ungoverned sallies of his rage were often fatal to those who approached his person, or were subject to his power. 15 Constantina, his wife, is described, not as a woman, but as one of the infernal furies tormented with an insatiate thirst of human blood. 16 Instead of employing her influence to insinuate the mild counsels of prudence and humanity, she exasperated the fierce passions of her husband; and as she retained the vanity, though she had renounced, the gentleness of her sex, a pearl necklace was esteemed an equivalent price for the murder of an innocent and virtuous nobleman. 17 The cruelty of Gallus was sometimes displayed in the undissembled violence of popular or military executions; and was sometimes disguised by the abuse of law, and the forms of judicial proceedings. The private houses of Antioch, and the places of public resort, were besieged by spies and informers; and the Cæsar himself, concealed in a a plebeian habit, very frequently condescended to assume that odious character. Every apartment of the palace was adorned with the instruments of death and torture, and a general consternation was diffused through the capital of Syria. The prince of the East, as if he had been conscious how much he had to fear, and how little he deserved to reign, selected for the objects of his resentment the provincials accused of some imaginary treason, and his own courtiers, whom with more reason he suspected of incensing, by their secret correspondence, the timid and suspicious mind of Constantius. But he forgot that he was depriving himself of his only support, the affection of the people; whilst he furnished the malice of his enemies with the arms of truth, and afforded the emperor the fairest pretence of exacting the forfeit of his purple, and of his life. 18
即便是对加卢斯身后之名最为宽容的作者,乃至尤利安本人——尽管他一心想为兄长的种种弱点遮掩——也不得不承认:这位恺撒实在没有君临天下的才具。他从牢狱一步登上宝座,既无天资,又不肯用功,更不肯虚心受教,以弥补自己见识与阅历的欠缺。他生性本就阴郁而暴烈,孤独与逆境非但没有把这脾性磨平,反倒使它愈发乖戾;他一想起自己受过的苦,便只想着报复,而非生出同情;他动辄暴怒,一发而不可收,凡近其身侧、或落在他权下的人,往往因此送命 15。至于他的妻子君士坦提娜,史书笔下与其说是个女人,不如说是地狱里的一个复仇女神,为那永难餍足的嗜血渴欲所煎熬 16。她本可用自己的影响,把审慎仁慈的温言婉劝悄悄灌输给丈夫,却非但不肯,反倒火上浇油,撩拨起他那凶暴的情性;女子的温柔她早已弃之不顾,女子的虚荣却依旧保留,以至于一条珍珠项链,便足以充作杀害一位清白贤良贵族的酬价 17。加卢斯的残忍,有时赤裸裸地表现为当众处决或军中屠戮的暴行,有时又披上滥用法律、假借司法程序的外衣,加以掩饰。安条克的私宅与公共场所,四处布满了密探与告密者;恺撒本人也时常换上平民的衣着,屈尊扮起这等可憎的角色。宫中每一间厅室,都摆设着行刑与拷问的器具,惶恐之情弥漫了整座叙利亚的都城。这位东方之君,仿佛自知有多少可惧之事、又何其不配为君,便挑出两类人作为泄愤的对象:一类是被安上莫须有叛国罪名的行省百姓,另一类是他自己的廷臣——他疑心后者暗通款曲,煽动君士坦提乌斯那颗胆怯多疑的心,这一层猜疑倒还更有几分道理。可他忘了,这样做正是在断绝自己唯一的依靠——民心;同时又把真凭实据递到仇敌的恶意手中,给了皇帝一个再冠冕堂皇不过的借口,来褫夺他的紫袍、索取他的性命 18。
As long as the civil war suspended the fate of the Roman world, Constantius dissembled his knowledge of the weak and cruel administration to which his choice had subjected the East; and the discovery of some assassins, secretly despatched to Antioch by the tyrant of Gaul, was employed to convince the public, that the emperor and the Cæsar were united by the same interest, and pursued by the same enemies. 19 But when the victory was decided in favor of Constantius, his dependent colleague became less useful and less formidable. Every circumstance of his conduct was severely and suspiciously examined, and it was privately resolved, either to deprive Gallus of the purple, or at least to remove him from the indolent luxury of Asia to the hardships and dangers of a German war. The death of Theophilus, consular of the province of Syria, who in a time of scarcity had been massacred by the people of Antioch, with the connivance, and almost at the instigation, of Gallus, was justly resented, not only as an act of wanton cruelty, but as a dangerous insult on the supreme majesty of Constantius. Two ministers of illustrious rank, Domitian the Oriental præfect, and Montius, quæstor of the palace, were empowered by a special commission 1911 to visit and reform the state of the East. They were instructed to behave towards Gallus with moderation and respect, and, by the gentlest arts of persuasion, to engage him to comply with the invitation of his brother and colleague. The rashness of the præfect disappointed these prudent measures, and hastened his own ruin, as well as that of his enemy. On his arrival at Antioch, Domitian passed disdainfully before the gates of the palace, and alleging a slight pretence of indisposition, continued several days in sullen retirement, to prepare an inflammatory memorial, which he transmitted to the Imperial court. Yielding at length to the pressing solicitations of Gallus, the præfect condescended to take his seat in council; but his first step was to signify a concise and haughty mandate, importing that the Cæsar should immediately repair to Italy, and threatening that he himself would punish his delay or hesitation, by suspending the usual allowance of his household. The nephew and daughter of Constantine, who could ill brook the insolence of a subject, expressed their resentment by instantly delivering Domitian to the custody of a guard. The quarrel still admitted of some terms of accommodation. They were rendered impracticable by the imprudent behavior of Montius, a statesman whose arts and experience were frequently betrayed by the levity of his disposition. 20 The quæstor reproached Gallus in a haughty language, that a prince who was scarcely authorized to remove a municipal magistrate, should presume to imprison a Prætorian præfect; convoked a meeting of the civil and military officers; and required them, in the name of their sovereign, to defend the person and dignity of his representatives. By this rash declaration of war, the impatient temper of Gallus was provoked to embrace the most desperate counsels. He ordered his guards to stand to their arms, assembled the populace of Antioch, and recommended to their zeal the care of his safety and revenge. His commands were too fatally obeyed. They rudely seized the præfect and the quæstor, and tying their legs together with ropes, they dragged them through the streets of the city, inflicted a thousand insults and a thousand wounds on these unhappy victims, and at last precipitated their mangled and lifeless bodies into the stream of the Orontes. 21
只要内战一日未决,罗马世界的命运一日悬而未定,君士坦提乌斯便佯装不知——不知自己一手所立之人,正把东方拖入怎样孱弱而残暴的统治;恰逢查获几名刺客——是高卢的僭主暗中遣往安条克的——便借此事向公众表明:皇帝与恺撒利害与共,所面对的也是同一伙敌人 19。可一旦胜局已定,天平倒向君士坦提乌斯这边,他那位仰其鼻息的同僚便既不那么有用,也不那么可惧了。加卢斯的一举一动,无不遭人以苛刻猜忌的目光细加审视;朝中暗自定下计议:要么剥去他的紫袍,至少也要把他从亚细亚安逸奢靡的日子里揪出来,赶去经受日耳曼战事的艰险。叙利亚行省执政级总督塞奥菲鲁斯之死,更激起了众怒,且怒得在理:饥荒之年,安条克的民众把他残杀,而加卢斯不但纵容,几乎还是背后的主使;此事不仅是一桩肆无忌惮的暴行,更是对君士坦提乌斯至高威严的一次危险的冒犯。于是两位位高名重的大臣——东方长官图密善,与宫廷财务官蒙提乌斯——奉一道特命 1911,前往东方巡察并整顿局面。二人奉命对加卢斯持重而恭敬,并以最温和的劝说之术,设法使他应允其兄长兼同僚的邀请。不料那位长官行事鲁莽,把这番稳妥的部署尽数搅乱,既加速了自己的败亡,也加速了他仇敌的败亡。图密善一到安条克,便满脸不屑地从宫门前径直走过,借口略感不适,一连数日阴沉沉地闭门不出,暗中炮制一份措辞激烈的奏报,递往帝廷。直到加卢斯再三恳请,这位长官才屈尊入席议事;可他头一件事,便是抛出一道措辞简短而傲慢的命令,大意是:恺撒须即刻动身前往意大利,倘有迟延或犹豫,他本人便要停发其宫廷的日常用度,以示惩处。君士坦丁的侄儿与女儿,哪里咽得下一个臣下的这般无礼,当即把图密善交由卫兵看押,以泄其愤。这场争执本还留有几分调停的余地,却因蒙提乌斯行事冒失而断送——此人虽是个手腕老练、阅历颇深的政客,却每每因秉性轻浮而坏了大事 20。这位财务官以傲慢的口吻斥责加卢斯:一个连罢免市镇小吏都几乎无权的君王,竟敢擅自囚禁一位禁卫长官!他随即召集文武百官,以君主的名义,责令他们捍卫皇帝特使的人身与尊严。这无异于草率地宣战,一下子激怒了本就按捺不住的加卢斯,逼得他采取最孤注一掷的手段。他命卫队全副武装、严阵以待,又纠集安条克的民众,把保全自己性命、替自己报仇雪恨的事,托付给他们的一腔狂热。偏偏他这道命令被人照办得太过卖力,酿成了惨祸。众人粗暴地擒住那位长官与财务官,用绳索把二人的双腿捆在一起,拖着他们游街过市,对这两个不幸的牺牲品极尽千般辱骂、施以千处创伤,最后把他们血肉模糊、气绝身亡的尸首,一齐抛进了奥龙特斯河的激流之中 21。
After such a deed, whatever might have been the designs of Gallus, it was only in a field of battle that he could assert his innocence with any hope of success. But the mind of that prince was formed of an equal mixture of violence and weakness. Instead of assuming the title of Augustus, instead of employing in his defence the troops and treasures of the East, he suffered himself to be deceived by the affected tranquillity of Constantius, who, leaving him the vain pageantry of a court, imperceptibly recalled the veteran legions from the provinces of Asia. But as it still appeared dangerous to arrest Gallus in his capital, the slow and safer arts of dissimulation were practised with success. The frequent and pressing epistles of Constantius were filled with professions of confidence and friendship; exhorting the Cæsar to discharge the duties of his high station, to relieve his colleague from a part of the public cares, and to assist the West by his presence, his counsels, and his arms. After so many reciprocal injuries, Gallus had reason to fear and to distrust. But he had neglected the opportunities of flight and of resistance; he was seduced by the flattering assurances of the tribune Scudilo, who, under the semblance of a rough soldier, disguised the most artful insinuation; and he depended on the credit of his wife Constantina, till the unseasonable death of that princess completed the ruin in which he had been involved by her impetuous passions. 22
出了这样的事,无论加卢斯原先打的是什么算盘,如今他要想申明自己的清白而尚存一线指望,就只能在战场上一决高下了。偏偏这位君王的心性,是由暴烈与懦弱各半掺和而成的。他既不肯自称“奥古斯都”,也不肯调动东方的兵马与府库来自保,反而听任自己被君士坦提乌斯佯装出来的平静所蒙蔽——后者留给他一副徒有其表的宫廷排场,却不动声色地把久经沙场的军团从亚细亚各行省一一调走。不过,要在加卢斯自己的都城里将他拿下,看来仍有风险,于是那套迟缓而稳妥的伪饰手段,便顺顺当当地施展开来。君士坦提乌斯的书信频频而至、辞意恳切,满纸都是信任与友谊的表白:一再勉励这位恺撒尽好他崇高职位上的本分,为同僚分担一部分国务的操劳,并以亲临、以谋划、以兵力来援助西方。彼此已结下这么多的怨仇,加卢斯本有理由既惧且疑。可他既已错过了逃亡与抵抗的时机,又被军政官斯库迪洛动听的许诺所诱——此人装出一副粗豪武夫的模样,骨子里却藏着最为机巧的挑唆之辞;他还指望着妻子君士坦提娜从中斡旋,直到这位公主不合时宜地撒手而去,才彻底成全了这场毁灭——而将他拖入这场毁灭的,原本正是她那股急躁狂烈的性情 22。
Notes 注释
1
Ammianus (l. xiv. c. 6) imputes the first practice of castration to the cruel ingenuity of Semiramis, who is supposed to have reigned above nineteen hundred years before Christ. The use of eunuchs is of high antiquity, both in Asia and Egypt. They are mentioned in the law of Moses, Deuteron. xxxiii. 1. See Goguet, Origines des Loix, &c., Part i. l. i. c. 3.
阿米阿努斯(l. xiv. c. 6)把最早施行阉割之事,归咎于塞米拉米斯残忍的机巧;据传她的在位年代,早于基督纪元一千九百余年。无论在亚洲还是埃及,使用阉人的做法都由来已久。摩西律法中即已提及阉人,见《申命记》xxxiii. 1。参见 Goguet, Origines des Loix, &c., Part i. l. i. c. 3。
2
Eunuchum dixti velle te; Quia solæ utuntur his reginæ—Terent. Eunuch. act i. scene 2. This play is translated from Meander, and the original must have appeared soon after the eastern conquests of Alexander.
Eunuchum dixti velle te; Quia solæ utuntur his reginæ——Terent. Eunuch. act i. scene 2.(大意谓:你说过想要个阉奴,只因唯有王后才用这等人。)此剧译自米南德的原作,而原作想必是在亚历山大征服东方之后不久问世的。
3
Miles.... spadonibus Servire rugosis potest. Horat. Carm. v. 9, and Dacier ad loe. By the word spado, the Romans very forcibly expressed their abhorrence of this mutilated condition. The Greek appellation of eunuchs, which insensibly prevailed, had a milder sound, and a more ambiguous sense.
Miles.... spadonibus Servire rugosis potest. Horat. Carm. v. 9,并见达西耶就此处所作的注(Dacier ad loc.)。罗马人用 spado 一词,极其有力地表达了他们对这种残缺之身的憎恶;后来渐渐通行的、源自希腊语的“eunuch(阉人)”一称,听来则要温和些,含义也更含糊。
4
We need only mention Posides, a freedman and eunuch of Claudius, in whose favor the emperor prostituted some of the most honorable rewards of military valor. See Sueton. in Claudio, c. 28. Posides employed a great part of his wealth in building.
这里只需提一提波西德斯——克劳狄乌斯的一名获释奴兼阉人。为讨他欢心,皇帝竟不惜把军功最荣耀的一些赏赐,也拿来滥授给他。见 Sueton. in Claudio, c. 28。波西德斯把自己的大部分财富,都花在了营造楼宇上。
6
There is a passage in the Augustan History, p. 137, in which Lampridius, whilst he praises Alexander Severus and Constantine for restraining the tyranny of the eunuchs, deplores the mischiefs which they occasioned in other reigns. Huc accedit quod eunuchos nec in consiliis nec in ministeriis habuit; qui soli principes perdunt, dum eos more gentium aut regum Persarum volunt vivere; qui a populo etiam amicissimum semovent; qui internuntii sunt, aliud quam respondetur, referentes; claudentes principem suum, et agentes ante omnia ne quid sciat.
《奥古斯都史》第 137 页有一段文字:兰普里迪乌斯一面称赞亚历山大·塞维鲁与君士坦丁约束了阉人的横行,一面痛惜他们在别的朝代所酿成的祸患。其拉丁原文为:Huc accedit quod eunuchos nec in consiliis nec in ministeriis habuit; qui soli principes perdunt, dum eos more gentium aut regum Persarum volunt vivere; qui a populo etiam amicissimum semovent; qui internuntii sunt, aliud quam respondetur, referentes; claudentes principem suum, et agentes ante omnia ne quid sciat.(大意谓:更兼他不让阉人参预谋议、不许其充任要职;正是这班人,一心要君主按异邦或波斯诸王的排场生活,因而独害君主;他们把君主最亲近的人也隔在门外,充作传话之人,却把君主的答复颠倒回禀,将君主重重围困,千方百计使他一无所知。)
7
Xenophon (Cyropædia, l. viii. p. 540) has stated the specious reasons which engaged Cyrus to intrust his person to the guard of eunuchs. He had observed in animals, that although the practice of castration might tame their ungovernable fierceness, it did not diminish their strength or spirit; and he persuaded himself, that those who were separated from the rest of human kind, would be more firmly attached to the person of their benefactor. But a long experience has contradicted the judgment of Cyrus. Some particular instances may occur of eunuchs distinguished by their fidelity, their valor, and their abilities; but if we examine the general history of Persia, India, and China, we shall find that the power of the eunuchs has uniformly marked the decline and fall of every dynasty.
色诺芬(《居鲁士的教育》l. viii. p. 540)陈述了居鲁士何以要把自身安危托付给阉人卫队的那一套似是而非的理由。他曾在牲畜身上察觉:阉割固然能驯服它们那难以驾驭的凶性,却并不减损它们的气力与精神;于是他说服自己相信,那些被隔绝于常人之外的人,会更死心塌地依附于恩主。然而长久的经验,恰恰驳倒了居鲁士的判断。诚然,偶尔也有个别阉人以忠诚、勇武与才干著称;可只要通览波斯、印度与中国的历史,便会发现:阉人的擅权,无一例外地成了每个王朝由盛转衰、走向覆亡的标记。
8
See Ammianus Marcellinus, l. xxi. c. 16, l. xxii. c. 4. The whole tenor of his impartial history serves to justify the invectives of Mamertinus, of Libanius, and of Julian himself, who have insulted the vices of the court of Constantius.
见阿米阿努斯·马尔切利努斯,l. xxi. c. 16, l. xxii. c. 4。他那部秉笔无私的史著,通篇的基调都足以印证马梅尔提努斯、利巴尼乌斯乃至尤利安本人的斥责之词——这几位都曾痛诋君士坦提乌斯宫廷的种种恶行。
9
Aurelius Victor censures the negligence of his sovereign in choosing the governors of the provinces, and the generals of the army, and concludes his history with a very bold observation, as it is much more dangerous under a feeble reign to attack the ministers than the master himself. “Uti verum absolvam brevi, ut Imperatore ipso clarius ita apparitorum plerisque magis atrox nihil.”
奥勒留·维克托谴责其君主在遴选行省总督与军队将领上的疏忽,并以一句极为大胆的评论结束他的史著——因为在孱弱的治世之下,抨击大臣远比抨击君主本人更为凶险:“Uti verum absolvam brevi, ut Imperatore ipso clarius ita apparitorum plerisque magis atrox nihil.”(大意谓:一言以蔽之,若说皇帝本人再光明不过,那么他手下大多数属吏则再凶暴不过。)
10
Apud quem (si vere dici debeat) multum Constantius potuit. Ammian. l. xviii. c. 4.
Apud quem (si vere dici debeat) multum Constantius potuit. Ammian. l. xviii. c. 4.(大意谓:若要照实说,君士坦提乌斯在此人跟前倒还颇有几分权势——语带讥讽,谓欧塞比乌斯反倒凌驾于皇帝之上。)
11
Gregory Nazianzen (Orat. iii. p. 90) reproaches the apostate with his ingratitude towards Mark, bishop of Arethusa, who had contributed to save his life; and we learn, though from a less respectable authority, (Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 916,) that Julian was concealed in the sanctuary of a church. * Note: Gallus and Julian were not sons of the same mother. Their father, Julius Constantius, had had Gallus by his first wife, named Galla: Julian was the son of Basilina, whom he had espoused in a second marriage. Tillemont. Hist. des Emp. Vie de Constantin. art. 3.—G.
纳齐安的格列高利(Orat. iii. p. 90)责备这位背教者忘恩负义,辜负了曾出力救他性命的阿雷图萨主教马克;此外我们还得知——尽管出处不那么可靠(Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 916)——尤利安曾藏身于一座教堂的圣所之内。* 编者按:加卢斯与尤利安并非一母所生。他们的父亲尤利乌斯·君士坦提乌斯,与其原配、名唤加拉的女子生下加卢斯;尤利安则是他续弦所娶的巴西丽娜所生之子。Tillemont. Hist. des Emp. Vie de Constantin. art. 3.—G.
12
The most authentic account of the education and adventures of Julian is contained in the epistle or manifesto which he himself addressed to the senate and people of Athens. Libanius, (Orat. Parentalis,) on the side of the Pagans, and Socrates, (l. iii. c. 1,) on that of the Christians, have preserved several interesting circumstances.
关于尤利安所受的教育及其种种经历,最为可信的记述,见于他亲自写给雅典元老院与雅典人民的那封书信(或曰檄文)。异教一方有利巴尼乌斯(Orat. Parentalis),基督教一方有苏格拉底(l. iii. c. 1),二人都保存了若干耐人寻味的情节。
13
For the promotion of Gallus, see Idatius, Zosimus, and the two Victors. According to Philostorgius, (l. iv. c. 1,) Theophilus, an Arian bishop, was the witness, and, as it were, the guarantee of this solemn engagement. He supported that character with generous firmness; but M. de Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 1120) thinks it very improbable that a heretic should have possessed such virtue.
关于加卢斯的擢升,见伊达提乌斯、佐西莫斯以及两位维克托的记载。据菲洛斯托尔吉乌斯(l. iv. c. 1)所言,阿里乌派主教塞奥菲鲁斯是这一庄严盟约的见证人,也可说是担保人。他以豪迈的坚定担当了这一角色;然而蒂耶蒙先生(Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 1120)却认为,一个异端分子竟能具备如此德行,实在很不可信。
14
Julian was at first permitted to pursue his studies at Constantinople, but the reputation which he acquired soon excited the jealousy of Constantius; and the young prince was advised to withdraw himself to the less conspicuous scenes of Bithynia and Ionia.
尤利安起先获准在君士坦丁堡求学,可他很快赢得的声名,随即激起了君士坦提乌斯的猜忌;于是有人劝这位年轻的王子,退隐到比提尼亚与伊奥尼亚那些不那么惹眼的地方去。
15
See Julian. ad S. P. Q. A. p. 271. Jerom. in Chron. Aurelius Victor, Eutropius, x. 14. I shall copy the words of Eutropius, who wrote his abridgment about fifteen years after the death of Gallus, when there was no longer any motive either to flatter or to depreciate his character. “Multis incivilibus gestis Gallus Cæsar.... vir natura ferox et ad tyrannidem pronior, si suo jure imperare licuisset.”
见 Julian. ad S. P. Q. A. p. 271;哲罗姆《编年史》;奥勒留·维克托;欧特罗皮乌斯,x. 14。这里我姑且抄录欧特罗皮乌斯的原话——他写这部简史,约在加卢斯死后十五年,其时已再无谄媚或贬损其人的动机:“Multis incivilibus gestis Gallus Cæsar.... vir natura ferox et ad tyrannidem pronior, si suo jure imperare licuisset.”(大意谓:加卢斯·恺撒行事多有暴虐无道之处……此人生性凶悍,倘当真让他名正言顺地掌权,只怕更要趋于暴政。)
16
Megæra quidem mortalis, inflammatrix sævientis assidua, humani cruoris avida, &c. Ammian. Marcellin. l. xiv. c. 1. The sincerity of Ammianus would not suffer him to misrepresent facts or characters, but his love of ambitious ornaments frequently betrayed him into an unnatural vehemence of expression.
Megæra quidem mortalis, inflammatrix sævientis assidua, humani cruoris avida, &c.(大意谓:她简直是个凡间的墨该拉,不住地煽动那暴虐之人,贪嗜人血,云云。)见阿米阿努斯·马尔切利努斯,l. xiv. c. 1。阿米阿努斯为人诚实,不肯歪曲事实与人物;只是他偏爱浮华夸饰的辞藻,往往因此落入一种失之过分的激烈表达。
17
His name was Clematius of Alexandria, and his only crime was a refusal to gratify the desires of his mother-in-law; who solicited his death, because she had been disappointed of his love. Ammian. xiv. c. i.
那位贵族名叫亚历山大里亚的克莱马提乌斯,他唯一的“罪过”,是拒绝满足岳母的欲念;那女人求人置他于死地,只因求爱不遂、心怀怨恨。见阿米阿努斯,xiv. c. i。
18
See in Ammianus (l. xiv. c. 1, 7) a very ample detail of the cruelties of Gallus. His brother Julian (p. 272) insinuates, that a secret conspiracy had been formed against him; and Zosimus names (l. ii. p. 135) the persons engaged in it; a minister of considerable rank, and two obscure agents, who were resolved to make their fortune.
关于加卢斯的种种残暴,阿米阿努斯(l. xiv. c. 1, 7)有极为详尽的记述。他的兄弟尤利安(p. 272)则暗示,曾有人密谋反对加卢斯;佐西莫斯(l. ii. p. 135)更点出了参与其事者的姓名:一位品级颇高的大臣,外加两名默默无闻、一心想借此发迹的爪牙。
19
Zonaras, l. xiii. tom. ii. p. 17, 18. The assassins had seduced a great number of legionaries; but their designs were discovered and revealed by an old woman in whose cottage they lodged.
见佐纳拉斯,l. xiii. tom. ii. p. 17, 18。那些刺客已经收买了大批军团士兵,可他们的图谋,却被一个收留他们借宿的老妇人察觉并告发了。
1911
The commission seems to have been granted to Domitian alone. Montius interfered to support his authority. Amm. Marc. loc. cit.—M
那道特命,看来只授予了图密善一人;蒙提乌斯出面干预,是为了支撑图密善的权威。见 Amm. Marc. loc. cit.—M
20
In the present text of Ammianus, we read Asper, quidem, sed ad lenitatem propensior; which forms a sentence of contradictory nonsense. With the aid of an old manuscript, Valesius has rectified the first of these corruptions, and we perceive a ray of light in the substitution of the word vafer. If we venture to change lenitatem into levitatem, this alteration of a single letter will render the whole passage clear and consistent.
在阿米阿努斯现存的文本中,我们读到的是 Asper, quidem, sed ad lenitatem propensior(“性情严厉,却又偏于宽和”),这句话前后抵牾,纯属不通。瓦莱修斯借助一份古抄本,订正了其中头一处讹误,将 Asper 改作 vafer(狡黠),于是我们隐约窥见一线光亮。倘若我们再斗胆把 lenitatem(宽和)改成 levitatem(轻浮),这一字之易,便能使整段文字豁然贯通、前后一致。
21
Instead of being obliged to collect scattered and imperfect hints from various sources, we now enter into the full stream of the history of Ammianus, and need only refer to the seventh and ninth chapters of his fourteenth book. Philostorgius, however, (l. iii. c. 28) though partial to Gallus, should not be entirely overlooked.
从此以后,我们不必再从各种史料中东拼西凑那些零散残缺的线索,而是径直汇入阿米阿努斯史著的滔滔正流,只需参看其第十四卷的第七、第九两章即可。不过,菲洛斯托尔吉乌斯(l. iii. c. 28)虽偏袒加卢斯,却也不该被全然置之不理。
22
She had preceded her husband, but died of a fever on the road at a little place in Bithynia, called Coenum Gallicanum.
她本已先丈夫一步启程,却在途中一命呜呼——死于热病,地点是在比提尼亚一个名叫科厄努姆·加利卡努姆的小地方。