Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part VIII. 第十六章 从尼禄到君士坦丁对基督徒的态度——第八节

Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part VIII.

第十六章 从尼禄到君士坦丁对基督徒的态度——第八节

The vague descriptions of exile and imprisonment, of pain and torture, are so easily exaggerated or softened by the pencil of an artful orator, 1811 that we are naturally induced to inquire into a fact of a more distinct and stubborn kind; the number of persons who suffered death in consequence of the edicts published by Diocletian, his associates, and his successors. The recent legendaries record whole armies and cities, which were at once swept away by the undistinguishing rage of persecution. The more ancient writers content themselves with pouring out a liberal effusion of loose and tragical invectives, without condescending to ascertain the precise number of those persons who were permitted to seal with their blood their belief of the gospel. From the history of Eusebius, it may, however, be collected, that only nine bishops were punished with death; and we are assured, by his particular enumeration of the martyrs of Palestine, 182 that no more than ninety-two Christians were entitled to that honorable appellation. 1821 As we are unacquainted with the degree of episcopal zeal and courage which prevailed at that time, it is not in our power to draw any useful inferences from the former of these facts: but the latter may serve to justify a very important and probable conclusion. According to the distribution of Roman provinces, Palestine may be considered as the sixteenth part of the Eastern empire: 183 and since there were some governors, who from a real or affected clemency had preserved their hands unstained with the blood of the faithful, 184 it is reasonable to believe, that the country which had given birth to Christianity, produced at least the sixteenth part of the martyrs who suffered death within the dominions of Galerius and Maximin; the whole might consequently amount to about fifteen hundred, a number which, if it is equally divided between the ten years of the persecution, will allow an annual consumption of one hundred and fifty martyrs. Allotting the same proportion to the provinces of Italy, Africa, and perhaps Spain, where, at the end of two or three years, the rigor of the penal laws was either suspended or abolished, the multitude of Christians in the Roman empire, on whom a capital punishment was inflicted by a judicia, sentence, will be reduced to somewhat less than two thousand persons. Since it cannot be doubted that the Christians were more numerous, and their enemies more exasperated, in the time of Diocletian, than they had ever been in any former persecution, this probable and moderate computation may teach us to estimate the number of primitive saints and martyrs who sacrificed their lives for the important purpose of introducing Christianity into the world.
流放与囚禁、痛楚与酷刑,本就语焉不详,任凭一支老练辩士的笔或夸大其词,或轻描淡写,皆易如反掌 1811。于是我们自然而然转而去追究一桩更为确凿、也更不容任意增减的事实:戴克里先及其同僚与继任者所颁诏令,究竟令多少人送了命。近世那些编造圣徒传奇的人,动辄记下整支军队、整座城市如何在迫害那不分皂白的怒火中一举被扫荡殆尽。较早的作者则满足于挥洒一通空泛而悲怆的斥骂,却不屑于查明:究竟有多少人得以用鲜血为自己对福音的信仰盖印作证。不过,从优西比乌的史著中仍可推知,被处死的主教仅有九人;而据他对巴勒斯坦殉道者的逐一列举 182,配得上“殉道者”这一荣衔的基督徒也不过九十二人 1821。当时主教们的热忱与勇气究竟到了何等地步,我们无从知晓,因而由前一事实推不出什么有用的结论;但后一事实却足以支撑一个颇为重要、也大致可信的推断。按罗马各行省的划分,巴勒斯坦约可算作东部帝国的十六分之一 183;又因确有一些总督,或出于真心的宽仁,或出于假意的仁慈,始终不让双手沾上信徒的鲜血 184,我们便有理由相信:这片孕育了基督教的土地,在伽勒里乌斯与马克西明治下所有殉难者中,至少占了十六分之一。如此算来,殉难者总数或在一千五百人上下;这个数目若均摊到迫害持续的十年之间,则每年不过“消耗”殉道者一百五十名。若把同样的比例也套用于意大利、阿非利加乃至西班牙诸行省——那里的严刑峻法在两三年后便或中止、或废除——那么整个罗马帝国境内经司法判决而处以极刑的基督徒,总数便可压缩到不足两千人。戴克里先时代基督徒人数之众、其仇敌怒火之炽,皆远超此前历次迫害,这一点毋庸置疑;既然如此,上面这个大致可信而又持平的估算,或许能帮我们掂量:为了把基督教引入这个世界这一重大使命而舍身捐躯的早期圣徒与殉道者,究竟有多少。
We shall conclude this chapter by a melancholy truth, which obtrudes itself on the reluctant mind; that even admitting, without hesitation or inquiry, all that history has recorded, or devotion has feigned, on the subject of martyrdoms, it must still be acknowledged, that the Christians, in the course of their intestine dissensions, have inflicted far greater severities on each other, than they had experienced from the zeal of infidels. During the ages of ignorance which followed the subversion of the Roman empire in the West, the bishops of the Imperial city extended their dominion over the laity as well as clergy of the Latin church. The fabric of superstition which they had erected, and which might long have defied the feeble efforts of reason, was at length assaulted by a crowd of daring fanatics, who from the twelfth to the sixteenth century assumed the popular character of reformers. The church of Rome defended by violence the empire which she had acquired by fraud; a system of peace and benevolence was soon disgraced by proscriptions, war, massacres, and the institution of the holy office. And as the reformers were animated by the love of civil as well as of religious freedom, the Catholic princes connected their own interest with that of the clergy, and enforced by fire and the sword the terrors of spiritual censures. In the Netherlands alone, more than one hundred thousand of the subjects of Charles V. are said to have suffered by the hand of the executioner; and this extraordinary number is attested by Grotius, 185 a man of genius and learning, who preserved his moderation amidst the fury of contending sects, and who composed the annals of his own age and country, at a time when the invention of printing had facilitated the means of intelligence, and increased the danger of detection.
本章将以一条令人黯然的真理作结——这真理硬要闯入一颗不愿接纳它的心:纵然我们不加迟疑、不作查考,便把史书所载、虔信者所杜撰的一切殉道之事尽数当真,也仍须承认:基督徒在自相纷争之中彼此施加的酷烈,远远超过他们从异教徒的狂热手里所领受的。西部罗马帝国倾覆之后,蒙昧的世代接踵而至;正是在这些世代里,那座帝都的主教把自己的权柄同时伸向了拉丁教会的俗众与教士。他们所构筑的那座迷信大厦,本可长久抵挡理性那微弱的冲击;然而到头来,还是有一群胆大妄为的狂热之徒群起攻之——从十二世纪直到十六世纪,这些人以“改革者”这一深得人心的姿态出现。罗马教会以暴力守护她凭欺诈攫取的这份权柄;一套本应以和平与仁爱为宗旨的体制,转眼便因通缉放逐、战争、屠戮以及宗教裁判所(“圣职法庭”)的设立而蒙上污名。而由于这些改革者所怀抱的,既是对宗教自由的向往,也是对世俗自由的追求,各天主教君主便把自身的利害同教士的利害捆在一处,用烈火与刀剑,把那本属精神上的惩戒化作了实实在在的恐怖。单单在尼德兰一地,据说就有十万余名查理五世的臣民死在刽子手手下;这个惊人的数字,出自格劳秀斯的确证 185。此人天资聪颖、学识渊博,在各教派相互倾轧的狂潮中始终不失分寸;而他修撰本国当代编年史之时,正值印刷术新兴——消息流通既已更为便利,任何讹误也更易被人拆穿。
If we are obliged to submit our belief to the authority of Grotius, it must be allowed, that the number of Protestants, who were executed in a single province and a single reign, far exceeded that of the primitive martyrs in the space of three centuries, and of the Roman empire. But if the improbability of the fact itself should prevail over the weight of evidence; if Grotius should be convicted of exaggerating the merit and sufferings of the Reformers; 186 we shall be naturally led to inquire what confidence can be placed in the doubtful and imperfect monuments of ancient credulity; what degree of credit can be assigned to a courtly bishop, and a passionate declaimer, 1861 who, under the protection of Constantine, enjoyed the exclusive privilege of recording the persecutions inflicted on the Christians by the vanquished rivals or disregarded predecessors of their gracious sovereign.
倘若我们不得不信服格劳秀斯的权威,那就只能承认:单单一个行省、单单一朝之内被处死的新教徒,其人数便远远超过了三个世纪之间、遍及整个罗马帝国的早期殉道者。但假如这件事本身的不合情理,压过了证据的分量;假如格劳秀斯竟被证实夸大了改革者的功德与苦难 186,那我们自然就要转而追问:古人在轻信之下留下的那些可疑而残缺的记述,究竟有几分可信;而一位周旋于宫廷的主教、一位慷慨激昂的雄辩之士 1861,又该给予几分信任——他们在君士坦丁的庇护之下,独享一项特权,专门去记述那位仁慈君主的手下败将、或他不屑一顾的前朝诸帝,施加于基督徒身上的种种迫害。

Notes 注释

1811
Perhaps there never was an instance of an author committing so deliberately the fault which he reprobates so strongly in others. What is the dexterous management of the more inartificial historians of Christianity, in exaggerating the numbers of the martyrs, compared to the unfair address with which Gibbon here quietly dismisses from the account all the horrible and excruciating tortures which fell short of death? The reader may refer to the xiith chapter (book viii.) of Eusebius for the description and for the scenes of these tortures.—M.
或许再没有哪个作者,会如此蓄意地去犯下他自己在别人身上痛加谴责的毛病。那些手法较为拙朴的基督教史家在夸大殉道者人数时所耍的“巧妙手段”,同吉本此处的不公正伎俩相比,又算得了什么?——他在这里悄然把一切尚未致死、却惨绝人寰、令人求生不得的酷刑,统统从计数中抹去了。关于这些酷刑的描写及其惨状,读者可参看优西比乌第八卷第十二章。—M
182
Eusebius de Martyr. Palestin. c. 13. He closes his narration by assuring us that these were the martyrdoms inflicted in Palestine, during the whole course of the persecution. The 9th chapter of his viiith book, which relates to the province of Thebais in Egypt, may seem to contradict our moderate computation; but it will only lead us to admire the artful management of the historian. Choosing for the scene of the most exquisite cruelty the most remote and sequestered country of the Roman empire, he relates that in Thebais from ten to one hundred persons had frequently suffered martyrdom in the same day. But when he proceeds to mention his own journey into Egypt, his language insensibly becomes more cautious and moderate. Instead of a large, but definite number, he speaks of many Christians, and most artfully selects two ambiguous words, which may signify either what he had seen, or what he had heard; either the expectation, or the execution of the punishment. Having thus provided a secure evasion, he commits the equivocal passage to his readers and translators; justly conceiving that their piety would induce them to prefer the most favorable sense. There was perhaps some malice in the remark of Theodorus Metochita, that all who, like Eusebius, had been conversant with the Egyptians, delighted in an obscure and intricate style. (See Valesius ad loc.)
优西比乌《巴勒斯坦殉道者行传》第十三章(Eusebius de Martyr. Palestin. c. 13)。他在叙述的结尾向我们保证:以上便是迫害自始至终整个过程中,巴勒斯坦所发生的全部殉道之事。他第八卷第九章记述埃及底比斯地区的情形,乍看似与我们这一稳健的估算相抵触;但细究之下,反倒只会让人叹服这位史家手法之高明。他偏偏挑中罗马帝国最偏远、最幽僻的一隅作为最惨烈暴行的舞台,声称在底比斯地区,常常一天之内就有十人乃至上百人殉难。可是,一旦讲到他本人亲赴埃及的经历,他的措辞便不知不觉变得谨慎而有所收敛:他不再给出一个虽大却确凿的数目,而只说“许多”基督徒,并极其巧妙地挑用了两个含糊其辞的词,既可指他亲眼所见,也可指他道听途说;既可指刑罚尚在预料之中,也可指刑罚业已执行。他这样先为自己备好了一条稳妥的退路,便把这段模棱两可的文字丢给读者和译者去处置,心里料定他们出于虔敬,自会择取那最有利的解释。忒奥多罗斯·梅托希特斯有一句评论,说凡是像优西比乌这样与埃及人打过交道的人,都爱用一种晦涩曲折的文体——这话里或许带着几分刻薄。(参看瓦莱修斯就此处所作之注 Valesius ad loc.)
1821
This calculation is made from the martyrs, of whom Eusebius speaks by name; but he recognizes a much greater number. Thus the ninth and tenth chapters of his work are entitled, “Of Antoninus, Zebinus, Germanus, and other martyrs; of Peter the monk. of Asclepius the Maroionite, and other martyrs.” [Are these vague contents of chapters very good authority?—M.] Speaking of those who suffered under Diocletian, he says, “I will only relate the death of one of these, from which, the reader may divine what befell the rest.” Hist. Eccl. viii. 6. [This relates only to the martyrs in the royal household.—M.] Dodwell had made, before Gibbon, this calculation and these objections; but Ruinart (Act. Mart. Pref p. 27, et seq.) has answered him in a peremptory manner: Nobis constat Eusebium in historia infinitos passim martyres admisisse. quamvis revera paucorum nomina recensuerit. Nec alium Eusebii interpretem quam ipsummet Eusebium proferimus, qui (l. iii. c. 33) ait sub Trajano plurimosa ex fidelibus martyrii certamen subiisse (l. v. init.) sub Antonino et Vero innumerabiles prope martyres per universum orbem enituisse affirmat. (L. vi. c. 1.) Severum persecutionem concitasse refert, in qua per omnes ubique locorum Ecclesias, ab athletis pro pietate certantibus, illustria confecta fuerunt martyria. Sic de Decii, sic de Valeriani, persecutionibus loquitur, quæ an Dodwelli faveant conjectionibus judicet æquus lector. Even in the persecutions which Gibbon has represented as much more mild than that of Diocletian, the number of martyrs appears much greater than that to which he limits the martyrs of the latter: and this number is attested by incontestable monuments. I will quote but one example. We find among the letters of St. Cyprian one from Lucianus to Celerinus, written from the depth of a prison, in which Lucianus names seventeen of his brethren dead, some in the quarries, some in the midst of tortures some of starvation in prison. Jussi sumus (he proceeds) secundum præ ceptum imperatoris, fame et siti necari, et reclusi sumus in duabus cellis, ta ut nos afficerent fame et siti et ignis vapore.—G.
这一计算,是依据优西比乌指名道姓提到的那些殉道者作出的;但他所承认的实际人数要多得多。譬如,他书中第九、第十两章的标题便是:“论安托尼努斯、泽比努斯、日耳曼努斯及其他殉道者;论修士彼得、马西昂派信徒阿斯克勒庇乌斯及其他殉道者。”〔各章这些含糊的标题,真能算得上很可靠的凭据吗?—M〕在谈到戴克里先治下遇难的人时,他说:“我只叙述其中一人之死,读者据此便可揣知其余诸人的遭遇。”见《教会史》第八卷第六章(Hist. Eccl. viii. 6)。〔此处仅指皇室内廷中的殉道者。—M〕早在吉本之前,多德韦尔就已作过同样的计算、提出过同样的异议;但吕纳尔(《殉道者行传》序言 Act. Mart. Pref. p. 27, et seq.)却以断然的口吻驳斥了他:Nobis constat Eusebium in historia infinitos passim martyres admisisse. quamvis revera paucorum nomina recensuerit. Nec alium Eusebii interpretem quam ipsummet Eusebium proferimus, qui (l. iii. c. 33) ait sub Trajano plurimosa ex fidelibus martyrii certamen subiisse (l. v. init.) sub Antonino et Vero innumerabiles prope martyres per universum orbem enituisse affirmat. (L. vi. c. 1.) Severum persecutionem concitasse refert, in qua per omnes ubique locorum Ecclesias, ab athletis pro pietate certantibus, illustria confecta fuerunt martyria. Sic de Decii, sic de Valeriani, persecutionibus loquitur, quæ an Dodwelli faveant conjectionibus judicet æquus lector.(吕纳尔大意谓:优西比乌在其史著中处处承认殉道者不可胜数,尽管他实际列出姓名者寥寥;而为优西比乌作证的,不必另求他人,正是优西比乌自己——他曾说图拉真治下有众多信徒经受了殉道的考验,又说在安敦尼与维鲁斯治下遍及天下的殉道者几乎不可胜计,还提到塞维鲁掀起的那场迫害,说各地一切教会中都有为虔信而奋战之人成就了辉煌的殉道;他谈及德西乌斯、瓦勒良的迫害时亦复如是。这些是否有利于多德韦尔的臆测,且由公允的读者去评判。)即便是那些被吉本描绘得远比戴克里先迫害温和得多的迫害,其殉道者的人数看来也远远超过他为后者所设的上限;而这一人数是有确凿无疑的文献为证的。我只举一例。在圣西普里安的书信之中,有一封是卢西阿努斯从牢狱深处写给凯莱里努斯的信,信中卢西阿努斯列出了十七位已死教友之名:有的死在采石场,有的死于酷刑之中,有的在狱中活活饿死。他接着写道:Jussi sumus secundum præceptum imperatoris, fame et siti necari, et reclusi sumus in duabus cellis, ta ut nos afficerent fame et siti et ignis vapore.(大意:我们奉皇帝之命,被判处以饥渴之刑处死,被关进两间牢房,好让他们用饥饿、干渴与火焰的炙烤来折磨我们。)—G
183
When Palestine was divided into three, the præfecture of the East contained forty-eight provinces. As the ancient distinctions of nations were long since abolished, the Romans distributed the provinces according to a general proportion of their extent and opulence.
当巴勒斯坦被划分为三个行省时,东方大区共辖四十八个行省。由于各民族古来的分野早已泯灭,罗马人便大体依据各地的幅员与富庶程度来划分行省。
184
Ut gloriari possint nullam se innocentium poremisse, nam et ipse audivi aloquos gloriantes, quia administratio sua, in hac paris merit incruenta. Lactant. Institur. Divin v. 11.
Ut gloriari possint nullam se innocentium poremisse, nam et ipse audivi aloquos gloriantes, quia administratio sua, in hac paris merit incruenta. Lactant. Institur. Divin v. 11.(大意:好让他们得以夸口,说自己不曾处死一个无辜之人;我本人就亲耳听到有人夸耀,称其治下在这方面不曾沾血。语出拉克坦提乌斯《神圣原理》第五卷第十一章。)
185
Grot. Annal. de Rebus Belgicis, l. i. p. 12, edit. fol.
Grot. Annal. de Rebus Belgicis, l. i. p. 12, edit. fol.
186
Fra Paola (Istoria del Concilio Tridentino, l. iii.) reduces the number of the Belgic martyrs to 50,000. In learning and moderation Fra Paola was not inferior to Grotius. The priority of time gives some advantage to the evidence of the former, which he loses, on the other hand, by the distance of Venice from the Netherlands.
弗拉·保罗在《特兰托会议史》(Istoria del Concilio Tridentino, l. iii.)中,把尼德兰(贝尔吉卡)殉难者的人数减到五万。就学识与持平而论,弗拉·保罗并不逊于格劳秀斯。他成书较早,这一点使其证词略占优势;但另一方面,威尼斯距尼德兰路途遥远,这份优势又因此被抵消。
1861
Eusebius and the author of the Treatise de Mortibus Persecutorum. It is deeply to be regretted that the history of this period rest so much on the loose and, it must be admitted, by no means scrupulous authority of Eusebius. Ecclesiastical history is a solemn and melancholy lesson that the best, even the most sacred, cause will eventually the least departure from truth!—M.
指优西比乌,以及《论迫害者之死》(de Mortibus Persecutorum)一书的作者。深以为憾的是,这一时期的历史竟如此仰赖优西比乌那既松散、又不能不承认远非严谨的权威记述。教会史是一堂庄严而令人黯然的课:它昭示我们,最正当、乃至最神圣的事业,终究也会因哪怕最轻微的一次背离真相而蒙受损害!—M