Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part IV. 第十六章 从尼禄到君士坦丁对基督徒的政策——第四节

Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part IV.

第十六章 从尼禄到君士坦丁对基督徒的政策——第四节

When Valerian was consul for the third, and Gallienus for the fourth time, Paternus, proconsul of Africa, summoned Cyprian to appear in his private council-chamber. He there acquainted him with the Imperial mandate which he had just received, 81 that those who had abandoned the Roman religion should immediately return to the practice of the ceremonies of their ancestors. Cyprian replied without hesitation, that he was a Christian and a bishop, devoted to the worship of the true and only Deity, to whom he offered up his daily supplications for the safety and prosperity of the two emperors, his lawful sovereigns.
瓦勒良第三次、加里恩努斯第四次出任执政官那年,阿非利加代执政官帕特尔努斯把西普里安传唤到自己的私人议事厅。他向西普里安宣示了刚刚接到的一道御旨:81凡背弃罗马宗教者,须立即重行祖先的祭仪。西普里安毫不迟疑地回答:他是基督徒,也是主教,一心敬奉那独一的真神,每日向他祈祷,祈求两位皇帝——他合法的君主——平安昌盛。
With modest confidence he pleaded the privilege of a citizen, in refusing to give any answer to some invidious and indeed illegal questions which the proconsul had proposed. A sentence of banishment was pronounced as the penalty of Cyprian’s disobedience; and he was conducted without delay to Curubis, a free and maritime city of Zeugitania, in a pleasant situation, a fertile territory, and at the distance of about forty miles from Carthage. 82 The exiled bishop enjoyed the conveniences of life and the consciousness of virtue. His reputation was diffused over Africa and Italy; an account of his behavior was published for the edification of the Christian world; 83 and his solitude was frequently interrupted by the letters, the visits, and the congratulations of the faithful. On the arrival of a new proconsul in the province the fortune of Cyprian appeared for some time to wear a still more favorable aspect. He was recalled from banishment; and though not yet permitted to return to Carthage, his own gardens in the neighborhood of the capital were assigned for the place of his residence. 84
代执政官又提出若干含有恶意、实则不合法的问题,西普里安便以公民的特权为凭,谦和而从容地拒绝作答。因抗命之罪,他被判处流放;随即被押往库鲁比斯——泽乌吉塔尼亚一座濒海的自由城市,风光宜人,土地肥沃,距迦太基约四十英里。82这位遭放逐的主教,既享有生活的安适,又自知问心无愧。他的声名传遍阿非利加与意大利;有人把他的言行记录成书、刊布于世,以启迪整个基督教世界;83信众的书信、探访与道贺络绎不绝,时时打破他的清寂。及至新任代执政官到任,西普里安的境遇一度似乎更趋顺遂:他获准结束流放;虽尚不许返回迦太基,却得以迁居首府近郊自己的园林。84
At length, exactly one year 85 after Cyprian was first apprehended, Galerius Maximus, proconsul of Africa, received the Imperial warrant for the execution of the Christian teachers. The bishop of Carthage was sensible that he should be singled out for one of the first victims; and the frailty of nature tempted him to withdraw himself, by a secret flight, from the danger and the honor of martyrdom; 8511 but soon recovering that fortitude which his character required, he returned to his gardens, and patiently expected the ministers of death. Two officers of rank, who were intrusted with that commission, placed Cyprian between them in a chariot, and as the proconsul was not then at leisure, they conducted him, not to a prison, but to a private house in Carthage, which belonged to one of them. An elegant supper was provided for the entertainment of the bishop, and his Christian friends were permitted for the last time to enjoy his society, whilst the streets were filled with a multitude of the faithful, anxious and alarmed at the approaching fate of their spiritual father. 86 In the morning he appeared before the tribunal of the proconsul, who, after informing himself of the name and situation of Cyprian, commanded him to offer sacrifice, and pressed him to reflect on the consequences of his disobedience. The refusal of Cyprian was firm and decisive; and the magistrate, when he had taken the opinion of his council, pronounced with some reluctance the sentence of death. It was conceived in the following terms: “That Thascius Cyprianus should be immediately beheaded, as the enemy of the gods of Rome, and as the chief and ringleader of a criminal association, which he had seduced into an impious resistance against the laws of the most holy emperors, Valerian and Gallienus.” 87 The manner of his execution was the mildest and least painful that could be inflicted on a person convicted of any capital offence; nor was the use of torture admitted to obtain from the bishop of Carthage either the recantation of his principles or the discovery of his accomplices.
西普里安初次被捕之后,整整过了一年,85阿非利加代执政官伽勒里乌斯·马克西穆斯才接到处决基督教师的御令。迦太基主教心里明白,自己必会被首先选中,充作牺牲之一;人性的软弱一度诱使他暗中逃走,去躲开殉道的危险——也躲开那份荣耀;8511但他很快恢复了与其品格相称的坚毅,重返园林,静候索命之人到来。奉命行事的是两名有身份的官员,他们让西普里安坐在两人之间的车中;因代执政官当时无暇受理,便没有把他送进牢狱,而是带到迦太基城内其中一人的私宅。宅中为主教备下丰盛的晚宴,他的基督徒友人也获准最后一次与他相聚;此时街上挤满了信众,为属灵之父即将临头的命运忧心忡忡、惊惧不安。86次日清晨,他被带到代执政官的法庭前;代执政官问明他的姓名与身份后,命他献祭,并逼他细想抗命的后果。西普里安的拒绝坚定而决绝;这位长官征询过属僚的意见,才略带不情愿地宣读了死刑判词。判词如下:“塔斯基乌斯·西普里安努斯身为罗马诸神之敌,又是一个犯罪团伙的首领与祸首,煽动众人悖逆至圣皇帝瓦勒良与加里恩努斯的法律,着即斩首。”87在对任何死罪之人所能施加的刑罚中,他所受的这一种最为温和,痛苦最轻;当局也不曾动用酷刑,来迫使这位迦太基主教背弃自己的信念,或供出他的同党。
As soon as the sentence was proclaimed, a general cry of “We will die with him,” arose at once among the listening multitude of Christians who waited before the palace gates. The generous effusions of their zeal and their affection were neither serviceable to Cyprian nor dangerous to themselves. He was led away under a guard of tribunes and centurions, without resistance and without insult, to the place of his execution, a spacious and level plain near the city, which was already filled with great numbers of spectators. His faithful presbyters and deacons were permitted to accompany their holy bishop. 8711 They assisted him in laying aside his upper garment, spread linen on the ground to catch the precious relics of his blood, and received his orders to bestow five-and-twenty pieces of gold on the executioner. The martyr then covered his face with his hands, and at one blow his head was separated from his body. His corpse remained during some hours exposed to the curiosity of the Gentiles: but in the night it was removed, and transported in a triumphal procession, and with a splendid illumination, to the burial-place of the Christians. The funeral of Cyprian was publicly celebrated without receiving any interruption from the Roman magistrates; and those among the faithful, who had performed the last offices to his person and his memory, were secure from the danger of inquiry or of punishment. It is remarkable, that of so great a multitude of bishops in the province of Africa, Cyprian was the first who was esteemed worthy to obtain the crown of martyrdom. 88
判决一经宣读,聚集在官邸门前听候的基督徒群众立时齐声高呼:“我们愿与他同死!”他们出于热忱与爱戴而慷慨迸发的呼声,既救不了西普里安,也没给自己招来危险。他在一队军团军官与百夫长的押解下被带走,一路无人抗拒,亦无人辱骂,来到城郊一处宽阔平坦的旷野——那便是刑场,早已挤满了大批围观的人。他忠诚的长老与执事获准陪伴这位圣洁的主教。8711众人帮他脱去外衣,在地上铺开亚麻布,以承接他宝贵的血,又领受他的吩咐,赏给刽子手二十五枚金币。随后这位殉道者以双手掩面,一刀之下,身首分离。他的遗体曝露数小时,任外邦人围观猎奇;入夜后却被移走,以凯旋般的行列、盛大的灯火,护送葬入基督徒的墓地。西普里安的葬礼公开举行,罗马官府未加任何阻拦;那些为他料理身后之事、追念其人的信众,也无遭究问或惩处之虞。值得一提的是:阿非利加行省主教如此之众,西普里安却是头一个被视为堪得殉道冠冕之人。88
It was in the choice of Cyprian, either to die a martyr, or to live an apostate; but on the choice depended the alternative of honor or infamy. Could we suppose that the bishop of Carthage had employed the profession of the Christian faith only as the instrument of his avarice or ambition, it was still incumbent on him to support the character he had assumed; 89 and if he possessed the smallest degree of manly fortitude, rather to expose himself to the most cruel tortures, than by a single act to exchange the reputation of a whole life, for the abhorrence of his Christian brethren, and the contempt of the Gentile world. But if the zeal of Cyprian was supported by the sincere conviction of the truth of those doctrines which he preached, the crown of martyrdom must have appeared to him as an object of desire rather than of terror. It is not easy to extract any distinct ideas from the vague though eloquent declamations of the Fathers, or to ascertain the degree of immortal glory and happiness which they confidently promised to those who were so fortunate as to shed their blood in the cause of religion. 90 They inculcated with becoming diligence, that the fire of martyrdom supplied every defect and expiated every sin; that while the souls of ordinary Christians were obliged to pass through a slow and painful purification, the triumphant sufferers entered into the immediate fruition of eternal bliss, where, in the society of the patriarchs, the apostles, and the prophets, they reigned with Christ, and acted as his assessors in the universal judgment of mankind. The assurance of a lasting reputation upon earth, a motive so congenial to the vanity of human nature, often served to animate the courage of the martyrs.
摆在西普里安面前的,是要么殉道而死,要么叛教而生;而这一抉择,又系着荣与辱的分野。纵然我们假定,迦太基主教信奉基督不过是他贪婪或野心的工具,他也仍旧不得不维持自己既已扮演的角色;89只要他还有一丝大丈夫的刚毅,就宁可去承受最残酷的酷刑,也不愿因一举之失,拿毕生的声誉去换取基督徒弟兄的憎恶、外邦世人的鄙夷。可是,倘若支撑西普里安热忱的,是他对自己所传教义确信不疑,那么殉道的冠冕在他眼中,想必是可欲之物,而非可怖之事。教父们的宣讲雄辩滔滔,却含混空泛,很难从中理出什么明晰的观念,也难断定他们信誓旦旦许给那些有幸为信仰流血之人的,究竟是何等不朽的荣耀与福乐。90他们煞费苦心地反复申说:殉道之火能弥补一切缺陷、涤除一切罪愆;寻常基督徒的灵魂必须经历缓慢而痛苦的炼净,这些凯旋的受难者却能即刻进入永恒的福境,在列祖、使徒与先知的行列中与基督同掌王权,并在对全人类的普世审判中充任基督的陪审。至于身后在世间留下不朽声名的许诺——这一动机极投合人性中的虚荣——也常常用来激励殉道者的勇气。
The honors which Rome or Athens bestowed on those citizens who had fallen in the cause of their country, were cold and unmeaning demonstrations of respect, when compared with the ardent gratitude and devotion which the primitive church expressed towards the victorious champions of the faith. The annual commemoration of their virtues and sufferings was observed as a sacred ceremony, and at length terminated in religious worship. Among the Christians who had publicly confessed their religious principles, those who (as it very frequently happened) had been dismissed from the tribunal or the prisons of the Pagan magistrates, obtained such honors as were justly due to their imperfect martyrdom and their generous resolution. The most pious females courted the permission of imprinting kisses on the fetters which they had worn, and on the wounds which they had received. Their persons were esteemed holy, their decisions were admitted with deference, and they too often abused, by their spiritual pride and licentious manners, the preëminence which their zeal and intrepidity had acquired. 91 Distinctions like these, whilst they display the exalted merit, betray the inconsiderable number of those who suffered, and of those who died, for the profession of Christianity.
罗马或雅典对那些为国捐躯的公民所给予的礼遇,若同早期教会向信仰的凯旋斗士倾注的炽热感激与虔敬相比,便显得冷淡而空洞。每年对这些殉道者德行与苦难的纪念,被奉为神圣的仪典,最终演成一种宗教崇拜。有些基督徒曾公开宣认自己的信仰原则,其后(这种情形极为常见)又被异教官吏从法庭或牢狱释放;他们既经历了不完全的殉道,又怀有慷慨的决意,便理当获得相应的尊荣。最虔诚的妇女争相恳求,要在这些人戴过的镣铐上、受过的伤口上印下亲吻。他们的身体被视为圣洁,他们的裁断也备受敬从;而他们却每每以灵性上的傲慢与放荡的举止,滥用了凭热忱与无畏赢得的崇高地位。91诸如此类的殊荣,固然彰显了受难者卓绝的功德,却也暴露出:为宣认基督教而受苦、乃至舍命的人,其实为数无多。
The sober discretion of the present age will more readily censure than admire, but can more easily admire than imitate, the fervor of the first Christians, who, according to the lively expressions of Sulpicius Severus, desired martyrdom with more eagerness than his own contemporaries solicited a bishopric. 92 The epistles which Ignatius composed as he was carried in chains through the cities of Asia, breathe sentiments the most repugnant to the ordinary feelings of human nature. He earnestly beseeches the Romans, that when he should be exposed in the amphitheatre, they would not, by their kind but unseasonable intercession, deprive him of the crown of glory; and he declares his resolution to provoke and irritate the wild beasts which might be employed as the instruments of his death. 93 Some stories are related of the courage of martyrs, who actually performed what Ignatius had intended; who exasperated the fury of the lions, pressed the executioner to hasten his office, cheerfully leaped into the fires which were kindled to consume them, and discovered a sensation of joy and pleasure in the midst of the most exquisite tortures. Several examples have been preserved of a zeal impatient of those restraints which the emperors had provided for the security of the church. The Christians sometimes supplied by their voluntary declaration the want of an accuser, rudely disturbed the public service of paganism, 94 and rushing in crowds round the tribunal of the magistrates, called upon them to pronounce and to inflict the sentence of the law. The behavior of the Christians was too remarkable to escape the notice of the ancient philosophers; but they seem to have considered it with much less admiration than astonishment. Incapable of conceiving the motives which sometimes transported the fortitude of believers beyond the bounds of prudence or reason, they treated such an eagerness to die as the strange result of obstinate despair, of stupid insensibility, or of superstitious frenzy. 95 “Unhappy men!” exclaimed the proconsul Antoninus to the Christians of Asia; “unhappy men! if you are thus weary of your lives, is it so difficult for you to find ropes and precipices?” 96 He was extremely cautious (as it is observed by a learned and picus historian) of punishing men who had found no accusers but themselves, the Imperial laws not having made any provision for so unexpected a case: condemning therefore a few as a warning to their brethren, he dismissed the multitude with indignation and contempt. 97 Notwithstanding this real or affected disdain, the intrepid constancy of the faithful was productive of more salutary effects on those minds which nature or grace had disposed for the easy reception of religious truth. On these melancholy occasions, there were many among the Gentiles who pitied, who admired, and who were converted. The generous enthusiasm was communicated from the sufferer to the spectators; and the blood of martyrs, according to a well-known observation, became the seed of the church.
当今之世持重明理,对最初那批基督徒的狂热,与其说会赞叹,不如说更会谴责;然而纵能赞叹,却难以效法。按苏尔皮基乌斯·塞维鲁生动的说法,那些人渴求殉道的急切,比他同代人钻营主教之位还要热切。92伊格纳修身系锁链、被押解经过亚细亚各城时写下的书信,字里行间流露的情感,与人之常情最相抵触。他恳切地哀求罗马的信众:待他被投入圆形竞技场受难时,切莫出于好意却不合时宜地代为求情,夺去他荣耀的冠冕;他还宣称,自己决意去挑逗、激怒那些将充作夺命凶器的猛兽。93另有一些故事,讲述殉道者的勇气,说他们竟真做出了伊格纳修所设想之事:有人故意撩起狮子的凶性,有人催促刽子手快些下手,有人欣然跃入为焚烧自己而燃起的烈火,更有人在最惨烈的酷刑之中显出一种欢欣愉悦之情。皇帝为保教会安宁而立下种种约束,却有几桩事例流传下来,足见有人的热忱按捺不住、不甘受此约束。基督徒有时不待旁人指控,便自行招认,弥补了原告的缺位;他们粗暴地搅扰异教的公开祭典,94成群拥到官吏的法庭前,叫嚷着要他们依法宣判、执行刑罚。基督徒的这般举动过于惊人,自然逃不过古代哲人的注意;只是他们看待此事,惊愕远多于钦佩。信徒的坚忍有时会把人推到审慎与理性的界限之外,这背后的动机他们无从体会,便把这种求死的急切,视作顽固绝望、麻木愚钝或迷信癫狂的怪异产物。95“不幸的人啊!”亚细亚代执政官安敦尼对当地的基督徒喊道,“不幸的人啊!你们若这般厌倦自己的性命,难道找根绳子、寻处悬崖竟这么难吗?”96据一位博学而虔敬的史家所述,他极为审慎,不轻易惩处那些除自己之外再无原告的人,因为帝国法律对这种始料未及的情形并无规定;于是他只判处少数几人,以儆其余,对其余众人则满怀愤懑与鄙夷,挥手遣散。97尽管这鄙夷或真或假,信众无畏的坚贞,对那些因天性或神恩而易于接纳宗教真理的心灵,却产生了更为有益的影响。在这些悲怆的场合,外邦人中不乏有人生出怜悯、有人心怀钦佩、有人就此归信。这份慷慨的热忱由受难者传给旁观者;正如一句尽人皆知的名言所说,殉道者的血,成了教会的种子。
But although devotion had raised, and eloquence continued to inflame, this fever of the mind, it insensibly gave way to the more natural hopes and fears of the human heart, to the love of life, the apprehension of pain, and the horror of dissolution. The more prudent rulers of the church found themselves obliged to restrain the indiscreet ardor of their followers, and to distrust a constancy which too often abandoned them in the hour of trial. 98 As the lives of the faithful became less mortified and austere, they were every day less ambitious of the honors of martyrdom; and the soldiers of Christ, instead of distinguishing themselves by voluntary deeds of heroism, frequently deserted their post, and fled in confusion before the enemy whom it was their duty to resist. There were three methods, however, of escaping the flames of persecution, which were not attended with an equal degree of guilt: first, indeed, was generally allowed to be innocent; the second was of a doubtful, or at least of a venial, nature; but the third implied a direct and criminal apostasy from the Christian faith.
然而,这种心灵的狂热虽由虔敬所激起、又靠雄辩不断煽扬,终究还是不知不觉地让位于人心更自然的希冀与畏惧——让位于对生命的眷恋、对痛苦的忧惧和对死亡的恐怖。教会中较为审慎的领袖,发觉自己不得不约束信徒们轻率的热忱,也不敢再信赖那种在考验关头往往弃他们而去的坚贞。98随着信众的生活不再那般刻苦克己,他们对殉道尊荣的向往也日渐淡薄;基督的士兵非但不再以自愿的英勇之举彰显自己,反倒屡屡弃守阵地,在本应抵御的敌人面前仓皇溃逃。不过,躲避迫害之火的法子共有三种,其罪责轻重各不相同:第一种大体公认无可指摘;第二种性质暧昧,至少还算情有可原;第三种却意味着径直而有罪地背弃基督信仰。
I. A modern inquisitor would hear with surprise, that whenever an information was given to a Roman magistrate of any person within his jurisdiction who had embraced the sect of the Christians, the charge was communicated to the party accused, and that a convenient time was allowed him to settle his domestic concerns, and to prepare an answer to the crime which was imputed to him. 99 If he entertained any doubt of his own constancy, such a delay afforded him the opportunity of preserving his life and honor by flight, of withdrawing himself into some obscure retirement or some distant province, and of patiently expecting the return of peace and security. A measure so consonant to reason was soon authorized by the advice and example of the most holy prelates; and seems to have been censured by few except by the Montanists, who deviated into heresy by their strict and obstinate adherence to the rigor of ancient discipline. 100
一、近代的宗教裁判官若听说以下情形,想必会大感诧异:每当有人向罗马官吏告发其辖区内某人皈依了基督教这一教派,官吏便会把控罪转告被告本人,还给他留出充裕的时日,让他料理家务,并就所加于他的罪名准备答辩。99倘若被告对自己能否坚贞有所疑虑,这段延缓正好给了他机会:或凭逃亡保全性命与名节,或隐入某处僻静之地、远走某个偏远行省,静候太平安稳之日重临。这样一条合乎情理的举措,不久便得到最圣洁的高级教士以言以行的认可;除孟他努派外,似乎鲜有人加以非议——孟他努派固执严守古代戒律的苛严,竟因此堕入异端。100
II.The provincial governors, whose zeal was less prevalent than their avarice, had countenanced the practice of selling certificates, (or libels, as they were called,) which attested, that the persons therein mentioned had complied with the laws, and sacrificed to the Roman deities. By producing these false declarations, the opulent and timid Christians were enabled to silence the malice of an informer, and to reconcile in some measure their safety with their religion.101 A slight penance atoned for this profane dissimulation. 1011
二、有些行省总督贪婪甚于热忱,竟纵容一种买卖证书(时人称之为“libelli”)的做法:证书证明持有者已遵行律法,向罗马诸神献过祭。凭出示这类假声明,那些富有而胆怯的基督徒得以堵住告密者的恶意,某种程度上既保住性命,又不至于彻底背弃自己的信仰。101至于这种亵渎神明的作伪,略施苦修便可赎清。1011
III. In every persecution there were great numbers of unworthy Christians who publicly disowned or renounced the faith which they had professed; and who confirmed the sincerity of their abjuration, by the legal acts of burning incense or of offering sacrifices. Some of these apostates had yielded on the first menace or exhortation of the magistrate; whilst the patience of others had been subdued by the length and repetition of tortures. The affrighted countenances of some betrayed their inward remorse, while others advanced with confidence and alacrity to the altars of the gods. 102 But the disguise which fear had imposed, subsisted no longer than the present danger. As soon as the severity of the persecution was abated, the doors of the churches were assailed by the returning multitude of penitents who detested their idolatrous submission, and who solicited with equal ardor, but with various success, their readmission into the society of Christians. 103 1031
三、每逢迫害,总有大批不肖的基督徒公开否认、背弃自己曾宣认的信仰,并以焚香或献祭这类合法行为,来证明弃教之诚。这些叛教者中,有的一经官吏恫吓或劝诱便屈服了;有的则在漫长而反复的酷刑下再难支撑。有人满脸惊惶,暴露出内心的悔恨;有人却信心十足、脚步轻快地走向诸神的祭坛。102然而恐惧强加的这层伪装,只存续于眼前危难之际。迫害的酷烈一经缓和,悔罪者便成群返回,叩击教堂之门;他们痛恨自己当初向偶像屈服,如今同样急切地恳求重归基督徒的团体,只是各人如愿与否不尽相同。1031031
IV. Notwithstanding the general rules established for the conviction and punishment of the Christians, the fate of those sectaries, in an extensive and arbitrary government, must still in a great measure, have depended on their own behavior, the circumstances of the times, and the temper of their supreme as well as subordinate rulers. Zeal might sometimes provoke, and prudence might sometimes avert or assuage, the superstitious fury of the Pagans. A variety of motives might dispose the provincial governors either to enforce or to relax the execution of the laws; and of these motives the most forcible was their regard not only for the public edicts, but for the secret intentions of the emperor, a glance from whose eye was sufficient to kindle or to extinguish the flames of persecution. As often as any occasional severities were exercised in the different parts of the empire, the primitive Christians lamented and perhaps magnified their own sufferings; but the celebrated number of ten persecutions has been determined by the ecclesiastical writers of the fifth century, who possessed a more distinct view of the prosperous or adverse fortunes of the church, from the age of Nero to that of Diocletian. The ingenious parallels of the ten plagues of Egypt, and of the ten horns of the Apocalypse, first suggested this calculation to their minds; and in their application of the faith of prophecy to the truth of history, they were careful to select those reigns which were indeed the most hostile to the Christian cause. 104 But these transient persecutions served only to revive the zeal and to restore the discipline of the faithful; and the moments of extraordinary rigor were compensated by much longer intervals of peace and security. The indifference of some princes, and the indulgence of others, permitted the Christians to enjoy, though not perhaps a legal, yet an actual and public, toleration of their religion.
四、尽管定罪与惩处基督徒已有通行的成规,但在一个幅员辽阔、专断恣意的政权之下,这些教派中人的命运,终究在很大程度上取决于他们自身的举止、时局的情势,以及最高统治者与各级官长的心性脾气。热忱有时会激起异教徒迷信的狂怒,审慎有时又能加以化解或平息。种种动机既可能促使行省总督严格执法,也可能使他们松弛下来;而其中最有力的动机,莫过于他们不仅顾虑公开的敕令,更要揣摩皇帝隐秘的心意——皇帝一个眼色,便足以点燃或熄灭迫害之火。帝国各地每逢偶发的严酷之举,早期基督徒总要哀叹自己的苦难,或许还有所夸大;然而“次迫害”这一著名之数,是由五世纪的教会作家论定的——他们对从尼禄到戴克里先教会盛衰荣枯的历程,看得更为分明。埃及灾与《启示录》中角这两处巧妙的比附,最先在他们心中触发了这一算法;而在把预言的信念套用到历史的实情之时,他们又精心拣选了那些确实对基督教事业最为敌对的朝代。104但这些短暂的迫害,反倒只是重新点燃了信众的热忱、整肃了他们的纪律;格外严酷的时刻,自有更为漫长的太平安稳时期来抵偿。有些君主漠然置之,有些则宽纵包容,遂使基督徒得以享有对其宗教的宽容——这宽容纵然未必合乎法律,却是实际而公开的。

Notes 注释

81
It should seem that these were circular orders, sent at the same time to all the governors. Dionysius (ap. Euseb. l. vii. c. 11) relates the history of his own banishment from Alexandria almost in the same manner. But as he escaped and survived the persecution, we must account him either more or less fortunate than Cyprian.
看来这是一道同时发往各行省总督的通谕。狄奥尼修斯(见 ap. Euseb. l. vii. c. 11)记述自己从亚历山大里亚遭放逐的经过,情形几乎如出一辙。不过他逃过一劫,在这场迫害中幸存,因此我们只能说,他比西普里安要么更幸运、要么更不幸。
82
See Plin. Hist. Natur. v. 3. Cellarius, Geograph. Antiq. part iii. p. 96. Shaw’s Travels, p. 90; and for the adjacent country, (which is terminated by Cape Bona, or the promontory of Mercury,) l’Afrique de Marmol. tom. ii. p. 494. There are the remains of an aqueduct near Curubis, or Curbis, at present altered into Gurbes; and Dr. Shaw read an inscription, which styles that city Colonia Fulvia. The deacon Pontius (in Vit. Cyprian. c. 12) calls it “Apricum et competentem locum, hospitium pro voluntate secretum, et quicquid apponi eis ante promissum est, qui regnum et justitiam Dei quærunt.”
参见 Plin. Hist. Natur. v. 3;Cellarius, Geograph. Antiq. part iii. p. 96;Shaw’s Travels, p. 90;至于邻近一带(其尽头即博纳角,又称墨丘利海角),见 l’Afrique de Marmol. tom. ii. p. 494。库鲁比斯(或作 Curbis,今已改名 Gurbes)附近尚存一处引水渠的遗迹;肖博士曾读到一方铭文,称该城为 Colonia Fulvia。执事蓬提乌斯(见 in Vit. Cyprian. c. 12)称此地为“Apricum et competentem locum, hospitium pro voluntate secretum, et quicquid apponi eis ante promissum est, qui regnum et justitiam Dei quærunt.”(意谓:阳光和煦、宜人得所,一处随心而居的隐蔽栖止;凡追求上帝之国与公义者所应得的一切,皆备于此。)
83
See Cyprian. Epistol. 77, edit. Fell.
参见 Cyprian. Epistol. 77, edit. Fell。
84
Upon his conversion, he had sold those gardens for the benefit of the poor. The indulgence of God (most probably the liberality of some Christian friend) restored them to Cyprian. See Pontius, c. 15.
西普里安皈依之初,曾变卖这些园林以周济穷人。后来上帝开恩(多半是某位基督徒友人的慷慨),又把它们归还给了他。参见 Pontius, c. 15。
85
When Cyprian; a twelvemonth before, was sent into exile, he dreamt that he should be put to death the next day. The event made it necessary to explain that word, as signifying a year. Pontius, c. 12.
西普里安一年前被流放时,曾梦见自己次日即将处死。后来的事态迫使人们把梦中的“次日”解作“一年”。见 Pontius, c. 12。
8511
This was not, as it appears, the motive which induced St. Cyprian to conceal himself for a short time; he was threatened to be carried to Utica; he preferred remaining at Carthage, in order to suffer martyrdom in the midst of his flock, and in order that his death might conduce to the edification of those whom he had guided during life. Such, at least, is his own explanation of his conduct in one of his letters: Cum perlatum ad nos fuisset, fratres carissimi, frumentarios esse missos qui me Uticam per ducerent, consilioque carissimorum persuasum est, ut de hortis interim recederemus, justa interveniente causâ, consensi; eo quod congruat episcopum in eâ civitate, in quâ Ecclesiæ dominicæ præest, illie. Dominum confiteri et plebem universam præpositi præsentis confessione clarificari Ep. 83.—G
看来,促使圣西普里安暂时藏身的,并非这一动机;当时有人威胁要把他押往乌提卡,他却宁愿留在迦太基,以便在自己的羊群当中殉道,好让他的死有益于那些他生前所牧养之人的灵性造就。至少,他本人在一封书信里正是这样解释自己举动的:Cum perlatum ad nos fuisset, fratres carissimi, frumentarios esse missos qui me Uticam per ducerent, consilioque carissimorum persuasum est, ut de hortis interim recederemus, justa interveniente causâ, consensi; eo quod congruat episcopum in eâ civitate, in quâ Ecclesiæ dominicæ præest, illie. Dominum confiteri et plebem universam præpositi præsentis confessione clarificari. Ep. 83.(大意:最亲爱的弟兄们,当有消息传来,说已派出军粮官要将我押往乌提卡,承蒙至亲友人劝告,要我暂且离开园林;既有正当缘由,我便应允了;因为主教理应在自己所主领之主的教会所在的那座城中承认主,并使全体会众因主领者当众的认信而得荣耀。)—G
86
Pontius (c. 15) acknowledges that Cyprian, with whom he supped, passed the night custodia delicata. The bishop exercised a last and very proper act of jurisdiction, by directing that the younger females, who watched in the streets, should be removed from the dangers and temptations of a nocturnal crowd. Act. Preconsularia, c. 2.
蓬提乌斯(c. 15)承认,他曾与西普里安同席晚餐,而西普里安那一夜是在 custodia delicata(宽松的看守)之下度过的。这位主教行使了最后一次、也十分得体的管辖之权:他吩咐把那些守候在街上的年轻女子遣走,以免她们置身夜间人群的危险与诱惑之中。见 Act. Preconsularia, c. 2。
87
See the original sentence in the Acts, c. 4; and in Pontius, c. 17 The latter expresses it in a more rhetorical manner.
判决原文见 the Acts, c. 4,以及 Pontius, c. 17;后者的措辞更富修辞色彩。
8711
There is nothing in the life of St. Cyprian, by Pontius, nor in the ancient manuscripts, which can make us suppose that the presbyters and deacons in their clerical character, and known to be such, had the permission to attend their holy bishop. Setting aside all religious considerations, it is impossible not to be surprised at the kind of complaisance with which the historian here insists, in favor of the persecutors, on some mitigating circumstances allowed at the death of a man whose only crime was maintaining his own opinions with frankness and courage.—G.
无论是蓬提乌斯所撰的圣西普里安传,还是古代的各种抄本,都找不到任何依据,能让我们设想那些长老与执事是以其明白无误的教士身份获准陪伴他们圣洁的主教的。撇开一切宗教考量不谈,史家(指吉本)在此偏袒迫害者,一味强调这个人临死时所获的若干从宽情节——而此人唯一的罪过,不过是坦率而勇敢地坚持己见——他这种曲意迁就,实在令人不能不惊讶。—G。
88
Pontius, c. 19. M. de Tillemont (Mémoires, tom. iv. part i. p. 450, note 50) is not pleased with so positive an exclusion of any former martyr of the episcopal rank. * Note: M. de. Tillemont, as an honest writer, explains the difficulties which he felt about the text of Pontius, and concludes by distinctly stating, that without doubt there is some mistake, and that Pontius must have meant only Africa Minor or Carthage; for St. Cyprian, in his 58th (69th) letter addressed to Pupianus, speaks expressly of many bishops his colleagues, qui proscripti sunt, vel apprehensi in carcere et catenis fuerunt; aut qui in exilium relegati, illustri itinere ed Dominum profecti sunt; aut qui quibusdam locis animadversi, cœlestes coronas de Domini clarificatione sumpserunt.—G.
Pontius, c. 19。蒂耶蒙先生(Mémoires, tom. iv. part i. p. 450, note 50)对如此断然地排除此前任何具主教品级的殉道者,颇为不满。按:蒂耶蒙先生不愧为诚实的作者,他坦陈自己在蓬提乌斯原文上所感到的疑难,最后明确断言:此处无疑有误,蓬提乌斯所指必定只是小阿非利加或迦太基而已;因为圣西普里安在其致普皮阿努斯的第五十八(即第六十九)封书信中,曾明白提到许多身为其同侪的主教——qui proscripti sunt, vel apprehensi in carcere et catenis fuerunt; aut qui in exilium relegati, illustri itinere ed Dominum profecti sunt; aut qui quibusdam locis animadversi, cœlestes coronas de Domini clarificatione sumpserunt.(意谓:他们或遭褫夺、放逐,或被捕下狱、身系锁链;或被流放,踏上通向主的荣耀之途;或在某些地方被处决,因主的荣显而领受了天上的冠冕。)—G。
89
Whatever opinion we may entertain of the character or principles of Thomas Becket, we must acknowledge that he suffered death with a constancy not unworthy of the primitive martyrs. See Lord Lyttleton’s History of Henry II. vol. ii. p. 592, &c.
无论我们对托马斯·贝克特的品格或原则作何评判,都必须承认,他赴死时的坚贞,无愧于早期的殉道者。参见利特尔顿勋爵《亨利二世史》(History of Henry II)vol. ii. p. 592 及以下。
90
See in particular the treatise of Cyprian de Lapsis, p. 87-98, edit. Fell. The learning of Dodwell (Dissertat. Cyprianic. xii. xiii.,) and the ingenuity of Middleton, (Free Inquiry, p. 162, &c.,) have left scarcely any thing to add concerning the merit, the honors, and the motives of the martyrs.
尤可参见西普里安的论著 de Lapsis(《论堕落者》),p. 87–98, edit. Fell。关于殉道者的功德、荣誉与动机,多德韦尔的博学(Dissertat. Cyprianic. xii. xiii.)与米德尔顿的睿智(Free Inquiry, p. 162 及以下)已几乎不留任何可补充的余地。
91
Cyprian. Epistol. 5, 6, 7, 22, 24; and de Unitat. Ecclesiæ. The number of pretended martyrs has been very much multiplied, by the custom which was introduced of bestowing that honorable name on confessors. Note: M. Guizot denies that the letters of Cyprian, to which he refers, bear out the statement in the text. I cannot scruple to admit the accuracy of Gibbon’s quotation. To take only the fifth letter, we find this passage: Doleo enim quando audio quosdam improbe et insolenter discurrere, et ad ineptian vel ad discordias vacare, Christi membra et jam Christum confessa per concubitûs illicitos inquinari, nec a diaconis aut presbyteris regi posse, sed id agere ut per paucorum pravos et malos mores, multorum et bonorum confessorum gloria honesta maculetur. Gibbon’s misrepresentation lies in the ambiguous expression “too often.” Were the epistles arranged in a different manner in the edition consulted by M. Guizot?—M.
Cyprian. Epistol. 5, 6, 7, 22, 24;以及 de Unitat. Ecclesiæ(《论教会的合一》)。由于后来兴起一种把“认信者”这一尊名也授予他们的习俗,所谓殉道者的人数便大大增多了。按:基佐先生否认西普里安的那几封书信足以支持正文的说法,我却不能不承认吉本引证的准确。单以第五封书信为例,便可见到这样一段:Doleo enim quando audio quosdam improbe et insolenter discurrere, et ad ineptian vel ad discordias vacare, Christi membra et jam Christum confessa per concubitûs illicitos inquinari, nec a diaconis aut presbyteris regi posse, sed id agere ut per paucorum pravos et malos mores, multorum et bonorum confessorum gloria honesta maculetur.(大意:我实在痛心,每当听闻有些人放肆无礼地四处招摇,沉溺于无聊或纷争,身为基督的肢体、且已认信基督,却因非法的苟合而玷污自身,既不肯受执事或长老管束,反倒任凭少数人的败德恶行,使众多良善认信者应得的荣耀蒙羞。)吉本失实之处,在于“too often(往往)”这一含混的措辞。莫非基佐先生所据版本中,这些书信的编次另有不同?—M。
92
Certatim gloriosa in certamina ruebatur; multique avidius tum martyria gloriosis mortibus quærebantur, quam nunc Episcopatus pravis ambitionibus appetuntur. Sulpicius Severus, l. ii. He might have omitted the word nunc.
Certatim gloriosa in certamina ruebatur; multique avidius tum martyria gloriosis mortibus quærebantur, quam nunc Episcopatus pravis ambitionibus appetuntur.(大意:人们争先恐后地冲向光荣的搏斗;当时众人以壮烈之死追求殉道的热切,更甚于如今世人以卑劣的野心觊觎主教之职。)见 Sulpicius Severus, l. ii。他本可略去 nunc(“如今”)一词。
93
See Epist. ad Roman. c. 4, 5, ap. Patres Apostol. tom. ii. p. 27. It suited the purpose of Bishop Pearson (see Vindiciæ Ignatianæ, part ii. c. 9) to justify, by a profusion of examples and authorities, the sentiments of Ignatius.
见 Epist. ad Roman. c. 4, 5, ap. Patres Apostol. tom. ii. p. 27。皮尔逊主教(见 Vindiciæ Ignatianæ, part ii. c. 9)为其目的所需,征引大量例证与权威,为伊格纳修的这番情感辩护。
94
The story of Polyeuctes, on which Corneille has founded a very beautiful tragedy, is one of the most celebrated, though not perhaps the most authentic, instances of this excessive zeal. We should observe, that the 60th canon of the council of Illiberis refuses the title of martyrs to those who exposed themselves to death, by publicly destroying the idols.
波利耶克特斯的故事——高乃依据此写成一部极美的悲剧——是这种过度热忱最著名的例证之一,尽管未必最为可信。我们应当注意,伊利贝里斯会议第六十条教规,拒绝把殉道者的名号授予那些因公开捣毁偶像而自蹈死地的人。
95
See Epictetus, l. iv. c. 7, (though there is some doubt whether he alludes to the Christians.) Marcus Antoninus de Rebus suis, l. xi. c. 3 Lucian in Peregrin.
见 Epictetus, l. iv. c. 7(尽管尚不确定他是否影射基督徒);Marcus Antoninus de Rebus suis, l. xi. c. 3;Lucian in Peregrin。
96
Tertullian ad Scapul. c. 5. The learned are divided between three persons of the same name, who were all proconsuls of Asia. I am inclined to ascribe this story to Antoninus Pius, who was afterwards emperor; and who may have governed Asia under the reign of Trajan.
Tertullian ad Scapul. c. 5。学者们在三位同名者之间意见不一,这三人都曾任亚细亚代执政官。我倾向于把这个故事归到后来做了皇帝的安敦尼·庇护身上;他或许曾在图拉真在位时治理亚细亚。
97
Mosheim, de Rebus Christ, ante Constantin. p. 235.
Mosheim, de Rebus Christ, ante Constantin. p. 235。
98
See the Epistle of the Church of Smyrna, ap. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. Liv. c. 15 Note: The 15th chapter of the 10th book of the Eccles. History of Eusebius treats principally of the martyrdom of St. Polycarp, and mentions some other martyrs. A single example of weakness is related; it is that of a Phrygian named Quintus, who, appalled at the sight of the wild beasts and the tortures, renounced his faith. This example proves little against the mass of Christians, and this chapter of Eusebius furnished much stronger evidence of their courage than of their timidity.—G——This Quintus had, however, rashly and of his own accord appeared before the tribunal; and the church of Smyrna condemn “his indiscreet ardor*,” coupled as it was with weakness in the hour of trial.—M.
见士麦那教会的书信,ap. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. l. iv. c. 15。按:优西比乌《教会史》第十卷第十五章主要记述圣波利卡普的殉道,并提及另外几位殉道者。其中只叙述了一桩软弱的例子,即一个名叫昆图斯的弗里吉亚人,他一见猛兽与酷刑便惊恐失色,弃绝了信仰。这个例子并不足以驳倒基督徒的整体,而优西比乌这一章为他们的勇气所提供的证据,远比为他们的怯懦所提供的有力得多。—G。——不过这个昆图斯是自己贸然、主动跑到法庭前去的;士麦那教会谴责了“他那轻率的热忱”,何况这热忱又与考验关头的软弱相伴。—M。
99
In the second apology of Justin, there is a particular and very curious instance of this legal delay. The same indulgence was granted to accused Christians, in the persecution of Decius: and Cyprian (de Lapsis) expressly mentions the “Dies negantibus præstitutus.” * Note: The examples drawn by the historian from Justin Martyr and Cyprian relate altogether to particular cases, and prove nothing as to the general practice adopted towards the accused; it is evident, on the contrary, from the same apology of St. Justin, that they hardly ever obtained delay. “A man named Lucius, himself a Christian, present at an unjust sentence passed against a Christian by the judge Urbicus, asked him why he thus punished a man who was neither adulterer nor robber, nor guilty of any other crime but that of avowing himself a Christian.” Urbicus answered only in these words: “Thou also hast the appearance of being a Christian.” “Yes, without doubt,” replied Lucius. The judge ordered that he should be put to death on the instant. A third, who came up, was condemned to be beaten with rods. Here, then, are three examples where no delay was granted.——[Surely these acts of a single passionate and irritated judge prove the general practice as little as those quoted by Gibbon.—M.] There exist a multitude of others, such as those of Ptolemy, Marcellus, &c. Justin expressly charges the judges with ordering the accused to be executed without hearing the cause. The words of St. Cyprian are as particular, and simply say, that he had appointed a day by which the Christians must have renounced their faith; those who had not done it by that time were condemned.—G. This confirms the statement in the text.—M.
查士丁的第二篇《护教辞》中,有一桩关于这种合法延缓的特别而奇异的实例。德西乌斯迫害期间,被控的基督徒也得到同样的宽待:西普里安(见 de Lapsis)明确提到“Dies negantibus præstitutus”(给予否认信仰者的期限)。按:史家从殉道者查士丁与西普里安处援引的例子,全然只涉及个别情形,丝毫不能说明对待被告的通行做法;恰恰相反,从圣查士丁同一篇护教辞中可以清楚看出,他们几乎从未获得延缓。“有个名叫卢基乌斯的人,自己也是基督徒,他在场目睹法官乌尔比库斯对一名基督徒作出不公的判决,便质问法官:此人既非奸夫,又非盗匪,除了自认基督徒外别无罪愆,为何要这样惩罚他?”乌尔比库斯只答了一句:“你看上去也是个基督徒。”卢基乌斯回道:“不错,毫无疑问。”法官当即下令将他处死。第三个人上前,被判处笞刑。可见,这里就有三个不曾获准延缓的例子。——〔诚然,这些不过是一个易怒而动了肝火的法官的一时之举,和吉本所引的那些一样,同样说明不了通行的做法。—M〕此外还有许许多多这类事例,如托勒密、马塞勒斯等人的遭遇。查士丁明确指责法官不审案由便下令处决被告。圣西普里安的话同样具体,只说他曾指定一个期限,基督徒须在此前弃绝信仰;逾期未弃者即被定罪。—G。此语印证了正文的说法。—M。
100
Tertullian considers flight from persecution as an imperfect, but very criminal, apostasy, as an impious attempt to elude the will of God, &c., &c. He has written a treatise on this subject, (see p. 536—544, edit. Rigalt.,) which is filled with the wildest fanaticism and the most incoherent declamation. It is, however, somewhat remarkable, that Tertullian did not suffer martyrdom himself.
德尔图良把逃避迫害看作一种虽不完全、却极有罪的叛教,视之为妄图规避上帝旨意的渎神之举,如此等等。他就此题目写过一篇论著(见 p. 536–544, edit. Rigalt.),通篇充斥着最狂悖的偏执与最语无伦次的高谈阔论。不过有一点颇值得玩味:德尔图良本人并未殉道。
101
The libellatici, who are chiefly known by the writings of Cyprian, are described with the utmost precision, in the copious commentary of Mosheim, p. 483—489.
这些 libellatici(持证书者)主要因西普里安的著作而为人所知;莫斯海姆的详尽注释(p. 483–489)对他们作了极为精确的描述。
1011
The penance was not so slight, for it was exactly the same with that of apostates who had sacrificed to idols; it lasted several years. See Fleun Hist. Ecc. v. ii. p. 171.—G.
这苦修其实并不轻,因为它与那些向偶像献过祭的叛教者所受的完全一样,须持续数年之久。参见 Fleun Hist. Ecc. v. ii. p. 171。—G。
102
Plin. Epist. x. 97. Dionysius Alexandrin. ap. Euseb. l. vi. c. 41. Ad prima statim verba minantis inimici maximus fratrum numerus fidem suam prodidit: nec prostratus est persecutionis impetu, sed voluntario lapsu seipsum prostravit. Cyprian. Opera, p. 89. Among these deserters were many priests, and even bishops.
Plin. Epist. x. 97;Dionysius Alexandrin. ap. Euseb. l. vi. c. 41。Ad prima statim verba minantis inimici maximus fratrum numerus fidem suam prodidit: nec prostratus est persecutionis impetu, sed voluntario lapsu seipsum prostravit.(大意:仇敌刚一出言恫吓,便有极多的弟兄出卖了自己的信仰;他们并非被迫害的冲击所击倒,而是自甘堕落、自行仆倒。)见 Cyprian. Opera, p. 89。这些变节者中,不乏司铎,甚至还有主教。
103
It was on this occasion that Cyprian wrote his treatise De Lapsis, and many of his epistles. The controversy concerning the treatment of penitent apostates, does not occur among the Christians of the preceding century. Shall we ascribe this to the superiority of their faith and courage, or to our less intimate knowledge of their history!
正是借着这一时机,西普里安写下了他的论著 de Lapsis(《论堕落者》)以及许多书信。关于如何对待悔罪叛教者的争论,在前一世纪的基督徒中间并不曾出现。我们究竟该把这归因于他们信仰与勇气的过人,还是归因于我们对其历史所知不深呢?
1031
Pliny says, that the greater part of the Christians persisted in avowing themselves to be so; the reason for his consulting Trajan was the periclitantium numerus. Eusebius (l. vi. c. 41) does not permit us to doubt that the number of those who renounced their faith was infinitely below the number of those who boldly confessed it. The prefect, he says and his assessors present at the council, were alarmed at seeing the crowd of Christians; the judges themselves trembled. Lastly, St. Cyprian informs us, that the greater part of those who had appeared weak brethren in the persecution of Decius, signalized their courage in that of Gallius. Steterunt fortes, et ipso dolore pœnitentiæ facti ad prælium fortiores Epist. lx. p. 142.—G.
普林尼说,大多数基督徒始终坚持自认这一身份;他之所以要请示图拉真,正是因为受牵连者人数众多(periclitantium numerus)。优西比乌(l. vi. c. 41)让我们无从怀疑:弃绝信仰者的人数,远远少于那些勇敢认信之人。他说,那位地方长官及其列席会审的助审官员,一见基督徒人山人海便惊惶起来,连法官们也不禁战栗。最后,圣西普里安告诉我们,在德西乌斯迫害中显得软弱的弟兄,大多在加卢斯迫害时彰显了勇气。Steterunt fortes, et ipso dolore pœnitentiæ facti ad prælium fortiores.(大意:他们坚立不屈,且因悔罪之痛而在战斗中愈发刚强。)见 Epist. lx. p. 142。—G。
104
See Mosheim, p. 97. Sulpicius Severus was the first author of this computation; though he seemed desirous of reserving the tenth and greatest persecution for the coming of the Antichrist.
参见 Mosheim, p. 97。苏尔皮基乌斯·塞维鲁是这一算法的首创者;不过他似乎有意把第十次、也是最大的一次迫害,留给敌基督的降临。