Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part III. 第十六章 从尼禄到君士坦丁对待基督徒的方针——第三节
Chapter XVI: Conduct Towards The Christians, From Nero To Constantine.—Part III.
第十六章 从尼禄到君士坦丁对待基督徒的方针——第三节
The answer of Trajan, to which the Christians of the succeeding age have frequently appealed, discovers as much regard for justice and humanity as could be reconciled with his mistaken notions of religious policy. 59 Instead of displaying the implacable zeal of an inquisitor, anxious to discover the most minute particles of heresy, and exulting in the number of his victims, the emperor expresses much more solicitude to protect the security of the innocent, than to prevent the escape of the guilty. He acknowledged the difficulty of fixing any general plan; but he lays down two salutary rules, which often afforded relief and support to the distressed Christians. Though he directs the magistrates to punish such persons as are legally convicted, he prohibits them, with a very humane inconsistency, from making any inquiries concerning the supposed criminals. Nor was the magistrate allowed to proceed on every kind of information. Anonymous charges the emperor rejects, as too repugnant to the equity of his government; and he strictly requires, for the conviction of those to whom the guilt of Christianity is imputed, the positive evidence of a fair and open accuser. It is likewise probable, that the persons who assumed so invidiuous an office, were obliged to declare the grounds of their suspicions, to specify (both in respect to time and place) the secret assemblies, which their Christian adversary had frequented, and to disclose a great number of circumstances, which were concealed with the most vigilant jealousy from the eye of the profane. If they succeeded in their prosecution, they were exposed to the resentment of a considerable and active party, to the censure of the more liberal portion of mankind, and to the ignominy which, in every age and country, has attended the character of an informer. If, on the contrary, they failed in their proofs, they incurred the severe and perhaps capital penalty, which, according to a law published by the emperor Hadrian, was inflicted on those who falsely attributed to their fellow-citizens the crime of Christianity. The violence of personal or superstitious animosity might sometimes prevail over the most natural apprehensions of disgrace and danger but it cannot surely be imagined, 60 that accusations of so unpromising an appearance were either lightly or frequently undertaken by the Pagan subjects of the Roman empire. 6011
图拉真那道批复,后世基督徒屡屡援引;在其错误的宗教政策观念所能容许的范围内,它已尽可能地顾及了公正与仁道。59 他没有像宗教裁判官那样怀着不共戴天的狂热,唯恐漏查任何一星半点的异端,并以罹难者之众而洋洋自得;相反,这位皇帝所挂念的,与其说是不让有罪者漏网,不如说是护全无辜者的安宁。他承认难以订立通行的成规,却立下两条有益的准则,屡屡使处境艰难的基督徒得到宽解与庇护。他一面吩咐官员依法惩处已定罪之人,一面又禁止他们主动查缉这些嫌疑犯——此中虽自相矛盾,却透着几分仁厚。而且,官员也不得凭任何一种告发便径行审办。匿名的指控,皇帝一概驳回,认为这与其政务的公道格格不入;凡被指为犯有基督教之“罪”者,若要定罪,他严格要求必须有一位光明正大、公开出面的原告提供确凿证据。同样可以想见,凡担此招怨差事的人,还须陈明其怀疑的依据,指明其基督徒对头常去的那些秘密聚会在何时、何地举行,并披露种种内情——而这些内情,基督徒素来严防死守,绝不容外人窥知。告发若得逞,他们便要招致一个人数众多、行动积极的群体的怨恨,招致世人中较为通达者的谴责,还要背上告密者之名——无论何时何地,此等身份都为人所不齿。反之,若举证不成,他们便要受到严惩,甚至可能被处死;因为按哈德良皇帝颁布的一条法律,凡诬指同胞犯有基督教之罪者,都要受此刑罚。私仇或迷信所生的敌意,有时固然会压过人对耻辱与危险最自然的顾虑;但断乎不能设想,60 罗马帝国的异教臣民会轻率地、频繁地去提起这种胜算渺茫的控告。6011
The expedient which was employed to elude the prudence of the laws, affords a sufficient proof how effectually they disappointed the mischievous designs of private malice or superstitious zeal. In a large and tumultuous assembly, the restraints of fear and shame, so forcible on the minds of individuals, are deprived of the greatest part of their influence. The pious Christian, as he was desirous to obtain, or to escape, the glory of martyrdom, expected, either with impatience or with terror, the stated returns of the public games and festivals. On those occasions the inhabitants of the great cities of the empire were collected in the circus or the theatre, where every circumstance of the place, as well as of the ceremony, contributed to kindle their devotion, and to extinguish their humanity. Whilst the numerous spectators, crowned with garlands, perfumed with incense, purified with the blood of victims, and surrounded with the altars and statues of their tutelar deities, resigned themselves to the enjoyment of pleasures, which they considered as an essential part of their religious worship, they recollected, that the Christians alone abhorred the gods of mankind, and by their absence and melancholy on these solemn festivals, seemed to insult or to lament the public felicity. If the empire had been afflicted by any recent calamity, by a plague, a famine, or an unsuccessful war; if the Tyber had, or if the Nile had not, risen beyond its banks; if the earth had shaken, or if the temperate order of the seasons had been interrupted, the superstitious Pagans were convinced that the crimes and the impiety of the Christians, who were spared by the excessive lenity of the government, had at length provoked the divine justice. It was not among a licentious and exasperated populace, that the forms of legal proceedings could be observed; it was not in an amphitheatre, stained with the blood of wild beasts and gladiators, that the voice of compassion could be heard. The impatient clamors of the multitude denounced the Christians as the enemies of gods and men, doomed them to the severest tortures, and venturing to accuse by name some of the most distinguished of the new sectaries, required with irresistible vehemence that they should be instantly apprehended and cast to the lions. 61 The provincial governors and magistrates who presided in the public spectacles were usually inclined to gratify the inclinations, and to appease the rage, of the people, by the sacrifice of a few obnoxious victims. But the wisdom of the emperors protected the church from the danger of these tumultuous clamors and irregular accusations, which they justly censured as repugnant both to the firmness and to the equity of their administration. The edicts of Hadrian and of Antoninus Pius expressly declared, that the voice of the multitude should never be admitted as legal evidence to convict or to punish those unfortunate persons who had embraced the enthusiasm of the Christians. 62
人们想出种种花招来规避这些法律的审慎防范,恰恰有力地证明了它们何等成功地挫败了私人恶意或迷信狂热的险恶图谋。在人多喧闹的群集之中,恐惧与羞耻对个人心灵本有强大的约束,此时却大半失效。虔诚的基督徒,或渴望博取殉道的荣耀,或极力想躲开它,便怀着急切或恐惧的心情,等候公共竞技与节庆按期到来。每逢此时,帝国各大城市的居民便齐集于竞技场或剧场;无论场所本身还是仪典的种种排场,都在煽起他们的宗教热忱,同时泯灭他们的恻隐之心。众多观众头戴花冠,遍体熏香,以牲血净身,四周环立着守护神的祭坛与雕像;他们纵情享受这些欢愉,并视之为宗教崇拜不可或缺的一部分。就在此刻,他们记起:唯独基督徒憎恶人所共奉的诸神,且在这些庄严的节庆里避不露面、郁郁寡欢,仿佛在侮慢、抑或在哀悼这举国的欢乐。帝国但凡新遭什么祸殃——瘟疫、饥荒,或一场败仗;台伯河若泛滥出岸,尼罗河若不涨溢;大地若震颤,四时若失其温和的常序——迷信的异教徒便深信:政府一味姑息、放过了基督徒,而基督徒的罪愆与不敬,终于触怒了神明的公义。在一群放纵而狂怒的民众当中,法律程序的规矩是无从遵守的;在一座浸透了野兽与角斗士之血的圆形竞技场里,怜悯之声也是无人肯听的。群众按捺不住的鼓噪声,把基督徒斥为神与人的公敌,判他们受最酷的刑罚;他们甚至指名道姓地控告这新教派中一些最著名的人物,气势汹汹、势不可挡地要求当场将其拿下、抛给狮子。61 主持这些公开场面的行省总督与官员,通常乐得牺牲几个招人厌恶的对象,以迎合民意、平息众怒。然而历代皇帝毕竟明智,使教会免遭这类喧嚣鼓噪与不合规程的指控之害;在他们看来,这类做法既有损于施政的稳健,又有悖于施政的公道,理应予以谴责。哈德良与安敦尼·庇护的敕令明白宣告:群众的呼声,绝不可采为合法证据,据以给那些皈依了基督徒狂热信仰的不幸者定罪或施刑。62
III. Punishment was not the inevitable consequence of conviction, and the Christians, whose guilt was the most clearly proved by the testimony of witnesses, or even by their voluntary confession, still retained in their own power the alternative of life or death. It was not so much the past offence, as the actual resistance, which excited the indignation of the magistrate. He was persuaded that he offered them an easy pardon, since, if they consented to cast a few grains of incense upon the altar, they were dismissed from the tribunal in safety and with applause. It was esteemed the duty of a humane judge to endeavor to reclaim, rather than to punish, those deluded enthusiasts. Varying his tone according to the age, the sex, or the situation of the prisoners, he frequently condescended to set before their eyes every circumstance which could render life more pleasing, or death more terrible; and to solicit, nay, to entreat, them, that they would show some compassion to themselves, to their families, and to their friends. 63 If threats and persuasions proved ineffectual, he had often recourse to violence; the scourge and the rack were called in to supply the deficiency of argument, and every art of cruelty was employed to subdue such inflexible, and, as it appeared to the Pagans, such criminal, obstinacy. The ancient apologists of Christianity have censured, with equal truth and severity, the irregular conduct of their persecutors who, contrary to every principle of judicial proceeding, admitted the use of torture, in order to obtain, not a confession, but a denial, of the crime which was the object of their inquiry. 64 The monks of succeeding ages, who, in their peaceful solitudes, entertained themselves with diversifying the deaths and sufferings of the primitive martyrs, have frequently invented torments of a much more refined and ingenious nature. In particular, it has pleased them to suppose, that the zeal of the Roman magistrates, disdaining every consideration of moral virtue or public decency, endeavored to seduce those whom they were unable to vanquish, and that by their orders the most brutal violence was offered to those whom they found it impossible to seduce. It is related, that females, who were prepared to despise death, were sometimes condemned to a more severe trial, 6411 and called upon to determine whether they set a higher value on their religion or on their chastity. The youths to whose licentious embraces they were abandoned, received a solemn exhortation from the judge, to exert their most strenuous efforts to maintain the honor of Venus against the impious virgin who refused to burn incense on her altars. Their violence, however, was commonly disappointed, and the seasonable interposition of some miraculous power preserved the chaste spouses of Christ from the dishonor even of an involuntary defeat. We should not indeed neglect to remark, that the more ancient as well as authentic memorials of the church are seldom polluted with these extravagant and indecent fictions. 65
三、定罪未必就要受刑。即便有证人作证、甚至有本人自供,罪状再清楚不过的基督徒,是生是死,抉择仍操在他们自己手中。真正激起官员愤慨的,与其说是过往的罪行,不如说是当下的顽抗。在他看来,自己开出的赦免条件已经十分宽易:只要他们肯往祭坛上撒几粒香,便可平安无事,还能在一片喝彩声中走出公堂。当时公认,仁厚的法官对这些执迷的狂热者,理应设法感化,而非施以刑罚。他会依囚犯的年龄、性别或身份而变换口吻,往往还屈尊向他们细数种种情形——凡能叫人觉得活着更可留恋、或死去更为可怖的,都一一摆在他们眼前;他劝说他们,甚至恳求他们,对自己、对家人、对亲友,总要存几分怜惜。63 威吓与规劝若都无济于事,他往往便诉诸暴力:言语说不动,就搬出鞭子与刑架来补其不足,用尽种种酷虐的手段,去压服这般刚强不屈、在异教徒看来简直是有罪的固执。古时的基督教护教士曾谴责迫害者行事不循法度,其言既真切又严厉:这些人违背审判的一切原则,动用酷刑,所要逼出的竟不是对所查罪行的招认,而是否认。64 后世的修士,在其宁静的隐居之地,以翻新初代殉道者的死状与苦难自娱,往往臆造出种种更为精巧别致的酷刑。他们尤其津津乐道地设想:罗马官员的狂热全然不顾道德操守与体统,对那些无法制服的人便企图诱其失节,对那些诱之不成的人则下令施以最野蛮的强暴。据说,有些已准备好视死如归的女子,有时被判处一种更严酷的考验,6411 逼她们抉择:究竟是信仰更可贵,还是贞操更可贵。她们被交给一些青年男子任其淫辱,而法官还郑重告诫这些青年:务必竭尽全力,去维护维纳斯的尊荣,对抗这拒绝在其祭坛焚香的不敬贞女。然而这些人的暴行往往落空:某种神力总会及时出手相助,使基督的贞洁新妇免于蒙羞——哪怕只是身不由己的失败。不过我们也确实不应忽略一点:教会中更古老、也更可靠的史料,鲜有被这类荒诞而猥亵的虚构所玷污。65
The total disregard of truth and probability in the representation of these primitive martyrdoms was occasioned by a very natural mistake. The ecclesiastical writers of the fourth or fifth centuries ascribed to the magistrates of Rome the same degree of implacable and unrelenting zeal which filled their own breasts against the heretics or the idolaters of their own times.
这些初代殉道故事的描写全然不顾事实与情理,其根由在于一个再自然不过的误会。四、五世纪的教会作者,把自己胸中对当世异端或偶像崇拜者所怀的那种不共戴天、毫不容情的狂热,一并算到了罗马官员头上。
It is not improbable that some of those persons who were raised to the dignities of the empire, might have imbibed the prejudices of the populace, and that the cruel disposition of others might occasionally be stimulated by motives of avarice or of personal resentment. 66 But it is certain, and we may appeal to the grateful confessions of the first Christians, that the greatest part of those magistrates who exercised in the provinces the authority of the emperor, or of the senate, and to whose hands alone the jurisdiction of life and death was intrusted, behaved like men of polished manners and liberal education, who respected the rules of justice, and who were conversant with the precepts of philosophy. They frequently declined the odious task of persecution, dismissed the charge with contempt, or suggested to the accused Christian some legal evasion, by which he might elude the severity of the laws. 67 Whenever they were invested with a discretionary power, 68 they used it much less for the oppression, than for the relief and benefit of the afflicted church. They were far from condemning all the Christians who were accused before their tribunal, and very far from punishing with death all those who were convicted of an obstinate adherence to the new superstition. Contenting themselves, for the most part, with the milder chastisements of imprisonment, exile, or slavery in the mines, 69 they left the unhappy victims of their justice some reason to hope, that a prosperous event, the accession, the marriage, or the triumph of an emperor, might speedily restore them, by a general pardon, to their former state. The martyrs, devoted to immediate execution by the Roman magistrates, appear to have been selected from the most opposite extremes. They were either bishops and presbyters, the persons the most distinguished among the Christians by their rank and influence, and whose example might strike terror into the whole sect; 70 or else they were the meanest and most abject among them, particularly those of the servile condition, whose lives were esteemed of little value, and whose sufferings were viewed by the ancients with too careless an indifference. 71 The learned Origen, who, from his experience as well as reading, was intimately acquainted with the history of the Christians, declares, in the most express terms, that the number of martyrs was very inconsiderable. 72 His authority would alone be sufficient to annihilate that formidable army of martyrs, whose relics, drawn for the most part from the catacombs of Rome, have replenished so many churches, 73 and whose marvellous achievements have been the subject of so many volumes of Holy Romance. 74 But the general assertion of Origen may be explained and confirmed by the particular testimony of his friend Dionysius, who, in the immense city of Alexandria, and under the rigorous persecution of Decius, reckons only ten men and seven women who suffered for the profession of the Christian name. 75
诚然,那些跻身帝国高位者中,有些人未必没有沾染民间的偏见;另有一些人天性残忍,偶尔又受贪欲或私怨的驱使。66 但有一点是确凿的——我们不妨引初代基督徒感念的言辞为证:在行省代皇帝或元老院行使权力、且独掌生杀之权的官员,绝大多数举止文雅、受过通达的教育,既恪守公正的准则,又谙熟哲学的教诲。他们往往不肯承担迫害这桩招人厌恶的差事,或不屑一顾地驳回控告,或给受控的基督徒指点某种合法的脱身之计,好让他躲过严刑峻法。67 每当握有自由裁量之权时,68 他们用它来救助、惠及这受难的教会,远多于用它来施行压迫。凡到他们堂前受控的基督徒,他们远非一概定罪;凡被判定顽固坚守这新迷信的人,他们更远非一律处死。他们大多满足于较轻的惩处——监禁、流放,或罚入矿场为奴,69 从而给这些落入其法网的不幸者留下几分指望:遇有喜庆之事,譬如皇帝登基、大婚或凯旋,一道大赦或许很快便能使他们复归原状。被罗马官员立即处决的殉道者,看来都是从两个截然相反的极端中挑出来的。他们要么是主教与长老,乃基督徒中因地位与影响而最为显赫者,拿他们开刀足以震慑整个教派;70 要么便是其中最卑微、最下贱者,尤其是身为奴隶的人——他们的性命被看得一文不值,他们的苦难在古人眼里也太过无足轻重、无人在意。71 博学的奥利金,凭其亲历与博览,对基督徒的历史了如指掌,他以最明确的措辞断言:殉道者的人数其实微乎其微。72 单凭他的权威之言,便足以扫平那支声势浩大的殉道者大军——他们的圣髑大多取自罗马的地下墓穴,充实了无数教堂,73 他们的种种奇迹事迹,更成了连篇累牍的神圣传奇的题材。74 而奥利金这一笼统的论断,还可由其友狄奥尼修斯的具体见证加以说明和印证:在亚历山大里亚这座庞大的城市,在德西乌斯的严酷迫害之下,他统计因公开信奉基督之名而罹难者,不过男十人、女七人而已。75
During the same period of persecution, the zealous, the eloquent, the ambitious Cyprian governed the church, not only of Carthage, but even of Africa. He possessed every quality which could engage the reverence of the faithful, or provoke the suspicions and resentment of the Pagan magistrates. His character as well as his station seemed to mark out that holy prelate as the most distinguished object of envy and danger. 76 The experience, however, of the life of Cyprian, is sufficient to prove that our fancy has exaggerated the perilous situation of a Christian bishop; and the dangers to which he was exposed were less imminent than those which temporal ambition is always prepared to encounter in the pursuit of honors. Four Roman emperors, with their families, their favorites, and their adherents, perished by the sword in the space of ten years, during which the bishop of Carthage guided by his authority and eloquence the councils of the African church. It was only in the third year of his administration, that he had reason, during a few months, to apprehend the severe edicts of Decius, the vigilance of the magistrate and the clamors of the multitude, who loudly demanded, that Cyprian, the leader of the Christians, should be thrown to the lions. Prudence suggested the necessity of a temporary retreat, and the voice of prudence was obeyed. He withdrew himself into an obscure solitude, from whence he could maintain a constant correspondence with the clergy and people of Carthage; and, concealing himself till the tempest was past, he preserved his life, without relinquishing either his power or his reputation. His extreme caution did not, however, escape the censure of the more rigid Christians, who lamented, or the reproaches of his personal enemies, who insulted, a conduct which they considered as a pusillanimous and criminal desertion of the most sacred duty. 77 The propriety of reserving himself for the future exigencies of the church, the example of several holy bishops, 78 and the divine admonitions, which, as he declares himself, he frequently received in visions and ecstacies, were the reasons alleged in his justification. 79 But his best apology may be found in the cheerful resolution, with which, about eight years afterwards, he suffered death in the cause of religion. The authentic history of his martyrdom has been recorded with unusual candor and impartiality. A short abstract, therefore, of its most important circumstances, will convey the clearest information of the spirit, and of the forms, of the Roman persecutions. 80
就在同一场迫害期间,热忱、雄辩而又雄心勃勃的西普里安,不仅执掌着迦太基的教会,更执掌着整个阿非利加的教会。凡能赢得信徒敬仰、或招致异教官员猜忌与怨恨的品质,他无一不备。无论就其为人还是其地位而言,这位神圣的高级教士都仿佛是众矢之的,最招人妒羡、也最身处险境。76 然而西普里安一生的经历,足以证明我们的想象夸大了基督徒主教的险境:他所面临的危险,其实还不及世俗野心家为追逐荣位而随时甘冒的风险来得紧迫。在这位迦太基主教以其威望与口才主导阿非利加教会历次会议的十年间,先后有四位罗马皇帝连同他们的家眷、宠臣与党羽,死于刀剑之下。直到他主政的第三年,才有那么几个月,他确有理由感到惶恐:德西乌斯颁下严酷的敕令,官员严加戒备,群众则鼓噪不休,高声叫嚷,要把基督徒的首领西普里安抛给狮子。审慎之计告诉他,暂且避一避是必要的;他也听从了这审慎的声音。他隐退到一处僻静之地,从那里仍可与迦太基的教士和民众保持不断的通信;他一直藏身到风暴过去,既保全了性命,又不曾放弃权柄与声望。不过他这般万分谨慎,终究没能逃过非议:较为严苛的基督徒为之惋惜,他的私敌则借机辱骂,都把这种举动视为怯懦而有罪地背弃了最神圣的职责。77 为教会日后的危急关头保全己身乃是得当之举,几位圣洁的主教亦有先例可循,78 加之他自称在异象与出神之际屡屡领受神的告诫——这些便是为他辩解时所举的理由。79 但为他辩护的最有力之处,还在于约八年之后,他怀着欣然从容的决心,为信仰慷慨赴死。他殉道的信史,记载得异乎寻常地坦诚而公允。因此,把其中最重要的情节略作摘述,便能最清楚地传达罗马迫害的精神与形式。80
Notes 注释
59
Plin. Epist. x. 98. Tertullian (Apolog. c. 5) considers this rescript as a relaxation of the ancient penal laws, “quas Trajanus exparte frustratus est:” and yet Tertullian, in another part of his Apology, exposes the inconsistency of prohibiting inquiries, and enjoining punishments.
Plin. Epist. x. 98。德尔图良(Apolog. c. 5)认为这道敕答是对古老刑律的一种松弛,“quas Trajanus exparte frustratus est”(图拉真已使其部分落空);然而在其《护教篇》的另一处,德尔图良又揭示出既禁止查缉、又责令惩处这一自相矛盾之处。
60
Eusebius (Hist. Ecclesiast. l. iv. c. 9) has preserved the edict of Hadrian. He has likewise (c. 13) given us one still more favorable, under the name of Antoninus; the authenticity of which is not so universally allowed. The second Apology of Justin contains some curious particulars relative to the accusations of Christians. * Note: Professor Hegelmayer has proved the authenticity of the edict of Antoninus, in his Comm. Hist. Theol. in Edict. Imp. Antonini. Tubing. 1777, in 4to.—G. ——Neander doubts its authenticity, (vol. i. p. 152.) In my opinion, the internal evidence is decisive against it.—M
优西比乌(Hist. Ecclesiast. l. iv. c. 9)保存了哈德良的敕令。他还(c. 13)给出了一道更为宽厚的敕令,托名安敦尼所颁,其真实性并未获得普遍认可。查士丁的《第二护教篇》载有若干与控告基督徒有关的奇特细节。* 编者注:黑格尔迈尔教授在其 Comm. Hist. Theol. in Edict. Imp. Antonini(Tubing. 1777, in 4to)中证明了安敦尼敕令的真实性。——G。——尼安德则怀疑其真实性(第一卷,第152页)。依我之见,内证足以断定其为伪。——M
6011
The enactment of this law affords strong presumption, that accusations of the “crime of Christianity,” were by no means so uncommon, nor received with so much mistrust and caution by the ruling authorities, as Gibbon would insinuate. —M.
这条法律的制定有力地表明:控告“基督教之罪”一事,远不像吉本所暗示的那样罕见,当权者对此也远不像他所暗示的那样疑虑重重、慎之又慎。——M。
61
See Tertullian, (Apolog. c. 40.) The acts of the martyrdom of Polycarp exhibit a lively picture of these tumults, which were usually fomented by the malice of the Jews.
参见德尔图良(Apolog. c. 40)。《波利卡普殉道行传》生动地描绘了这类骚乱,而它们通常是由犹太人的恶意煽起的。
62
These regulations are inserted in the above mentioned document of Hadrian and Pius. See the apology of Melito, (apud Euseb. l iv 26)
这些规定载于上文提到的哈德良与庇护的文件之中。参见墨利托的护教文(apud Euseb. l. iv. 26)。
63
See the rescript of Trajan, and the conduct of Pliny. The most authentic acts of the martyrs abound in these exhortations. Note: Pliny’s test was the worship of the gods, offerings to the statue of the emperor, and blaspheming Christ—præterea maledicerent Christo.—M.
参见图拉真的敕答与普林尼的做法。最可靠的殉道行传中,这类劝诫比比皆是。编者注:普林尼所用的试验,乃是崇拜诸神、向皇帝雕像献祭,并咒骂基督——præterea maledicerent Christo。——M。
64
In particular, see Tertullian, (Apolog. c. 2, 3,) and Lactantius, (Institut. Divin. v. 9.) Their reasonings are almost the same; but we may discover, that one of these apologists had been a lawyer, and the other a rhetorician.
尤可参见德尔图良(Apolog. c. 2, 3)与拉克坦提乌斯(Institut. Divin. v. 9)。二人的论证几乎如出一辙;不过我们仍能看出,这两位护教士中,一位曾做过律师,另一位则是修辞学家。
6411
The more ancient as well as authentic memorials of the church, relate many examples of the fact, (of these severe trials,) which there is nothing to contradict. Tertullian, among others, says, Nam proxime ad lenonem damnando Christianam, potius quam ad leonem, confessi estis labem pudicitiæ apud nos atrociorem omni pœna et omni morte reputari, Apol. cap. ult. Eusebius likewise says, “Other virgins, dragged to brothels, have lost their life rather than defile their virtue.” Euseb. Hist. Ecc. viii. 14.—G. The miraculous interpositions were the offspring of the coarse imaginations of the monks.—M.
教会中更古老、也更可靠的史料,记载了许多此类事实(即这类严酷的考验)的实例,且无从反驳。德尔图良便说道:Nam proxime ad lenonem damnando Christianam, potius quam ad leonem, confessi estis labem pudicitiæ apud nos atrociorem omni pœna et omni morte reputari(你们近来把一名基督徒女子判给淫媒、而非抛给狮子,这恰恰承认:在我们看来,贞操受污比任何刑罚、任何死亡都更为可怕),见 Apol. cap. ult。优西比乌也说:“另有一些贞女,被拖入妓院,宁可舍命,也不肯玷污自己的贞洁。”见 Euseb. Hist. Ecc. viii. 14。——G。至于那些神迹般的干预,则出自修士们粗鄙的想象。——M。
65
See two instances of this kind of torture in the Acta Sincere Martyrum, published by Ruinart, p. 160, 399. Jerome, in his Legend of Paul the Hermit, tells a strange story of a young man, who was chained naked on a bed of flowers, and assaulted by a beautiful and wanton courtesan. He quelled the rising temptation by biting off his tongue.
关于此类酷刑,可在吕纳尔刊行的 Acta Sincere Martyrum 中见到两个实例,第160、399页。哲罗姆在其《隐修士保罗传》中讲了一个离奇的故事:一名青年被剥光衣服、锁在铺满鲜花的床上,遭一位美艳放荡的妓女挑逗;他咬断自己的舌头,压下了升起的欲念。
66
The conversion of his wife provoked Claudius Herminianus, governor of Cappadocia, to treat the Christians with uncommon severity. Tertullian ad Scapulam, c. 3.
卡帕多西亚总督克劳狄乌斯·赫尔米尼安努斯,因其妻皈依基督教而恼怒,遂以异乎寻常的严酷对待基督徒。见德尔图良 ad Scapulam, c. 3。
67
Tertullian, in his epistle to the governor of Africa, mentions several remarkable instances of lenity and forbearance, which had happened within his knowledge.
德尔图良在致阿非利加总督的书信中,举出他所知的几桩宽仁与容忍的显著事例。
68
Neque enim in universum aliquid quod quasi certam formam habeat, constitui potest; an expression of Trajan, which gave a very great latitude to the governors of provinces. * Note: Gibbon altogether forgets that Trajan fully approved of the course pursued by Pliny. That course was, to order all who persevered in their faith to be led to execution: perseverantes duci jussi.—M.
Neque enim in universum aliquid quod quasi certam formam habeat, constitui potest(因为实在无法订立任何近乎确定成规的通则)——这是图拉真的说法,它给了行省总督极大的裁量余地。* 编者注:吉本全然忘了,图拉真对普林尼所采取的做法是完全赞同的。那做法便是:凡执意坚守信仰者,一律下令处决——perseverantes duci jussi(对坚持不改者,已下令处决)。——M。
69
In Metalla damnamur, in insulas relegamur. Tertullian, Apolog. c. 12. The mines of Numidia contained nine bishops, with a proportionable number of their clergy and people, to whom Cyprian addressed a pious epistle of praise and comfort. See Cyprian. Epistol. 76, 77.
In Metalla damnamur, in insulas relegamur(我们被罚入矿场,被流放到海岛)。见德尔图良 Apolog. c. 12。努米底亚的矿场里关着九位主教,连同数目相当的教士与信众;西普里安曾致书一封,虔诚地赞美并抚慰他们。参见 Cyprian. Epistol. 76, 77。
70
Though we cannot receive with entire confidence either the epistles, or the acts, of Ignatius, (they may be found in the 2d volume of the Apostolic Fathers,) yet we may quote that bishop of Antioch as one of these exemplary martyrs. He was sent in chains to Rome as a public spectacle, and when he arrived at Troas, he received the pleasing intelligence, that the persecution of Antioch was already at an end. * Note: The acts of Ignatius are generally received as authentic, as are seven of his letters. Eusebius and St. Jerome mention them: there are two editions; in one, the letters are longer, and many passages appear to have been interpolated; the other edition is that which contains the real letters of St. Ignatius; such at least is the opinion of the wisest and most enlightened critics. (See Lardner. Cred. of Gospel Hist.) Less, uber dis Religion, v. i. p. 529. Usser. Diss. de Ign. Epist. Pearson, Vindic, Ignatianæ. It should be remarked, that it was under the reign of Trajan that the bishop Ignatius was carried from Antioch to Rome, to be exposed to the lions in the amphitheatre, the year of J. C. 107, according to some; of 116, according to others.—G.
伊格纳修的书信与行传,我们虽不能全然采信(可见于《使徒教父文集》第二卷),却仍可将这位安条克主教举为堪为典范的殉道者之一。他被戴上锁链、押往罗马,以充公开示众之用;抵达特洛阿斯时,他得到一个可喜的消息:安条克的迫害已经结束。* 编者注:伊格纳修的行传一般被认作真品,他的七封书信亦然。优西比乌与圣哲罗姆都提到过它们:存有两种版本,一种书信较长,许多段落似经窜改;另一种才收录圣伊格纳修的真信;至少最明智、最有见识的考据家是这样认为的。(参见 Lardner. Cred. of Gospel Hist.)Less, uber dis Religion, v. i. p. 529。Usser. Diss. de Ign. Epist.。Pearson, Vindic. Ignatianæ。应当指出,伊格纳修主教是在图拉真在位期间从安条克押往罗马、抛入圆形竞技场喂狮的,其年份或作公元107年,或作116年。——G。
71
Among the martyrs of Lyons, (Euseb. l. v. c. 1,) the slave Blandina was distinguished by more exquisite tortures. Of the five martyrs so much celebrated in the acts of Felicitas and Perpetua, two were of a servile, and two others of a very mean, condition.
在里昂的殉道者中(Euseb. l. v. c. 1),女奴布兰迪娜所受的酷刑尤为惨烈。在《菲利西塔斯与佩尔佩图娅行传》里备受称颂的五位殉道者中,两人是奴隶,另两人身份也极为低贱。
72
Origen. advers. Celsum, l. iii. p. 116. His words deserve to be transcribed. * Note: The words that follow should be quoted. “God not permitting that all his class of men should be exterminated:” which appears to indicate that Origen thought the number put to death inconsiderable only when compared to the numbers who had survived. Besides this, he is speaking of the state of the religion under Caracalla, Elagabalus, Alexander Severus, and Philip, who had not persecuted the Christians. It was during the reign of the latter that Origen wrote his books against Celsus.—G.
Origen. advers. Celsum, l. iii. p. 116。他的原话值得抄录。* 编者注:下文才是应当引用的原话:“上帝不容这一类人被斩尽杀绝。”——这似乎表明,奥利金认为被处死者之所以为数不多,只是相对于幸存者的众多而言。此外,他所谈的是卡拉卡拉、埃拉伽巴路斯、亚历山大·塞维鲁与腓力治下的宗教状况,而这几位皇帝并未迫害基督徒。奥利金正是在腓力在位期间写下驳斥塞尔苏斯的著作的。——G。
73
If we recollect that all the Plebeians of Rome were not Christians, and that all the Christians were not saints and martyrs, we may judge with how much safety religious honors can be ascribed to bones or urns, indiscriminately taken from the public burial-place. After ten centuries of a very free and open trade, some suspicions have arisen among the more learned Catholics. They now require as a proof of sanctity and martyrdom, the letters B.M., a vial full of red liquor supposed to be blood, or the figure of a palm-tree. But the two former signs are of little weight, and with regard to the last, it is observed by the critics, 1. That the figure, as it is called, of a palm, is perhaps a cypress, and perhaps only a stop, the flourish of a comma used in the monumental inscriptions. 2. That the palm was the symbol of victory among the Pagans. 3. That among the Christians it served as the emblem, not only of martyrdom, but in general of a joyful resurrection. See the epistle of P. Mabillon, on the worship of unknown saints, and Muratori sopra le Antichita Italiane, Dissertat. lviii.
只要想到,罗马的平民并非人人都是基督徒,而基督徒也并非个个都是圣徒与殉道者,我们便可掂量:把宗教尊荣加在从公共墓地里随手取来的骸骨或骨灰瓮上,究竟有几分靠得住。经过整整十个世纪极其自由、公开的买卖之后,较有学识的天主教徒中间也起了些疑心。如今,他们要求以下列凭据来证明圣德与殉道:B.M. 这几个字母、一只盛着红色液体、据说是血的小瓶,或是一株棕榈树的图形。然而前两种标记分量甚微;至于最后一种,考据家指出:一、所谓棕榈的图形,或许是一株柏树,又或许只是个句读,是碑铭中逗点的一笔花饰。二、棕榈在异教徒那里本是胜利的象征。三、在基督徒中间,它不仅象征殉道,更泛指欢欣的复活。参见马比荣神父论无名圣徒崇拜的书信,以及穆拉托里 sopra le Antichita Italiane, Dissertat. lviii。
74
As a specimen of these legends, we may be satisfied with 10,000 Christian soldiers crucified in one day, either by Trajan or Hadrian on Mount Ararat. See Baronius ad Martyrologium Romanum; Tille mont, Mém. Ecclesiast. tom. ii. part ii. p. 438; and Geddes’s Miscellanies, vol. ii. p. 203. The abbreviation of Mil., which may signify either soldiers or thousands, is said to have occasioned some extraordinary mistakes.
这些传说,举一例即可:据说图拉真、或哈德良,曾在阿拉拉特山一日之内将一万名基督徒士兵钉上十字架。参见 Baronius ad Martyrologium Romanum;Tillemont, Mém. Ecclesiast. tom. ii. part ii. p. 438;以及 Geddes’s Miscellanies, vol. ii. p. 203。据说 Mil. 这一缩写——既可解作“士兵”,又可解作“千”——曾引起若干离奇的讹误。
75
Dionysius ap. Euseb l. vi. c. 41 One of the seventeen was likewise accused of robbery. * Note: Gibbon ought to have said, was falsely accused of robbery, for so it is in the Greek text. This Christian, named Nemesion, falsely accused of robbery before the centurion, was acquitted of a crime altogether foreign to his character, but he was led before the governor as guilty of being a Christian, and the governor inflicted upon him a double torture. (Euseb. loc. cit.) It must be added, that Saint Dionysius only makes particular mention of the principal martyrs, [this is very doubtful.—M.] and that he says, in general, that the fury of the Pagans against the Christians gave to Alexandria the appearance of a city taken by storm. [This refers to plunder and ill usage, not to actual slaughter.—M.] Finally it should be observed that Origen wrote before the persecution of the emperor Decius.—G.
Dionysius ap. Euseb. l. vi. c. 41。这十七人中,有一人还被控犯有抢劫罪。* 编者注:吉本本该说他是被诬告抢劫,因希腊文原文正是如此。这名叫涅梅西翁的基督徒,在百夫长面前被诬以抢劫,虽经查明与其品行毫不相干、判其无罪,却又被押到总督面前,以身为基督徒论罪,总督遂对他施以双重酷刑。(Euseb. loc. cit.)此外还须补充:圣狄奥尼修斯只是特别提到了那几位主要的殉道者,[此说甚为可疑。——M]并笼统地说,异教徒对基督徒的暴怒,使亚历山大里亚宛如一座被强攻破城的城市。[这指的是劫掠与虐待,而非真正的屠杀。——M]最后应当指出,奥利金写作时,尚在德西乌斯皇帝的迫害之前。——G。
76
The letters of Cyprian exhibit a very curious and original picture both of the man and of the times. See likewise the two lives of Cyprian, composed with equal accuracy, though with very different views; the one by Le Clerc (Bibliothèque Universelle, tom. xii. p. 208-378,) the other by Tillemont, Mémoires Ecclésiastiques, tom. iv part i. p. 76-459.
西普里安的书信,既生动又独到地刻画了其人与其时代。另可参看两部西普里安传,二者同样精审,着眼点却大不相同:一部出自勒克莱尔(Bibliothèque Universelle, tom. xii. p. 208-378),另一部出自蒂耶蒙,Mémoires Ecclésiastiques, tom. iv. part i. p. 76-459。
77
See the polite but severe epistle of the clergy of Rome to the bishop of Carthage. (Cyprian. Epist. 8, 9.) Pontius labors with the greatest care and diligence to justify his master against the general censure.
参见罗马教士致迦太基主教的那封措辞客气却又严厉的书信(Cyprian. Epist. 8, 9)。蓬提乌斯极尽苦心与勤勉,为其师辩白,以抵御众人的非议。
78
In particular those of Dionysius of Alexandria, and Gregory Thaumaturgus, of Neo-Cæsarea. See Euseb. Hist. Ecclesiast. l. vi. c. 40; and Mémoires de Tillemont, tom. iv. part ii. p. 685.
尤其是亚历山大里亚的狄奥尼修斯,以及新凯撒里亚的显灵者格列高利之例。参见 Euseb. Hist. Ecclesiast. l. vi. c. 40;以及 Mémoires de Tillemont, tom. iv. part ii. p. 685。
79
See Cyprian. Epist. 16, and his life by Pontius.
参见 Cyprian. Epist. 16,及蓬提乌斯所撰的西普里安传。
80
We have an original life of Cyprian by the deacon Pontius, the companion of his exile, and the spectator of his death; and we likewise possess the ancient proconsular acts of his martyrdom. These two relations are consistent with each other, and with probability; and what is somewhat remarkable, they are both unsullied by any miraculous circumstances.
我们有一部原始的西普里安传,出自执事蓬提乌斯之手——他曾陪伴西普里安流亡,又亲眼目睹其殉难;此外我们还存有一份古老的、出自总督法庭的殉道行传。这两份记述彼此吻合,也合乎情理;尤为难得的是,二者都不曾掺入任何神迹之说。