Chapter LXX: Final Settlement Of The Ecclesiastical State.—Part IV. 第七十章 教会国家的最终奠立——第四节

The royal prerogative of coining money, which had been exercised near three hundred years by the senate, was first resumed by Martin the Fifth, 77 and his image and superscription introduce the series of the papal medals. Of his two immediate successors, Eugenius the Fourth was the last pope expelled by the tumults of the Roman people, 78 and Nicholas the Fifth, the last who was importuned by the presence of a Roman emperor. 79 I. The conflict of Eugenius with the fathers of Basil, and the weight or apprehension of a new excise, emboldened and provoked the Romans to usurp the temporal government of the city. They rose in arms, elected seven governors of the republic, and a constable of the Capitol; imprisoned the pope’s nephew; besieged his person in the palace; and shot volleys of arrows into his bark as he escaped down the Tyber in the habit of a monk. But he still possessed in the castle of St. Angelo a faithful garrison and a train of artillery: their batteries incessantly thundered on the city, and a bullet more dexterously pointed broke down the barricade of the bridge, and scattered with a single shot the heroes of the republic. Their constancy was exhausted by a rebellion of five months. Under the tyranny of the Ghibeline nobles, the wisest patriots regretted the dominion of the church; and their repentance was unanimous and effectual. The troops of St. Peter again occupied the Capitol; the magistrates departed to their homes; the most guilty were executed or exiled; and the legate, at the head of two thousand foot and four thousand horse, was saluted as the father of the city. The synods of Ferrara and Florence, the fear or resentment of Eugenius, prolonged his absence: he was received by a submissive people; but the pontiff understood from the acclamations of his triumphal entry, that to secure their loyalty and his own repose, he must grant without delay the abolition of the odious excise. II. Rome was restored, adorned, and enlightened, by the peaceful reign of Nicholas the Fifth. In the midst of these laudable occupations, the pope was alarmed by the approach of Frederic the Third of Austria; though his fears could not be justified by the character or the power of the Imperial candidate. After drawing his military force to the metropolis, and imposing the best security of oaths 80 and treaties, Nicholas received with a smiling countenance the faithful advocate and vassal of the church. So tame were the times, so feeble was the Austrian, that the pomp of his coronation was accomplished with order and harmony: but the superfluous honor was so disgraceful to an independent nation, that his successors have excused themselves from the toilsome pilgrimage to the Vatican; and rest their Imperial title on the choice of the electors of Germany.
铸币乃君主的特权。这项权力由元老院行使了将近三百年,直到马丁五世才最先将其重新收归教宗之手 77;教宗系列纪念章,便以他的头像与铭文为发端。紧随其后的两位教宗中,欧根尼乌斯四世是最后一位因罗马民众的骚乱而被逐出城的教宗 78,尼古拉五世则是最后一位为罗马皇帝的莅临所困扰的教宗 79。一、欧根尼乌斯与巴塞尔会议诸神父争执不下,加之一项新消费税或已开征、或令人惶惶不安,罗马人遂胆气大壮、群情激愤,起而攫取本城的世俗治权。他们揭竿而起,推选出共和国的七位执政、一位卡皮托利山统帅;囚禁了教宗的侄子,又把教宗本人围困在宫中;待他扮作修士乘小舟沿台伯河遁走时,还朝他的船只万箭齐发。然而他在圣天使堡尚有一支忠诚的守军和一列火炮:炮台朝城中轰鸣不绝,其中一发瞄得格外精准,一举击垮了桥上的路障,只此一击便将共和国的英雄们冲得溃散。五个月的叛乱耗尽了他们的锐气。吉伯林派贵族的暴虐之下,连最明智的爱国者也开始追念教会的统治;众人幡然悔悟,同心同德,终见其效。圣彼得的军队重新占据卡皮托利山;那些执政各自散归其家;罪魁祸首或被处死,或遭放逐;教廷特使则率步兵两千、骑兵四千入城,被拥戴为本城之父。费拉拉与佛罗伦萨两地的宗教会议,加上欧根尼乌斯心中的畏惧或怨愤,使他久久不曾还都:待他归来,迎接他的是一群俯首帖耳的臣民;然而从入城时那片欢呼声中,教宗听出:若要保住他们的忠顺、也保住自己的安宁,就必须即刻废除那项人人痛恨的消费税。二、尼古拉五世在位期间天下太平,罗马于是得以重建、装点,也重开文教之光。正当教宗埋首于这些值得称道的事业时,奥地利的腓特烈三世逼近的消息令他惊惶;其实以这位帝位候选人的品性与实力而论,这份忧惧本无根据。尼古拉先把兵力调集到都城,又以誓约 80 和条约这最可靠的保障约束对方,然后才笑容满面地接待这位教会忠实的护卫与藩臣。时局如此驯服,这位奥地利人又如此软弱,加冕大典的一切排场竟井然有序、和睦无争地办成了。然而对一个独立的民族而言,这份多余的荣典实在有失体面,以致他的继任者纷纷托词免去了那趟劳顿的梵蒂冈朝觐,而把自己的皇帝头衔径直建立在日耳曼诸选帝侯的推选之上。
A citizen has remarked, with pride and pleasure, that the king of the Romans, after passing with a slight salute the cardinals and prelates who met him at the gate, distinguished the dress and person of the senator of Rome; and in this last farewell, the pageants of the empire and the republic were clasped in a friendly embrace. 81 According to the laws of Rome, 82 her first magistrate was required to be a doctor of laws, an alien, of a place at least forty miles from the city; with whose inhabitants he must not be connected in the third canonical degree of blood or alliance. The election was annual: a severe scrutiny was instituted into the conduct of the departing senator; nor could he be recalled to the same office till after the expiration of two years. A liberal salary of three thousand florins was assigned for his expense and reward; and his public appearance represented the majesty of the republic. His robes were of gold brocade or crimson velvet, or in the summer season of a lighter silk: he bore in his hand an ivory sceptre; the sound of trumpets announced his approach; and his solemn steps were preceded at least by four lictors or attendants, whose red wands were enveloped with bands or streamers of the golden color or livery of the city. His oath in the Capitol proclaims his right and duty to observe and assert the laws, to control the proud, to protect the poor, and to exercise justice and mercy within the extent of his jurisdiction. In these useful functions he was assisted by three learned strangers; the two collaterals, and the judge of criminal appeals: their frequent trials of robberies, rapes, and murders, are attested by the laws; and the weakness of these laws connives at the licentiousness of private feuds and armed associations for mutual defence. But the senator was confined to the administration of justice: the Capitol, the treasury, and the government of the city and its territory, were intrusted to the three conservators, who were changed four times in each year: the militia of the thirteen regions assembled under the banners of their respective chiefs, or caporioni; and the first of these was distinguished by the name and dignity of the prior. The popular legislature consisted of the secret and the common councils of the Romans. The former was composed of the magistrates and their immediate predecessors, with some fiscal and legal officers, and three classes of thirteen, twenty-six, and forty, counsellors: amounting in the whole to about one hundred and twenty persons. In the common council all male citizens had a right to vote; and the value of their privilege was enhanced by the care with which any foreigners were prevented from usurping the title and character of Romans. The tumult of a democracy was checked by wise and jealous precautions: except the magistrates, none could propose a question; none were permitted to speak, except from an open pulpit or tribunal; all disorderly acclamations were suppressed; the sense of the majority was decided by a secret ballot; and their decrees were promulgated in the venerable name of the Roman senate and people. It would not be easy to assign a period in which this theory of government has been reduced to accurate and constant practice, since the establishment of order has been gradually connected with the decay of liberty. But in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty the ancient statutes were collected, methodized in three books, and adapted to present use, under the pontificate, and with the approbation, of Gregory the Thirteenth: 83 this civil and criminal code is the modern law of the city; and, if the popular assemblies have been abolished, a foreign senator, with the three conservators, still resides in the palace of the Capitol. 84 The policy of the Cæsars has been repeated by the popes; and the bishop of Rome affected to maintain the form of a republic, while he reigned with the absolute powers of a temporal, as well as a spiritual, monarch.
有位市民曾带着自豪与欣喜写道:那位罗马人的国王在城门口只朝迎候的枢机主教与高级教士略一致意,便走了过去,却独独看重罗马元老官的衣冠与仪容;在这最后的道别中,帝国与共和国这两位盛装的典范友好相拥 81。依照罗马的法律 82,本城的首席长官必须是一位法学博士、一名外邦人,其籍贯离城至少四十英里,且与那地的居民不得有教会法所定三亲等以内的血缘或姻亲关系。此职一年一选:卸任的元老官须经过严格的政绩查核;且须满两年之后,方可再度出任同一职务。朝廷拨给他三千弗罗林的优厚俸禄,充作开销与酬劳;他公开露面时,则代表着共和国的威严。他的礼袍以金线织锦或绯红天鹅绒制成,入夏则换用较轻薄的丝绸;手执象牙权杖;号角声预告他的到来;他步履庄严,前面至少有四名扈从或侍者开道,那些人手中的红杖上缠绕着饰带或飘带,取本城制服的金黄之色。他在卡皮托利山上宣誓,昭告自己有权亦有责恪守并伸张法律,制裁骄横之徒,庇护贫弱之人,并在其辖境之内秉公行事、以仁待民。履行这些切实职守时,有三位饱学的外乡人辅佐他:两名副审法官(collaterals)与一名刑事上诉法官;法律条文可证,他们频频审理抢劫、强奸与凶杀之案;而这些法律既软弱无力,遂对私人械斗和相互设防的武装结社之横行放任姑息。不过元老官仅限于司法一途:卡皮托利山、国库以及本城及其属地的行政大权,则委诸三位保护官(conservators),每年更替四次;十三个城区的民兵,各自集结在本区首领——即区长(caporioni)——的旗帜之下;诸区长中居首者,享有“首席”(prior)之名与尊荣。罗马人的民众立法机构,由秘密会议与普通会议两者构成。前者由现任长官及其前任、若干财政与法务官员,再加上分为十三人、二十六人、四十人三级的议事员组成:合计约一百二十人。普通会议上,所有男性市民皆有投票权;而当局严防任何外来者冒充罗马人的名分与身份,更抬高了这一特权的分量。民主制常有的喧扰,则以周密而戒备的种种防范加以约束:除长官外,无人可以提出议案;除非站上公开的讲坛或论坛,谁也不许发言;一切乱哄哄的鼓噪都被压下;多数人的意向由无记名投票裁定;而他们的决议,则以“罗马元老院与人民”这一庄严名义颁行天下。要指出这套政制理论究竟在哪个时期曾化为精确而恒常的实践,殊非易事,因为秩序的确立,一向是与自由的衰亡相伴而行的。不过在 1580 年,格列高利十三世在位期间并经其核准,古老的成文法经汇编整理,厘为三卷,以合时用 83:这部民刑法典便是本城当今的法律;纵然民众大会早已废除,一位外邦元老官连同三位保护官,至今仍驻于卡皮托利山的宫中 84。历代恺撒的手腕,教宗们照搬重演:罗马主教一面装出维持共和国体制的样子,一面却以世俗与精神双重君主的绝对权力君临一切。
It is an obvious truth, that the times must be suited to extraordinary characters, and that the genius of Cromwell or Retz might now expire in obscurity. The political enthusiasm of Rienzi had exalted him to a throne; the same enthusiasm, in the next century, conducted his imitator to the gallows. The birth of Stephen Porcaro was noble, his reputation spotless: his tongue was armed with eloquence, his mind was enlightened with learning; and he aspired, beyond the aim of vulgar ambition, to free his country and immortalize his name. The dominion of priests is most odious to a liberal spirit: every scruple was removed by the recent knowledge of the fable and forgery of Constantine’s donation; Petrarch was now the oracle of the Italians; and as often as Porcaro revolved the ode which describes the patriot and hero of Rome, he applied to himself the visions of the prophetic bard. His first trial of the popular feelings was at the funeral of Eugenius the Fourth: in an elaborate speech he called the Romans to liberty and arms; and they listened with apparent pleasure, till Porcaro was interrupted and answered by a grave advocate, who pleaded for the church and state. By every law the seditious orator was guilty of treason; but the benevolence of the new pontiff, who viewed his character with pity and esteem, attempted by an honorable office to convert the patriot into a friend. The inflexible Roman returned from Anagni with an increase of reputation and zeal; and, on the first opportunity, the games of the place Navona, he tried to inflame the casual dispute of some boys and mechanics into a general rising of the people. Yet the humane Nicholas was still averse to accept the forfeit of his life; and the traitor was removed from the scene of temptation to Bologna, with a liberal allowance for his support, and the easy obligation of presenting himself each day before the governor of the city. But Porcaro had learned from the younger Brutus, that with tyrants no faith or gratitude should be observed: the exile declaimed against the arbitrary sentence; a party and a conspiracy were gradually formed: his nephew, a daring youth, assembled a band of volunteers; and on the appointed evening a feast was prepared at his house for the friends of the republic. Their leader, who had escaped from Bologna, appeared among them in a robe of purple and gold: his voice, his countenance, his gestures, bespoke the man who had devoted his life or death to the glorious cause. In a studied oration, he expiated on the motives and the means of their enterprise; the name and liberties of Rome; the sloth and pride of their ecclesiastical tyrants; the active or passive consent of their fellow-citizens; three hundred soldiers, and four hundred exiles, long exercised in arms or in wrongs; the license of revenge to edge their swords, and a million of ducats to reward their victory. It would be easy, (he said,) on the next day, the festival of the Epiphany, to seize the pope and his cardinals, before the doors, or at the altar, of St. Peter’s; to lead them in chains under the walls of St. Angelo; to extort by the threat of their instant death a surrender of the castle; to ascend the vacant Capitol; to ring the alarm bell; and to restore in a popular assembly the ancient republic of Rome. While he triumphed, he was already betrayed. The senator, with a strong guard, invested the house: the nephew of Porcaro cut his way through the crowd; but the unfortunate Stephen was drawn from a chest, lamenting that his enemies had anticipated by three hours the execution of his design. After such manifest and repeated guilt, even the mercy of Nicholas was silent. Porcaro, and nine of his accomplices, were hanged without the benefit of the sacraments; and, amidst the fears and invectives of the papal court, the Romans pitied, and almost applauded, these martyrs of their country. 85 But their applause was mute, their pity ineffectual, their liberty forever extinct; and, if they have since risen in a vacancy of the throne or a scarcity of bread, such accidental tumults may be found in the bosom of the most abject servitude.
有一条明摆着的道理:非凡的人物须得逢上相宜的时势;克伦威尔或雷斯那般的天纵之才,若生于今日,或许只能默默无闻地了此一生。里恩齐的政治狂热曾把他抬上宝座;同样的狂热,到了下一个世纪,却把他的效法者送上了绞架。斯蒂芬·波尔卡罗出身高贵,名声无瑕:舌上带着雄辩之锋,胸中怀着学问之光;他的抱负超乎庸常野心之上,一心要解放祖国、名垂千古。对崇尚自由的心灵来说,教士的统治最是可憎;而“君士坦丁献土”原是无稽之谈、伪造之物,这一新近揭明的事实,扫尽了他心头一切顾忌。彼特拉克此时已是意大利人奉若神明的先知;波尔卡罗每每反复吟味那首歌咏罗马爱国志士与英雄的颂诗,便把这位预言诗人的种种憧憬引为自况。他第一次试探民心,是在欧根尼乌斯四世的葬礼上:他以一篇精心结撰的演说,号召罗马人奋起争自由、举刀兵;众人听着,面上显出欢悦之色,直到一位庄重的辩护士出面打断并驳斥他,为教会与邦国申辩。按哪一条法律看,这位煽动性的演说家都犯了叛逆之罪;然而新任教宗宅心仁厚,对他的为人既怜且敬,便想以一个体面的官职,把这位爱国者化为朋友。这位刚愎不屈的罗马人从阿纳尼归来时,声望与热忱都更增几分;一有机会——就在纳沃纳广场举办竞技之际——他便企图把几个少年与工匠之间的偶发口角,煽成一场全民暴动。可是仁慈的尼古拉仍不忍取他性命,只把这个叛逆者从诱他生事的场所迁往博洛尼亚,并拨给他优厚的生活费,附带一个不算苛刻的义务:每天到本城总督面前报到一次。然而波尔卡罗从小布鲁图斯那里学得一条道理:对暴君无须讲什么信义或恩情。这位流放者对那道专断的判决痛加抨击;一个党羽、一场阴谋渐渐成形:他的侄子——一个胆大的青年——纠集了一队志愿者;到约定的那个傍晚,他家中已为共和国的同志们备下了一席筵宴。他们的首领已从博洛尼亚脱身而出,身披紫金相间的长袍,出现在众人之间:他的声音、他的神色、他的举止,无不显出一个已把生死都献给这桩壮丽事业的人。他以一篇字斟句酌的演说,铺陈这场举事的动机与手段:罗马的英名与自由;教会那班暴君的怠惰与骄横;同胞或主动、或默然的赞同;三百名士兵、四百名流亡者——他们或久经战阵,或饱尝冤屈;复仇的名义会使他们的刀剑更添锋芒,而百万杜卡特则将酬报他们的胜利。他说,事情不难办到:翌日便是主显节,趁教宗与众枢机主教出现在圣彼得大教堂门前、或立于祭坛之际,将他们一举擒获;给他们戴上锁链,押到圣天使堡的城墙之下;以立即处死相威胁,逼守军交出堡垒;再登上无人把守的卡皮托利山,敲响警钟;然后召开一场民众大会,重建罗马古老的共和国。正当他踌躇满志之际,却早已被人出卖了。元老官率一支强兵把宅子团团围住:波尔卡罗的侄子杀开一条血路,冲出人群;不幸的斯蒂芬却是从一只箱子里被拖出来的,他连声哀叹,说仇敌抢在他动手之前三个钟头下了手。罪证如此昭彰,又屡犯不改,连尼古拉的仁慈这一回也缄默无言了。波尔卡罗连同他的九名同谋,未获临终圣事便被处以绞刑;在教廷上下一片惊惧与咒骂声中,罗马人却对这几位祖国的殉难者报以怜悯,甚至几乎要为他们喝彩 85。然而他们的喝彩是喑哑的,怜悯是无济于事的,自由则永远熄灭了;此后即便偶因教宗宝座空悬或粮食匮乏而揭竿骚动,这类偶发的乱子,在最卑屈的奴役之中也照样寻得见。
But the independence of the nobles, which was fomented by discord, survived the freedom of the commons, which must be founded in union. A privilege of rapine and oppression was long maintained by the barons of Rome; their houses were a fortress and a sanctuary: and the ferocious train of banditti and criminals whom they protected from the law repaid the hospitality with the service of their swords and daggers. The private interest of the pontiffs, or their nephews, sometimes involved them in these domestic feuds. Under the reign of Sixtus the Fourth, Rome was distracted by the battles and sieges of the rival houses: after the conflagration of his palace, the prothonotary Colonna was tortured and beheaded; and Savelli, his captive friend, was murdered on the spot, for refusing to join in the acclamations of the victorious Ursini. 86 But the popes no longer trembled in the Vatican: they had strength to command, if they had resolution to claim, the obedience of their subjects; and the strangers, who observed these partial disorders, admired the easy taxes and wise administration of the ecclesiastical state. 87
不过贵族的独立仰仗内讧滋长,平民的自由则须以团结为根基;结果前者反比后者活得更长久。罗马的豪门贵族长期霸持着一种劫掠与欺压的特权;他们的宅邸既是堡垒,又是庇护所:一群凶悍的盗匪与罪犯依附其下,得庇于法律之外,便以刀剑之力报答这份收留之恩。教宗或其侄辈的私利,有时也把他们卷入这类内部的仇斗。西克斯图斯四世在位时,罗马被两大对头世家的攻战与围城搅得不得安宁:科隆纳家那位首席文书官的宅邸遭焚之后,本人则先遭酷刑,后被斩首;他那被俘的友人萨韦利,则因不肯随众为得胜的奥尔西尼家欢呼,当场遭到杀害 86。但教宗们在梵蒂冈中已不再惴惴自危:只要他们有决心索求,便有实力号令臣民服从;而那些旁观这些局部乱象的外来人,无不叹服教皇国轻省的赋税与贤明的治理 87
The spiritual thunders of the Vatican depend on the force of opinion; and if that opinion be supplanted by reason or passion, the sound may idly waste itself in the air; and the helpless priest is exposed to the brutal violence of a noble or a plebeian adversary. But after their return from Avignon, the keys of St. Peter were guarded by the sword of St. Paul. Rome was commanded by an impregnable citadel: the use of cannon is a powerful engine against popular seditions: a regular force of cavalry and infantry was enlisted under the banners of the pope: his ample revenues supplied the resources of war: and, from the extent of his domain, he could bring down on a rebellious city an army of hostile neighbors and loyal subjects. 88 Since the union of the duchies of Ferrara and Urbino, the ecclesiastical state extends from the Mediterranean to the Adriatic, and from the confines of Naples to the banks of the Po; and as early as the sixteenth century, the greater part of that spacious and fruitful country acknowledged the lawful claims and temporal sovereignty of the Roman pontiffs. Their claims were readily deduced from the genuine, or fabulous, donations of the darker ages: the successive steps of their final settlement would engage us too far in the transactions of Italy, and even of Europe; the crimes of Alexander the Sixth, the martial operations of Julius the Second, and the liberal policy of Leo the Tenth, a theme which has been adorned by the pens of the noblest historians of the times. 89 In the first period of their conquests, till the expedition of Charles the Eighth, the popes might successfully wrestle with the adjacent princes and states, whose military force was equal, or inferior, to their own. But as soon as the monarchs of France, Germany and Spain, contended with gigantic arms for the dominion of Italy, they supplied with art the deficiency of strength; and concealed, in a labyrinth of wars and treaties, their aspiring views, and the immortal hope of chasing the Barbarians beyond the Alps. The nice balance of the Vatican was often subverted by the soldiers of the North and West, who were united under the standard of Charles the Fifth: the feeble and fluctuating policy of Clement the Seventh exposed his person and dominions to the conqueror; and Rome was abandoned seven months to a lawless army, more cruel and rapacious than the Goths and Vandals. 90 After this severe lesson, the popes contracted their ambition, which was almost satisfied, resumed the character of a common parent, and abstained from all offensive hostilities, except in a hasty quarrel, when the vicar of Christ and the Turkish sultan were armed at the same time against the kingdom of Naples. 91 The French and Germans at length withdrew from the field of battle: Milan, Naples, Sicily, Sardinia, and the sea-coast of Tuscany, were firmly possessed by the Spaniards; and it became their interest to maintain the peace and dependence of Italy, which continued almost without disturbance from the middle of the sixteenth to the opening of the eighteenth century. The Vatican was swayed and protected by the religious policy of the Catholic king: his prejudice and interest disposed him in every dispute to support the prince against the people; and instead of the encouragement, the aid, and the asylum, which they obtained from the adjacent states, the friends of liberty, or the enemies of law, were enclosed on all sides within the iron circle of despotism. The long habits of obedience and education subdued the turbulent spirit of the nobles and commons of Rome. The barons forgot the arms and factions of their ancestors, and insensibly became the servants of luxury and government. Instead of maintaining a crowd of tenants and followers, the produce of their estates was consumed in the private expenses which multiply the pleasures, and diminish the power, of the lord. 92 The Colonna and Ursini vied with each other in the decoration of their palaces and chapels; and their antique splendor was rivalled or surpassed by the sudden opulence of the papal families. In Rome the voice of freedom and discord is no longer heard; and, instead of the foaming torrent, a smooth and stagnant lake reflects the image of idleness and servitude.
梵蒂冈那精神上的雷霆,全凭舆论之力方能奏效;一旦这种舆论为理智或激情所取代,那轰鸣便只能在空中徒然消散,而无所依恃的教士,就要暴露在贵族或平民对手的野蛮暴力之下。然而自阿维尼翁还都之后,圣彼得的钥匙便有了圣保罗的利剑护持。罗马受一座固若金汤的城堡钳制:火炮之运用,乃是镇压民众暴乱的一大利器;一支正规的骑兵与步兵已在教宗旗下招募成军;他丰厚的岁入供给了战争的资财;而凭借领地之广袤,他还能调集一支由敌意邻邦与忠顺臣民合成的大军,压向任何一座叛乱的城市 88。自费拉拉与乌尔比诺两公国并入之后,教皇国的疆域便西起地中海,东抵亚得里亚海,南自那不勒斯边界,北达波河之滨;早在十六世纪,这片辽阔富饶的国土大半已承认罗马教宗合法的权利主张与世俗主权。这些主张,很容易便从蒙昧年代那些或真或假的献土中推演出来:至于教皇国最终奠立的一步步经过,若细究下去,便会把我们引入意大利乃至整个欧洲错综的政局,未免离题太远——亚历山大六世的种种罪行、尤利乌斯二世的用兵征伐、利奥十世宽宏的国策,这一题目早经当世最杰出的史家挥毫增色 89。在其扩张的最初阶段,直到查理八世远征意大利为止,教宗尚能与邻近的君侯和邦国角力而占上风,因为那些势力的兵力与教宗相当,甚或不及。然而一旦法国、日耳曼与西班牙的君主动用庞大的兵力,争夺对意大利的支配权,教宗便以权谋弥补实力之不足,把自己勃勃的野心,连同将“蛮族”逐出阿尔卑斯山外那永不磨灭的指望,一并深藏于错综如迷宫的战争与条约之中。梵蒂冈那微妙的均势,屡屡被聚集在查理五世旗下的北方与西方士兵所打破:克莱门特七世软弱而摇摆的国策,把他本人与他的领地一并暴露在这位征服者面前;罗马竟被弃于一支无法无天的军队之手长达七个月,其残忍贪婪更甚于哥特人与汪达尔人 90。经此惨痛教训,教宗们的野心既已几近餍足,便有所收敛,重新摆出普世共父的姿态,凡属主动挑起的战事一概避而不为——只有一回例外,那是一场仓促的争斗,其时基督在世的代理人竟与土耳其苏丹同时举兵,攻打那不勒斯王国 91。法国人与日耳曼人终于撤离战场:米兰、那不勒斯、西西里、撒丁岛以及托斯卡纳的沿海一带,都被西班牙人牢牢占据;维持意大利的和平与附庸地位既于西班牙人有利,意大利遂自十六世纪中叶起,直到十八世纪初,几乎不曾再起波澜。梵蒂冈受这位天主教国王宗教政策的左右与庇护:他的成见与利害,使他在每一桩争端中都偏袒君主而压制民众;于是那些自由之友、或曰律法之敌,从前尚能从邻邦获得鼓励、援助与庇护,如今却被四面合围,困死在专制那道铁箍之内。长年顺从的习惯加上教养的熏陶,终于驯服了罗马贵族与平民那桀骜不驯的心性。豪门贵族淡忘了先辈的干戈与党争,不知不觉沦为奢华生活与政府衙门的仆从。他们不再豢养成群的佃户与扈从,田产的收益转而耗费于私人的开销——这类开销增添了领主的享乐,却也削弱了领主的权势 92。科隆纳家与奥尔西尼家争相装饰各自的府邸与礼拜堂;而教宗诸家族骤然而至的豪富,也足以与这两家世代相传的排场分庭抗礼,甚至有过之。在罗马,自由与纷争的呼声再也听不见了;昔日奔腾翻涌的激流,如今化作一泓平滑而死寂的湖水,映照出一派怠惰与奴役的景象。
A Christian, a philosopher, 93 and a patriot, will be equally scandalized by the temporal kingdom of the clergy; and the local majesty of Rome, the remembrance of her consuls and triumphs, may seem to imbitter the sense, and aggravate the shame, of her slavery. If we calmly weigh the merits and defects of the ecclesiastical government, it may be praised in its present state, as a mild, decent, and tranquil system, exempt from the dangers of a minority, the sallies of youth, the expenses of luxury, and the calamities of war. But these advantages are overbalanced by a frequent, perhaps a septennial, election of a sovereign, who is seldom a native of the country; the reign of a young statesman of threescore, in the decline of his life and abilities, without hope to accomplish, and without children to inherit, the labors of his transitory reign. The successful candidate is drawn from the church, and even the convent; from the mode of education and life the most adverse to reason, humanity, and freedom. In the trammels of servile faith, he has learned to believe because it is absurd, to revere all that is contemptible, and to despise whatever might deserve the esteem of a rational being; to punish error as a crime, to reward mortification and celibacy as the first of virtues; to place the saints of the calendar 94 above the heroes of Rome and the sages of Athens; and to consider the missal, or the crucifix, as more useful instruments than the plough or the loom. In the office of nuncio, or the rank of cardinal, he may acquire some knowledge of the world, but the primitive stain will adhere to his mind and manners: from study and experience he may suspect the mystery of his profession; but the sacerdotal artist will imbibe some portion of the bigotry which he inculcates. The genius of Sixtus the Fifth 95 burst from the gloom of a Franciscan cloister. In a reign of five years, he exterminated the outlaws and banditti, abolished the profane sanctuaries of Rome, 96 formed a naval and military force, restored and emulated the monuments of antiquity, and after a liberal use and large increase of the revenue, left five millions of crowns in the castle of St. Angelo. But his justice was sullied with cruelty, his activity was prompted by the ambition of conquest: after his decease the abuses revived; the treasure was dissipated; he entailed on posterity thirty-five new taxes and the venality of offices; and, after his death, his statue was demolished by an ungrateful, or an injured, people. 97 The wild and original character of Sixtus the Fifth stands alone in the series of the pontiffs; the maxims and effects of their temporal government may be collected from the positive and comparative view of the arts and philosophy, the agriculture and trade, the wealth and population, of the ecclesiastical state. For myself, it is my wish to depart in charity with all mankind, nor am I willing, in these last moments, to offend even the pope and clergy of Rome. 98
无论是基督徒、哲人 93,还是爱国者,对于教士阶层那世俗王国,都会同样感到愤慨;而罗马这方水土固有的威严、对其执政官与凯旋盛典的追忆,似乎更使人痛切地体味她今日奴役之苦,倍增胸中的羞愧。倘若我们平心权衡教会政府的长短得失,就其现状而论,倒也值得称许:这是一套温和、体面而安宁的体制,既无幼主临朝之危,又无少年恣肆之患,更省却了奢靡的耗费与战争的灾祸。然而这些好处,另一桩弊端便足以抵消而有余:君主的推选频繁——大约每七年一次——且当选者鲜有本国之人;一位年届六旬的“年轻”政治家登基理政,其人生与才具都已日薄西山,既无望完成其短暂治世中的种种功业,又无子嗣可以承继。当选者出自教会,甚至出自修道院——那是一种与理智、人道和自由最为背道而驰的教育与生活方式。在奴性信仰的桎梏之中,他学会了因其荒谬而信从,学会了对一切可鄙之物顶礼膜拜,对一切本该赢得理性之人敬重的东西却嗤之以鼻;学会了把谬误当作罪行来惩处,把苦行与独身奉为诸德之首来褒扬;学会了把历书上的圣徒 94 抬举到罗马英雄与雅典贤哲之上,把弥撒经本或十字苦像看得比犁铧或织机还要有用。在教廷使节的职任上,或在枢机主教的品级中,他或许能积累些许对世事的见识,但那最初的污痕仍将附着于他的心性与举止;凭着研读与阅历,他或许会对本行当的种种玄虚起疑,然而这位祭司行当的匠人,终究会把他所反复灌输的偏执,多少吸纳几分于己身。西克斯图斯五世 95 的天纵之才,是从方济各会一座修院的幽暗中迸射而出的。在位五年间,他剿灭了亡命之徒与强盗匪帮,废除了罗马那些“渎圣的”庇护特区 96,建立起一支海陆军力,修缮古代遗迹并力图与之媲美,且在大手笔地动用、又大幅增益国库收入之后,仍在圣天使堡里留下五百万克朗。然而他的公正掺杂着残忍,他的振作则由征服的野心所驱使:他一死,积弊便死灰复燃,府库的钱财被挥霍一空;他还给后世留下了三十五项新税与卖官鬻爵之风;而在他身后,一群或忘恩、或受其害的民众竟将他的雕像捣毁 97。西克斯图斯五世那狂放而独特的性情,在历代教宗之中可谓绝无仅有;至于教宗世俗统治的种种准则及其成效,则可从教皇国的文艺与哲学、农业与商贸、财富与人口诸方面,作正面的与比较的考察而得其概。至于我自己,但愿怀着对全人类的善意与之作别;在这搁笔的最后一刻,我甚至不愿去开罪罗马的教宗与教士 98

Notes 注释

77
See the xxviith Dissertation of the Antiquities of Muratori, and the 1st Instruction of the Science des Medailles of the Père Joubert and the Baron de la Bastie. The Metallic History of Martin V. and his successors has been composed by two monks, Moulinet, a Frenchman, and Bonanni, an Italian: but I understand, that the first part of the series is restored from more recent coins.
参见穆拉托里《意大利古物》第二十七篇论文,以及儒贝尔神父与德拉巴斯蒂男爵合著《钱币学》(Science des Medailles)之第一编。马丁五世及其历任继任者的钱币史,出自两位修士之手——法国人穆利内与意大利人博南尼;不过据我所知,这一系列的前一部分,是依据较晚近的钱币复原的。
78
Besides the Lives of Eugenius IV., (Rerum Italic. tom. iii. P. i. p. 869, and tom. xxv. p. 256,) the Diaries of Paul Petroni and Stephen Infessura are the best original evidence for the revolt of the Romans against Eugenius IV. The former, who lived at the time and on the spot, speaks the language of a citizen, equally afraid of priestly and popular tyranny.
除《欧根尼乌斯四世传》(Rerum Italic. tom. iii. P. i. p. 869,及 tom. xxv. p. 256)外,保罗·佩特罗尼与斯蒂芬·因费苏拉的日记,是罗马人反抗欧根尼乌斯四世一事最好的原始证据。前者身处其时其地,笔下操着一个市民的口吻,对教士的暴政与民众的暴政同样心怀畏惧。
79
The coronation of Frederic III. is described by Lenfant, (Concile de Basle, tom. ii. p. 276—288,) from Æneas Sylvius, a spectator and actor in that splendid scene.
腓特烈三世的加冕典礼,朗方曾据埃涅阿斯·西尔维乌斯的记述加以描绘(Concile de Basle, tom. ii. p. 276—288);西尔维乌斯本人正是那场盛典的目击者与参与者。
80
The oath of fidelity imposed on the emperor by the pope is recorded and sanctified in the Clementines, (l. ii. tit. ix.;) and Æneas Sylvius, who objects to this new demand, could not foresee, that in a few years he should ascend the throne, and imbibe the maxims, of Boniface VIII.
教宗强加于皇帝的效忠誓约,载于《克莱门特教令集》(l. ii. tit. ix.)并被奉为神圣;埃涅阿斯·西尔维乌斯对这一新要求颇有异议,却未能预料到:不出数年,他自己便将登上教宗宝座,并承袭卜尼法斯八世的那套主张。
81
Lo senatore di Roma, vestito di brocarto con quella beretta, e con quelle maniche, et ornamenti di pelle, co’ quali va alle feste di Testaccio e Nagone, might escape the eye of Æneas Sylvius, but he is viewed with admiration and complacency by the Roman citizen, (Diario di Stephano Infessura, p. 1133.)
“Lo senatore di Roma, vestito di brocarto con quella beretta, e con quelle maniche, et ornamenti di pelle, co’ quali va alle feste di Testaccio e Nagone”(意为:罗马元老官身着锦袍,头戴那种便帽,衣袖与皮饰一如他赴泰斯塔乔与纳沃纳节庆时的装束)——这般景象或许逃得过埃涅阿斯·西尔维乌斯的眼睛,却被罗马市民满怀艳羡与得意地看在眼里(Diario di Stephano Infessura, p. 1133)。
82
See, in the statutes of Rome, the senator and three judges, (l. i. c. 3—14,) the conservators, (l. i. c. 15, 16, 17, l. iii. c. 4,) the caporioni (l. i. c. 18, l. iii. c. 8,) the secret council, (l. iii. c. 2,) the common council, (l. iii. c. 3.) The title of feuds, defiances, acts of violence, &c., is spread through many a chapter (c. 14—40) of the second book.
可参见《罗马法规》中论“元老官与三法官”(l. i. c. 3—14)、“保护官”(l. i. c. 15, 16, 17, l. iii. c. 4)、“区长”(caporioni,l. i. c. 18, l. iii. c. 8)、“秘密会议”(l. iii. c. 2)、“普通会议”(l. iii. c. 3)诸目;而论“世仇”“挑衅”“暴力行径”等的条目,则散见于第二卷的许多章节(c. 14—40)。
83
Statuta alm Urbis Rom Auctoritate S. D. N. Gregorii XIII Pont. Max. a Senatu Populoque Rom. reformata et edita. Rom, 1580, in folio. The obsolete, repugnant statutes of antiquity were confounded in five books, and Lucas Pætus, a lawyer and antiquarian, was appointed to act as the modern Tribonian. Yet I regret the old code, with the rugged crust of freedom and barbarism.
Statuta alm Urbis Rom Auctoritate S. D. N. Gregorii XIII Pont. Max. a Senatu Populoque Rom. reformata et edita. Rom, 1580, in folio。古代那些早已废弃、彼此抵牾的成文法,被杂糅编为五卷,并指派身兼律师与古物学家的卢卡斯·帕图斯充当当代的特里波尼安。然而我却更眷念那部旧法典,眷念它那层粗粝的、混杂着自由与野蛮的外壳。
84
In my time (1765) and in M. Grosley’s, (Observations sur l’Italie torn. ii. p. 361,) the senator of Rome was M. Bielke, a noble Swede and a proselyte to the Catholic faith. The pope’s right to appoint the senator and the conservator is implied, rather than affirmed, in the statutes.
在我到访的年代(1765 年),也在格罗斯利先生的时代(Observations sur l’Italie, tom. ii. p. 361),罗马元老官是比尔克先生,一位瑞典贵族,且已皈依天主教。教宗任命元老官与保护官的权力,在法规中只是被暗示,而非明文确认。
85
Besides the curious, though concise, narrative of Machiavel, (Istoria Florentina, l. vi. Opere, tom. i. p. 210, 211, edit. Londra, 1747, in 4to.) the Porcarian conspiracy is related in the Diary of Stephen Infessura, (Rer. Ital. tom. iii. P. ii. p. 1134, 1135,) and in a separate tract by Leo Baptista Alberti, (Rer. Ital. tom. xxv. p. 609—614.) It is amusing to compare the style and sentiments of the courtier and citizen. Facinus profecto quo.... neque periculo horribilius, neque audaciâ detestabilius, neque crudelitate tetrius, a quoquam perditissimo uspiam excogitatum sit.... Perdette la vita quell’ huomo da bene, e amatore dello bene e libertà di Roma.
除马基雅维利那段虽简略却别致的记述外(Istoria Florentina, l. vi. Opere, tom. i. p. 210, 211, edit. Londra, 1747, in 4to),波尔卡罗的阴谋一案亦见于斯蒂芬·因费苏拉的日记(Rer. Ital. tom. iii. P. ii. p. 1134, 1135),以及莱昂·巴蒂斯塔·阿尔贝蒂的一篇专论(Rer. Ital. tom. xxv. p. 609—614)。将这位廷臣与那位市民各自的笔调与情感两相对照,颇为有趣。“Facinus profecto quo.... neque periculo horribilius, neque audaciâ detestabilius, neque crudelitate tetrius, a quoquam perditissimo uspiam excogitatum sit....”(此语出自廷臣,大意谓:如此罪行,其骇人之危、可憎之胆、狰狞之残,纵是天下最堕落之徒,也未必构想得出);“Perdette la vita quell’ huomo da bene, e amatore dello bene e libertà di Roma.”(此语出自市民,意为:这位好人、这位热爱罗马的美善与自由的人,就此丢了性命。)
86
The disorders of Rome, which were much inflamed by the partiality of Sixtus IV. are exposed in the Diaries of two spectators, Stephen Infessura, and an anonymous citizen. See the troubles of the year 1484, and the death of the prothonotary Colonna, in tom. iii. P. ii. p. 1083, 1158.
罗马的这些乱象,因西克斯图斯四世的偏袒而愈演愈烈,两位目击者——斯蒂芬·因费苏拉与一位匿名市民——的日记都将其揭露无遗。关于 1484 年的动乱以及首席文书官科隆纳之死,可参见 tom. iii. P. ii. p. 1083, 1158。
87
Est toute la terre de l’église troublée pour cette partialité (des Colonnes et des Ursins) come nous dirions Luce et Grammont, ou en Hollande Houc et Caballan; et quand ce ne seroit ce différend la terre de l’église seroit la plus heureuse habitation pour les sujets qui soit dans toute le monde (car ils ne payent ni tailles ni guères autres choses,) et seroient toujours bien conduits, (car toujours les papes sont sages et bien consellies;) mais très souvent en advient de grands et cruels meurtres et pilleries.
“Est toute la terre de l’église troublée pour cette partialité (des Colonnes et des Ursins) come nous dirions Luce et Grammont, ou en Hollande Houc et Caballan; et quand ce ne seroit ce différend la terre de l’église seroit la plus heureuse habitation pour les sujets qui soit dans toute le monde (car ils ne payent ni tailles ni guères autres choses,) et seroient toujours bien conduits, (car toujours les papes sont sages et bien consellies;) mais très souvent en advient de grands et cruels meurtres et pilleries.”(大意:教会的整片领土都因这种党派之争——即科隆纳家与奥尔西尼家之争——而不得安宁,正如我们所说的吕斯与格拉蒙之争,或荷兰的胡克党与鳕鱼党之争;倘无此纷争,教会的领土本会是全世界臣民最幸福的居所——因为他们既不纳丁税,也几乎别无其他负担——而且始终受治得当,因为历任教宗都明智而多有良谋;然则其间也极频繁地酿成种种惨烈的凶杀与劫掠。)
88
By the conomy of Sixtus V. the revenue of the ecclesiastical state was raised to two millions and a half of Roman crowns, (Vita, tom. ii. p. 291—296;) and so regular was the military establishment, that in one month Clement VIII. could invade the duchy of Ferrara with three thousand horse and twenty thousand foot, (tom. iii. p. 64) Since that time (A.D. 1597) the papal arms are happily rusted: but the revenue must have gained some nominal increase. * Note: On the financial measures of Sixtus V. see Ranke, Dio Römischen Päpste, i. p. 459.—M.
靠着西克斯图斯五世的精打细算,教皇国的岁入被提高到二百五十万罗马克朗(Vita, tom. ii. p. 291—296);军事编制又如此井然,以致克莱门特八世一个月之内便能率骑兵三千、步兵两万侵入费拉拉公国(tom. iii. p. 64)。自那以后(公元 1597 年),教宗的兵甲总算欣然生了锈,岁入却想必又有了些名义上的增长。* 编者按:论西克斯图斯五世的财政举措,参见兰克《罗马教宗史》(Die Römischen Päpste)第一卷第 459 页。—M
89
More especially by Guicciardini and Machiavel; in the general history of the former, in the Florentine history, the Prince, and the political discourses of the latter. These, with their worthy successors, Fra Paolo and Davila, were justly esteemed the first historians of modern languages, till, in the present age, Scotland arose, to dispute the prize with Italy herself.
尤以圭恰尔迪尼与马基雅维利为最——前者见其通史,后者见其《佛罗伦萨史》《君主论》以及若干政论。这两人连同其后堪称继武的弗拉·保罗与达维拉,一向被公认为近代各种语言中首屈一指的史家,直到当今之世,苏格兰崛起,方才与意大利本身争一日之短长。
90
In the history of the Gothic siege, I have compared the Barbarians with the subjects of Charles V., (vol. iii. p. 289, 290;) an anticipation, which, like that of the Tartar conquests, I indulged with the less scruple, as I could scarcely hope to reach the conclusion of my work.
在叙述哥特人围城那段历史时,我曾把那些蛮族与查理五世的臣民相比拟(vol. iii. p. 289, 290);这样一处提前落笔,正如我提前叙及鞑靼人的征服一样,当时我并无多少顾虑,只因几乎不敢指望能写到全书的结尾。
91
The ambitious and feeble hostilities of the Caraffa pope, Paul IV. may be seen in Thuanus (l. xvi.—xviii.) and Giannone, (tom. iv p. 149—163.) Those Catholic bigots, Philip II. and the duke of Alva, presumed to separate the Roman prince from the vicar of Christ, yet the holy character, which would have sanctified his victory was decently applied to protect his defeat. * Note: But compare Ranke, Die Römischen Päpste, i. p. 289.—M.
卡拉法出身的教宗保罗四世那既好大喜功又软弱无力的用兵,可参见图阿努斯(l. xvi.—xviii.)与詹诺内(tom. iv p. 149—163)。腓力二世与阿尔瓦公爵那两个天主教的偏执之徒,竟妄图把这位罗马君主与基督的代理人分而视之;然而那本可为其胜利添上神圣光环的圣职身份,此番却体面地被用来庇护他的败绩。* 编者按:但可对照兰克《罗马教宗史》(Die Römischen Päpste)第一卷第 289 页。—M
92
This gradual change of manners and expense is admirably explained by Dr. Adam Smith, (Wealth of Nations, vol. i. p. 495—504,) who proves, perhaps too severely, that the most salutary effects have flowed from the meanest and most selfish causes.
风尚与开销的这一渐变,亚当·斯密博士曾有精辟的解说(《国富论》vol. i. p. 495—504),他论证道——或许失之过苛——最有益的结果,往往正是从最卑下、最自私的动因中流淌而出的。
93
Mr. Hume (Hist. of England, vol. i. p. 389) too hastily conclude that if the civil and ecclesiastical powers be united in the same person, it is of little moment whether he be styled prince or prelate since the temporal character will always predominate.
休谟(《英格兰史》vol. i. p. 389)未免过于草率地断言:倘若世俗权力与教会权力集于一人之身,那么此人究竟称君主还是称高级教士,便无关紧要,因为世俗的一面终将占据上风。
94
A Protestant may disdain the unworthy preference of St. Francis or St. Dominic, but he will not rashly condemn the zeal or judgment of Sixtus V., who placed the statues of the apostles St. Peter and St. Paul on the vacant columns of Trajan and Antonine.
一个新教徒尽可鄙薄那种抬举圣方济各或圣多米尼克的不当偏好,却不会贸然去责难西克斯图斯五世的热忱或见识——正是他,把使徒圣彼得与圣保罗的雕像,安放在了图拉真圆柱与安敦尼圆柱那两根空置的柱顶之上。
95
A wandering Italian, Gregorio Leti, has given the Vita di Sisto-Quinto, (Amstel. 1721, 3 vols. in 12mo.,) a copious and amusing work, but which does not command our absolute confidence. Yet the character of the man, and the principal facts, are supported by the annals of Spondanus and Muratori, (A.D. 1585—1590,) and the contemporary history of the great Thuanus, (l. lxxxii. c. 1, 2, l. lxxxiv. c. 10, l. c. c. 8.) * Note: The industry of M. Ranke has discovered the document, a kind of scandalous chronicle of the time, from which Leti wrought up his amusing romances. See also M. Ranke’s observations on the Life of Sixtus. by Tempesti, b. iii. p. 317, 324.— M.
一位浪迹四方的意大利人格雷戈里奥·莱蒂写过一部《西克斯图斯五世传》(Vita di Sisto-Quinto,Amstel. 1721,3 vols. in 12mo),内容详赡而饶有趣味,只是不足以取信于我们。不过此人的性情与那些主要史实,尚有斯蓬达努斯与穆拉托里的编年史(公元 1585—1590 年),以及大图阿努斯的当代史(l. lxxxii. c. 1, 2, l. lxxxiv. c. 10, l. c. c. 8)为之佐证。* 编者按:兰克先生勤搜博采,发现了莱蒂据以敷演其有趣传奇的那份文献——一种当时的丑闻编年。另可参看兰克先生对坦佩斯蒂所撰《西克斯图斯传》的评论,b. iii. p. 317, 324。—M
96
These privileged places, the quartieri or franchises, were adopted from the Roman nobles by the foreign ministers. Julius II. had once abolished the abominandum et detestandum franchitiarum hujusmodi nomen: and after Sixtus V. they again revived. I cannot discern either the justice or magnanimity of Louis XIV., who, in 1687, sent his ambassador, the marquis de Lavardin, to Rome, with an armed force of a thousand officers, guards, and domestics, to maintain this iniquitous claim, and insult Pope Innocent XI. in the heart of his capital, (Vita di Sisto V. tom. iii. p. 260—278. Muratori, Annali d’Italia, tom. xv. p. 494—496, and Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XIV. tom. i. c. 14, p. 58, 59.)
这些享有特权的场所,即所谓 quartieri(街区)或 franchises(豁免区),本是外国使节仿效罗马贵族而设。尤利乌斯二世曾一度废除“这种可憎可恶的所谓豁免特权之名”(abominandum et detestandum franchitiarum hujusmodi nomen);西克斯图斯五世之后,它们又死灰复燃。路易十四于 1687 年派其大使拉瓦丹侯爵前往罗马,带着一支由一千名武官、卫士与仆役组成的武装队伍,去维护这项不义的主张,并在教宗英诺森十一世的都城腹地当面侮辱他——此举究竟有何公道或雅量,我实在看不出来(Vita di Sisto V. tom. iii. p. 260—278;Muratori, Annali d’Italia, tom. xv. p. 494—496;及 Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XIV. tom. i. c. 14, p. 58, 59)。
97
This outrage produced a decree, which was inscribed on marble, and placed in the Capitol. It is expressed in a style of manly simplicity and freedom: Si quis, sive privatus, sive magistratum gerens de collocandâ vivo pontifici statuâ mentionem facere ausit, legitimo S. P. Q. R. decreto in perpetuum infamis et publicorum munerum expers esto. MDXC. mense Augusto, (Vita di Sisto V. tom. iii. p. 469.) I believe that this decree is still observed, and I know that every monarch who deserves a statue should himself impose the prohibition.
这一暴行催生出一道法令,镌刻于大理石上,安置在卡皮托利山。其文辞刚健质朴,透着一股自由之气:“Si quis, sive privatus, sive magistratum gerens de collocandâ vivo pontifici statuâ mentionem facere ausit, legitimo S. P. Q. R. decreto in perpetuum infamis et publicorum munerum expers esto. MDXC. mense Augusto”(大意:无论何人,或为平民,或居官职,倘敢提议为在世的教宗树立雕像,即依罗马元老院与人民的合法法令,永受不名誉之罚,并被褫夺担任公职之权。1590 年 8 月)(Vita di Sisto V. tom. iii. p. 469)。我相信这道法令至今仍被遵守;而我知道,凡配得上一尊雕像的君主,都理当亲自颁下这样一道禁令。
98
The histories of the church, Italy, and Christendom, have contributed to the chapter which I now conclude. In the original Lives of the Popes, we often discover the city and republic of Rome: and the events of the xivth and xvth centuries are preserved in the rude and domestic chronicles which I have carefully inspected, and shall recapitulate in the order of time.
1. Monaldeschi (Ludovici Boncomitis) Fragmenta Annalium Roman. A.D. 1328, in the Scriptores Rerum Italicarum of Muratori, tom. xii. p. 525. N. B. The credit of this fragment is somewhat hurt by a singular interpolation, in which the author relates his own death at the age of 115 years.
2. Fragmenta Historiæ Romanæ (vulgo Thomas Fortifioccæ) in Romana Dialecto vulgari, (A.D. 1327—1354, in Muratori, Antiquitat. Medii Ævi Italiæ, tom. iii. p. 247—548;) the authentic groundwork of the history of Rienzi.
3. Delphini (Gentilis) Diarium Romanum, (A.D. 1370—1410,) in the Rerum Italicarum, tom. iii. P. ii. p. 846.
4. Antonii (Petri) Diarium Rom., (A.D. 1404—1417,) tom. xxiv. p. 699.
5. Petroni (Pauli) Miscellanea Historica Romana, (A.D. 1433—1446,) tom. xxiv. p. 1101.
6. Volaterrani (Jacob.) Diarium Rom., (A.D. 1472—1484,) tom. xxiii p. 81.
7. Anonymi Diarium Urbis Romæ, (A.D. 1481—1492,) tom. iii. P. ii. p. 1069.
8. Infessuræ (Stephani) Diarium Romanum, (A.D. 1294, or 1378—1494,) tom. iii. P. ii. p. 1109.
9. Historia Arcana Alexandri VI. sive Excerpta ex Diario Joh. Burcardi, (A.D. 1492—1503,) edita a Godefr. Gulielm. Leibnizio, Hanover, 697, in 14to. The large and valuable Journal of Burcard might be completed from the MSS. in different libraries of Italy and France, (M. de Foncemagne, in the Mémoires de l’Acad. des Inscrip. tom. xvii. p. 597—606.)
Except the last, all these fragments and diaries are inserted in the Collections of Muratori, my guide and master in the history of Italy. His country, and the public, are indebted to him for the following works on that subject: 1. Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, (A.D. 500—1500,) quorum potissima pars nunc primum in lucem prodit, &c., xxviii. vols. in folio, Milan, 1723—1738, 1751. A volume of chronological and alphabetical tables is still wanting as a key to this great work, which is yet in a disorderly and defective state. 2. Antiquitates Italiæ Medii Ævi, vi. vols. in folio, Milan, 1738—1743, in lxxv. curious dissertations, on the manners, government, religion, &c., of the Italians of the darker ages, with a large supplement of charters, chronicles, &c. 3. Dissertazioni sopra le Antiquita Italiane, iii. vols. in 4to., Milano, 1751, a free version by the author, which may be quoted with the same confidence as the Latin text of the Antiquities. Annali d’ Italia, xviii. vols. in octavo, Milan, 1753—1756, a dry, though accurate and useful, abridgment of the history of Italy, from the birth of Christ to the middle of the xviiith century. 5. Dell’ Antichita Estense ed Italiane, ii. vols. in folio, Modena, 1717, 1740. In the history of this illustrious race, the parent of our Brunswick kings, the critic is not seduced by the loyalty or gratitude of the subject. In all his works, Muratori approves himself a diligent and laborious writer, who aspires above the prejudices of a Catholic priest. He was born in the year 1672, and died in the year 1750, after passing near 60 years in the libraries of Milan and Modena, (Vita del Proposto Ludovico Antonio Muratori, by his nephew and successor Gian. Francesco Soli Muratori Venezia, 1756 m 4to.)
教会史、意大利史与基督教世界的历史,都为我如今就要收笔的这一章出过力。在历代教宗的原始传记中,我们时常能窥见罗马这座城市与这个共和国的身影;十四、十五两个世纪的种种事件,则保存在那些粗陋而带乡土气的编年记里——这些我都已仔细查考过,现按时间顺序略作胪列。
1. Monaldeschi (Ludovici Boncomitis) Fragmenta Annalium Roman. A.D. 1328,见穆拉托里《意大利史料集》(Scriptores Rerum Italicarum),tom. xii. p. 525。附注:此残篇的可信度略受一处奇特窜文之损——作者在其中叙及自己以一百一十五岁高龄辞世。
2. Fragmenta Historiæ Romanæ (vulgo Thomas Fortifioccæ) in Romana Dialecto vulgari(公元 1327—1354 年,见 Muratori, Antiquitat. Medii Ævi Italiæ, tom. iii. p. 247—548),此为里恩齐一段历史信实可靠的底本。
3. Delphini (Gentilis) Diarium Romanum(公元 1370—1410 年),见 Rerum Italicarum, tom. iii. P. ii. p. 846。
4. Antonii (Petri) Diarium Rom.(公元 1404—1417 年),tom. xxiv. p. 699。
5. Petroni (Pauli) Miscellanea Historica Romana(公元 1433—1446 年),tom. xxiv. p. 1101。
6. Volaterrani (Jacob.) Diarium Rom.(公元 1472—1484 年),tom. xxiii p. 81。
7. Anonymi Diarium Urbis Romæ(公元 1481—1492 年),tom. iii. P. ii. p. 1069。
8. Infessuræ (Stephani) Diarium Romanum(公元 1294 年,或 1378—1494 年),tom. iii. P. ii. p. 1109。
9. Historia Arcana Alexandri VI. sive Excerpta ex Diario Joh. Burcardi(公元 1492—1503 年),由戈特弗里德·威廉·莱布尼茨编订,Hanover, 697, in 14to。伯尔卡德那部卷帙浩繁而极有价值的日记,本可借助意大利与法国各图书馆所藏的抄本补全(M. de Foncemagne,见 Mémoires de l’Acad. des Inscrip. tom. xvii. p. 597—606)。
除最后一种外,以上所有残篇与日记,均收入穆拉托里的各部汇编之中——他正是我研治意大利历史的向导与宗师。在这一题目上,他的祖国与公众都受惠于他以下诸作:1. Rerum Italicarum Scriptores(公元 500—1500 年),quorum potissima pars nunc primum in lucem prodit 等,二十八卷对开本,米兰,1723—1738、1751 年。此煌煌巨著至今仍缺一卷年代与字母检索表以为门径,且尚处于杂乱而不完备的状态。2. Antiquitates Italiæ Medii Ævi,六卷对开本,米兰,1738—1743 年,收论文七十五篇,考述蒙昧年代意大利人的风俗、政制、宗教等等,并附大量特许状、编年记等文献。3. Dissertazioni sopra le Antiquita Italiane,三卷四开本,米兰,1751 年,系作者自行改写的通俗本,其可信程度与《古物》的拉丁文本无异。Annali d’ Italia,十八卷八开本,米兰,1753—1756 年,是一部意大利通史的节本,虽枯燥,却准确而有用,起自基督诞生,迄于十八世纪中叶。5. Dell’ Antichita Estense ed Italiane,二卷对开本,摩德纳,1717、1740 年。在叙述这个显赫家族——我们布伦瑞克诸王的祖系——的历史时,这位史评家并未被题材所系的忠忱或感恩之情所诱惑。在其全部著作中,穆拉托里都不愧为一位勤勉而肯下苦功的作者,志向超乎一个天主教神父的种种偏见之上。他生于 1672 年,殁于 1750 年,一生近六十载都消磨在米兰与摩德纳的各座图书馆里(Vita del Proposto Ludovico Antonio Muratori,由其外甥兼继承人 Gian. Francesco Soli Muratori 撰,威尼斯,1756 年,4to)。