Chapter LXIV: Moguls, Ottoman Turks.—Part III. 第六十四章 蒙古人与奥斯曼土耳其人——第三节
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In this shipwreck of nations, some surprise may be excited by the escape of the Roman empire, whose relics, at the time of the Mogul invasion, were dismembered by the Greeks and Latins. Less potent than Alexander, they were pressed, like the Macedonian, both in Europe and Asia, by the shepherds of Scythia; and had the Tartars undertaken the siege, Constantinople must have yielded to the fate of Pekin, Samarcand, and Bagdad. The glorious and voluntary retreat of Batou from the Danube was insulted by the vain triumph of the Franks and Greeks; 34 and in a second expedition death surprised him in full march to attack the capital of the Cæsars. His brother Borga carried the Tartar arms into Bulgaria and Thrace; but he was diverted from the Byzantine war by a visit to Novogorod, in the fifty-seventh degree of latitude, where he numbered the inhabitants and regulated the tributes of Russia. The Mogul khan formed an alliance with the Mamalukes against his brethren of Persia: three hundred thousand horse penetrated through the gates of Derbend; and the Greeks might rejoice in the first example of domestic war. After the recovery of Constantinople, Michael Palæologus, 35 at a distance from his court and army, was surprised and surrounded in a Thracian castle, by twenty thousand Tartars. But the object of their march was a private interest: they came to the deliverance of Azzadin, the Turkish sultan; and were content with his person and the treasure of the emperor. Their general Noga, whose name is perpetuated in the hordes of Astracan, raised a formidable rebellion against Mengo Timour, the third of the khans of Kipzak; obtained in marriage Maria, the natural daughter of Palæologus; and guarded the dominions of his friend and father. The subsequent invasions of a Scythian cast were those of outlaws and fugitives: and some thousands of Alani and Comans, who had been driven from their native seats, were reclaimed from a vagrant life, and enlisted in the service of the empire. Such was the influence in Europe of the invasion of the Moguls. The first terror of their arms secured, rather than disturbed, the peace of the Roman Asia. The sultan of Iconium solicited a personal interview with John Vataces; and his artful policy encouraged the Turks to defend their barrier against the common enemy. 36 That barrier indeed was soon overthrown; and the servitude and ruin of the Seljukians exposed the nakedness of the Greeks. The formidable Holagou threatened to march to Constantinople at the head of four hundred thousand men; and the groundless panic of the citizens of Nice will present an image of the terror which he had inspired. The accident of a procession, and the sound of a doleful litany, “From the fury of the Tartars, good Lord, deliver us,” had scattered the hasty report of an assault and massacre. In the blind credulity of fear, the streets of Nice were crowded with thousands of both sexes, who knew not from what or to whom they fled; and some hours elapsed before the firmness of the military officers could relieve the city from this imaginary foe. But the ambition of Holagou and his successors was fortunately diverted by the conquest of Bagdad, and a long vicissitude of Syrian wars; their hostility to the Moslems inclined them to unite with the Greeks and Franks; 37 and their generosity or contempt had offered the kingdom of Anatolia as the reward of an Armenian vassal. The fragments of the Seljukian monarchy were disputed by the emirs who had occupied the cities or the mountains; but they all confessed the supremacy of the khans of Persia; and he often interposed his authority, and sometimes his arms, to check their depredations, and to preserve the peace and balance of his Turkish frontier. The death of Cazan, 38 one of the greatest and most accomplished princes of the house of Zingis, removed this salutary control; and the decline of the Moguls gave a free scope to the rise and progress of the Ottoman Empire. 39
诸族倾覆,宛如舟船沉没之际,罗马帝国竟得幸免,或令人称奇;当蒙古人入侵之时,帝国的残躯早已被希腊人与拉丁人瓜分肢解。希腊人的国力不及亚历山大,却与这位马其顿君主一样,在欧、亚两洲同受斯基泰牧人的进逼;倘若鞑靼人当真兴兵围城,君士坦丁堡势必重蹈北京、撒马尔罕与巴格达的覆辙。拔都自多瑙河一带主动撤退,本属光荣之举,法兰克人与希腊人却虚妄地夸耀胜利,肆意讥嘲;34 其后他再度出征,正挥师疾进、意欲攻取诸恺撒之都,死神却出乎意料地将他攫走。其弟别儿哥挥鞑靼之兵,深入保加利亚与色雷斯;然而一趟诺夫哥罗德之行——那城地处北纬五十七度——使他无暇再与拜占庭交战,他在那里清点丁口,厘定罗斯的贡赋。这位蒙古大汗又与马穆鲁克结盟,共讨其在波斯的同族兄弟:三十万铁骑穿越杰尔宾特关隘;蒙古人首度自相残杀,希腊人自可为之额手称庆。收复君士坦丁堡之后,米海尔·帕莱奥洛戈斯 35 一度远离朝廷与大军,在色雷斯一座城堡中猝遭两万鞑靼骑兵包围。然而此番进军别有私图:他们意在营救土耳其苏丹阿泽丁;既得其人,又取皇帝一笔财货,便心满意足而去。其统帅那海——阿斯特拉罕诸部至今犹传其名——曾举兵反叛钦察第三代大汗忙哥帖木儿,声势浩大;他娶帕莱奥洛戈斯的私生女玛丽亚为妻,并守护这位岳丈兼盟友的疆土。此后再有斯基泰式的入侵,来者不过亡命之徒与流亡之辈;数千阿兰人与库曼人被逐出故土,后经招抚,脱离漂泊生涯,编入帝国麾下效力。蒙古入侵在欧洲所生的影响,大抵如此。其兵锋初起所激的恐慌,非但未曾扰乱罗马治下亚细亚的安宁,反倒使之愈加稳固。伊科尼乌姆苏丹请求与约翰·瓦塔泽斯当面会晤;瓦塔泽斯手段老练,鼓动土耳其人固守边障,以御共同之敌。36然而那道屏障不久便告崩溃;塞尔柱人沦亡为奴,希腊人的门户遂暴露无遗。威名赫赫的旭烈兀扬言要亲率四十万大军直逼君士坦丁堡;尼西亚市民那场毫无根据的惊惶,恰可作他所激起之恐怖的写照。一次偶然的宗教游行,一段哀婉的连祷之声——“慈悲的主啊,求你救我们脱离鞑靼人的狂暴”——竟使敌军攻城屠戮的谣言不胫而走。恐惧令人盲目轻信,尼西亚街头顿时挤满成千男女,既不知所逃者为何物,亦不知投奔何人;直至数小时后,全赖军官镇定弹压,全城方才从这子虚乌有之敌手中解脱出来。所幸旭烈兀及其继任者的野心,因攻取巴格达以及旷日持久、变幻不定的叙利亚战事而移向他处;他们既与穆斯林为敌,便倾向于同希腊人、法兰克人携手;37 出于慷慨抑或轻蔑,他们竟将安纳托利亚王国赏赐给一位亚美尼亚附庸。塞尔柱王朝分崩离析,据守城池或山峦的各路埃米尔争夺其残土;然而他们无不承认波斯诸汗的宗主地位;波斯大汗也屡屡出面弹压,有时更动用武力,以遏止他们的劫掠,维持其土耳其边地的安宁与均势。合赞乃成吉思汗家族中最伟大、最有才略的君主之一,他一死,38 这一有益的约束随之解除;蒙古人日渐衰微,遂为奥斯曼帝国的兴起与壮大让出了广阔的余地。39
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After the retreat of Zingis, the sultan Gelaleddin of Carizme had returned from India to the possession and defence of his Persian kingdoms. In the space of eleven years, that hero fought in person fourteen battles; and such was his activity, that he led his cavalry in seventeen days from Teflis to Kerman, a march of a thousand miles. Yet he was oppressed by the jealousy of the Moslem princes, and the innumerable armies of the Moguls; and after his last defeat, Gelaleddin perished ignobly in the mountains of Curdistan. His death dissolved a veteran and adventurous army, which included under the name of Carizmians or Corasmins many Turkman hordes, that had attached themselves to the sultan’s fortune. The bolder and more powerful chiefs invaded Syria, and violated the holy sepulchre of Jerusalem: the more humble engaged in the service of Aladin, sultan of Iconium; and among these were the obscure fathers of the Ottoman line. They had formerly pitched their tents near the southern banks of the Oxus, in the plains of Mahan and Nesa; and it is somewhat remarkable, that the same spot should have produced the first authors of the Parthian and Turkish empires. At the head, or in the rear, of a Carizmian army, Soliman Shah was drowned in the passage of the Euphrates: his son Orthogrul became the soldier and subject of Aladin, and established at Surgut, on the banks of the Sangar, a camp of four hundred families or tents, whom he governed fifty-two years both in peace and war. He was the father of Thaman, or Athman, whose Turkish name has been melted into the appellation of the caliph Othman; and if we describe that pastoral chief as a shepherd and a robber, we must separate from those characters all idea of ignominy and baseness. Othman possessed, and perhaps surpassed, the ordinary virtues of a soldier; and the circumstances of time and place were propitious to his independence and success. The Seljukian dynasty was no more; and the distance and decline of the Mogul khans soon enfranchised him from the control of a superior. He was situate on the verge of the Greek empire: the Koran sanctified his gazi, or holy war, against the infidels; and their political errors unlocked the passes of Mount Olympus, and invited him to descend into the plains of Bithynia. Till the reign of Palæologus, these passes had been vigilantly guarded by the militia of the country, who were repaid by their own safety and an exemption from taxes. The emperor abolished their privilege and assumed their office; but the tribute was rigorously collected, the custody of the passes was neglected, and the hardy mountaineers degenerated into a trembling crowd of peasants without spirit or discipline. It was on the twenty-seventh of July, in the year twelve hundred and ninety-nine of the Christian æra, that Othman first invaded the territory of Nicomedia; 40 and the singular accuracy of the date seems to disclose some foresight of the rapid and destructive growth of the monster. The annals of the twenty-seven years of his reign would exhibit a repetition of the same inroads; and his hereditary troops were multiplied in each campaign by the accession of captives and volunteers. Instead of retreating to the hills, he maintained the most useful and defensive posts; fortified the towns and castles which he had first pillaged; and renounced the pastoral life for the baths and palaces of his infant capitals. But it was not till Othman was oppressed by age and infirmities, that he received the welcome news of the conquest of Prusa, which had been surrendered by famine or treachery to the arms of his son Orchan. The glory of Othman is chiefly founded on that of his descendants; but the Turks have transcribed or composed a royal testament of his last counsels of justice and moderation. 41
成吉思汗撤军之后,花剌子模的苏丹哲拉勒丁自印度归来,重掌并保卫其波斯诸邦。十一年间,这位英雄亲自督战十四场;他行动之神速,竟率骑兵十七日自梯弗利斯驰抵克尔曼,行程达一千英里。然而穆斯林诸侯猜忌于内,无数蒙古大军压迫于外,令他难以支撑;末次战败之后,哲拉勒丁潦倒惨死于库尔德斯坦的群山之中。他一死,一支久经沙场、惯于冒险的军队随之瓦解;这支号称花剌子模人的队伍中,本就包含许多依附苏丹命运的土库曼部落。其中较为剽悍强横的首领挥兵侵入叙利亚,亵渎了耶路撒冷的圣墓;较为卑微者则投效伊科尼乌姆苏丹阿拉丁麾下——奥斯曼一系那几位默默无闻的先祖,正在这批人当中。他们早先曾在阿姆河南岸、马汉与内萨的平原上支帐游牧;说来也颇堪玩味,帕提亚帝国与土耳其帝国的开创者,竟同出此地。苏莱曼沙阿率一支花剌子模军队——或在前锋,或殿其后——渡幼发拉底河时溺水而亡;其子埃尔图格鲁尔遂成为阿拉丁的士卒与臣属,在桑加里乌斯河畔的索古特安营,聚四百户帐幕,无论平居抑或战时,都统辖了他们五十二年。他便是塔曼(又作阿特曼)之父,此人的突厥语本名后来被熔铸为哈里发奥斯曼之称;倘若我们把这位游牧首领称作牧人兼强盗,就须把一切卑贱可耻的意味从这两个字眼里剥离出去。奥斯曼兼具、或许还超越了一名军人所应有的寻常德行;而天时地利也恰好成全了他的自立与功业。塞尔柱王朝已不复存在;蒙古诸汗既远且衰,不久便使他摆脱了上邦的节制。他正处在希腊帝国的边缘:《古兰经》为他讨伐异教徒的gazi(即圣战)赋予了神圣的名义;而希腊人在政略上的失误,等于为他开启了奥林匹斯山的隘口,招他长驱直下比提尼亚的平原。直到帕莱奥洛戈斯在位之前,这些隘口一向由本地民兵严加把守,他们所得的报偿,便是自身的安全与免赋之惠。皇帝却废除了他们的特权,收回了戍守之责;结果赋税照旧严征,隘口的防务反遭荒废,昔日剽悍的山民也堕落为一群胆怯的农夫,既无斗志,亦无纪律。公元1299年七月二十七日,奥斯曼首度侵入尼科米底亚境内;40 此一日期记载得如此精确,似乎透露出时人对这头怪物迅猛而具毁灭性的成长早有某种预感。他在位二十七年的编年史,无非是同类侵扰的反复重演;他世袭的部众则在每次征战中因俘虏与志愿者的加入而不断壮大。他不再退守山中,而是牢牢占据那些最要害、最易守之地;把最初劫掠过的城镇与堡垒加以设防;并舍弃游牧生涯,转而享用其草创都城中的浴场与宫室。然而直到奥斯曼年迈体衰、饱受病痛之时,他才听到攻克普鲁萨的喜讯——那座城池或因饥馑、或因内奸而落入其子奥尔汗之手。奥斯曼的荣名,主要还是建立在其后裔的荣光之上;不过土耳其人也传抄或编撰过一份帝王遗训,记下他临终时有关公正与节制的谆谆告诫。41
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From the conquest of Prusa, we may date the true æra of the Ottoman empire. The lives and possessions of the Christian subjects were redeemed by a tribute or ransom of thirty thousand crowns of gold; and the city, by the labors of Orchan, assumed the aspect of a Mahometan capital; Prusa was decorated with a mosque, a college, and a hospital, of royal foundation; the Seljukian coin was changed for the name and impression of the new dynasty: and the most skilful professors, of human and divine knowledge, attracted the Persian and Arabian students from the ancient schools of Oriental learning. The office of vizier was instituted for Aladin, the brother of Orchan; 411 and a different habit distinguished the citizens from the peasants, the Moslems from the infidels. All the troops of Othman had consisted of loose squadrons of Turkman cavalry; who served without pay and fought without discipline: but a regular body of infantry was first established and trained by the prudence of his son. A great number of volunteers was enrolled with a small stipend, but with the permission of living at home, unless they were summoned to the field: their rude manners, and seditious temper, disposed Orchan to educate his young captives as his soldiers and those of the prophet; but the Turkish peasants were still allowed to mount on horseback, and follow his standard, with the appellation and the hopes of freebooters. 412 By these arts he formed an army of twenty-five thousand Moslems: a train of battering engines was framed for the use of sieges; and the first successful experiment was made on the cities of Nice and Nicomedia. Orchan granted a safe-conduct to all who were desirous of departing with their families and effects; but the widows of the slain were given in marriage to the conquerors; and the sacrilegious plunder, the books, the vases, and the images, were sold or ransomed at Constantinople. The emperor Andronicus the Younger was vanquished and wounded by the son of Othman: 42 421 he subdued the whole province or kingdom of Bithynia, as far as the shores of the Bosphorus and Hellespont; and the Christians confessed the justice and clemency of a reign which claimed the voluntary attachment of the Turks of Asia. Yet Orchan was content with the modest title of emir; and in the list of his compeers, the princes of Roum or Anatolia, 43 his military forces were surpassed by the emirs of Ghermian and Caramania, each of whom could bring into the field an army of forty thousand men. Their domains were situate in the heart of the Seljukian kingdom; but the holy warriors, though of inferior note, who formed new principalities on the Greek empire, are more conspicuous in the light of history. The maritime country from the Propontis to the Mæander and the Isle of Rhodes, so long threatened and so often pillaged, was finally lost about the thirteenth year of Andronicus the Elder. 44 Two Turkish chieftains, Sarukhan and Aidin, left their names to their conquests, and their conquests to their posterity. The captivity or ruin of the seven churches of Asia was consummated; and the barbarous lords of Ionia and Lydia still trample on the monuments of classic and Christian antiquity. In the loss of Ephesus, the Christians deplored the fall of the first angel, the extinction of the first candlestick, of the Revelations; 45 the desolation is complete; and the temple of Diana, or the church of Mary, will equally elude the search of the curious traveller. The circus and three stately theatres of Laodicea are now peopled with wolves and foxes; Sardes is reduced to a miserable village; the God of Mahomet, without a rival or a son, is invoked in the mosques of Thyatira and Pergamus; and the populousness of Smyrna is supported by the foreign trade of the Franks and Armenians. Philadelphia alone has been saved by prophecy, or courage. At a distance from the sea, forgotten by the emperors, encompassed on all sides by the Turks, her valiant citizens defended their religion and freedom above fourscore years; and at length capitulated with the proudest of the Ottomans. Among the Greek colonies and churches of Asia, Philadelphia is still erect; a column in a scene of ruins; a pleasing example, that the paths of honor and safety may sometimes be the same. The servitude of Rhodes was delayed about two centuries by the establishment of the knights of St. John of Jerusalem: 46 under the discipline of the order, that island emerged into fame and opulence; the noble and warlike monks were renowned by land and sea: and the bulwark of Christendom provoked, and repelled, the arms of the Turks and Saracens.
奥斯曼帝国真正的纪元,可以从攻取普鲁萨算起。城中基督徒臣民以三万金克朗的贡金或赎金,换来性命与家产的保全;经奥尔汗一番经营,此城遂具穆斯林都城的气象:普鲁萨兴建起清真寺、学院与医院,皆由王室出资;塞尔柱的钱币也换上了新王朝的名号与印记;而通晓世俗与神圣学问的名师宿儒,更把波斯与阿拉伯的学子从东方古老的学府吸引而来。维齐尔一职,本是为奥尔汗之弟阿拉丁而设;411 而不同的服饰则用以区别市民与农夫、穆斯林与异教徒。奥斯曼麾下的兵马,原本只是一队队散漫的土库曼骑兵,既无饷可领,作战又不讲纪律;直到其子精明筹划,才首度建立并训练出一支正规的步兵。大批志愿者应募入伍,只领微薄的津贴,却获准居家度日,除非奉召出征;这些人举止粗野、秉性好乱,遂使奥尔汗决意把年幼的俘虏教养成自己的、也是先知的战士;至于土耳其农夫,则仍获准跨马从军,追随他的旗帜,顶着“自由掠兵”的名号,怀着同样的指望。412凭借这些手段,他组建起一支两万五千人的穆斯林军队;又打造了一批攻城器械,以备围攻之用;而首次奏效的试锋,便落在尼西亚与尼科米底亚两城之上。凡愿携家带产离去者,奥尔汗一概发给通行凭证,保其平安;然而阵亡者的遗孀却被配给征服者为妻;那些亵渎神圣所掠得的赃物——书籍、瓶器、圣像——则被运到君士坦丁堡变卖或赎回。皇帝小安德罗尼库斯为奥斯曼之子所败,且身负创伤;42 421 奥尔汗遂征服比提尼亚全境(无论称行省还是称王国),直抵博斯普鲁斯海峡与赫勒斯滂之滨;基督徒也不得不承认,这一朝统治公正而宽仁,竟赢得亚洲土耳其人的自愿归附。然而奥尔汗仍满足于“埃米尔”这一并不显赫的称号;在与他同列的鲁姆(或称安纳托利亚)诸侯之中,43 论兵力他还逊于格尔米扬与卡拉曼两地的埃米尔——这两位各能出动一支四万人的大军。他们的领地位于塞尔柱王国的腹心;不过另有一些名望稍逊的圣战者,在希腊帝国的疆土上另立了新的公国,反倒在史册的光照下更为耀眼。自普罗庞提斯直到米安德河与罗得岛的这片沿海地带,久受威胁,屡遭劫掠,终于在老安德罗尼库斯在位第十三年前后彻底沦丧。44两位土耳其酋长萨鲁汗与艾登,把自己的名字留给了征服所得之地,又把这些征服所得留给了各自的后裔。亚细亚七教会或沦亡、或倾圮,至此尽皆成为定局;爱奥尼亚与吕底亚的蛮族之主,至今仍践踏着古典与基督教先代的遗迹。以弗所的陷落,令基督徒痛惜《启示录》中第一位天使的坠落、第一座灯台的熄灭;45 那里已彻底沦为荒墟;无论是狄安娜神庙还是马利亚教堂,好奇的游客都同样遍寻不获。拉奥迪西亚的竞技场与三座巍峨剧场,如今只余豺狼与狐狸出没;萨迪斯沦为一座凄凉的村落;穆罕默德那位既无匹敌、亦无子嗣的真主,如今在提亚提拉与帕加马的清真寺中受人祈拜;而士麦那之所以人烟稠密,全赖法兰克人与亚美尼亚人的外贸支撑。唯有费拉德尔菲亚,或因预言、或凭勇气而得以保全。此城远离海滨,为历代皇帝所遗忘,四面又尽是土耳其人,其英勇的市民却守护自己的信仰与自由达八十余年之久;直到最后,方才向最骄横的奥斯曼君主俯首乞和。在亚细亚的希腊殖民城邦与教会之中,费拉德尔菲亚至今屹立不倒——宛如废墟之上一根挺立的石柱;它令人欣慰地证明:荣誉之路与安全之途,有时竟可合而为一。罗得岛之沦为奴役,因耶路撒冷圣约翰骑士团在此立足而推迟了约两个世纪;46 在骑士团的纪律约束之下,此岛渐享盛名,日臻富庶;这些既高贵又善战的修士,威名远播于海陆之间;作为基督教世界的壁垒,此岛既招来、也一再击退土耳其人与萨拉森人的兵锋。
¶
The Greeks, by their intestine divisions, were the authors of their final ruin. During the civil wars of the elder and younger Andronicus, the son of Othman achieved, almost without resistance, the conquest of Bithynia; and the same disorders encouraged the Turkish emirs of Lydia and Ionia to build a fleet, and to pillage the adjacent islands and the sea-coast of Europe. In the defence of his life and honor, Cantacuzene was tempted to prevent, or imitate, his adversaries, by calling to his aid the public enemies of his religion and country. Amir, the son of Aidin, concealed under a Turkish garb the humanity and politeness of a Greek; he was united with the great domestic by mutual esteem and reciprocal services; and their friendship is compared, in the vain rhetoric of the times, to the perfect union of Orestes and Pylades. 47 On the report of the danger of his friend, who was persecuted by an ungrateful court, the prince of Ionia assembled at Smyrna a fleet of three hundred vessels, with an army of twenty-nine thousand men; sailed in the depth of winter, and cast anchor at the mouth of the Hebrus. From thence, with a chosen band of two thousand Turks, he marched along the banks of the river, and rescued the empress, who was besieged in Demotica by the wild Bulgarians. At that disastrous moment, the life or death of his beloved Cantacuzene was concealed by his flight into Servia: but the grateful Irene, impatient to behold her deliverer, invited him to enter the city, and accompanied her message with a present of rich apparel and a hundred horses. By a peculiar strain of delicacy, the Gentle Barbarian refused, in the absence of an unfortunate friend, to visit his wife, or to taste the luxuries of the palace; sustained in his tent the rigor of the winter; and rejected the hospitable gift, that he might share the hardships of two thousand companions, all as deserving as himself of that honor and distinction. Necessity and revenge might justify his predatory excursions by sea and land: he left nine thousand five hundred men for the guard of his fleet; and persevered in the fruitless search of Cantacuzene, till his embarkation was hastened by a fictitious letter, the severity of the season, the clamors of his independent troops, and the weight of his spoil and captives. In the prosecution of the civil war, the prince of Ionia twice returned to Europe; joined his arms with those of the emperor; besieged Thessalonica, and threatened Constantinople. Calumny might affix some reproach on his imperfect aid, his hasty departure, and a bribe of ten thousand crowns, which he accepted from the Byzantine court; but his friend was satisfied; and the conduct of Amir is excused by the more sacred duty of defending against the Latins his hereditary dominions. The maritime power of the Turks had united the pope, the king of Cyprus, the republic of Venice, and the order of St. John, in a laudable crusade; their galleys invaded the coast of Ionia; and Amir was slain with an arrow, in the attempt to wrest from the Rhodian knights the citadel of Smyrna. 48 Before his death, he generously recommended another ally of his own nation; not more sincere or zealous than himself, but more able to afford a prompt and powerful succor, by his situation along the Propontis and in the front of Constantinople. By the prospect of a more advantageous treaty, the Turkish prince of Bithynia was detached from his engagements with Anne of Savoy; and the pride of Orchan dictated the most solemn protestations, that if he could obtain the daughter of Cantacuzene, he would invariably fulfil the duties of a subject and a son. Parental tenderness was silenced by the voice of ambition: the Greek clergy connived at the marriage of a Christian princess with a sectary of Mahomet; and the father of Theodora describes, with shameful satisfaction, the dishonor of the purple. 49 A body of Turkish cavalry attended the ambassadors, who disembarked from thirty vessels, before his camp of Selybria. A stately pavilion was erected, in which the empress Irene passed the night with her daughters. In the morning, Theodora ascended a throne, which was surrounded with curtains of silk and gold: the troops were under arms; but the emperor alone was on horseback. At a signal the curtains were suddenly withdrawn to disclose the bride, or the victim, encircled by kneeling eunuchs and hymeneal torches: the sound of flutes and trumpets proclaimed the joyful event; and her pretended happiness was the theme of the nuptial song, which was chanted by such poets as the age could produce. Without the rites of the church, Theodora was delivered to her barbarous lord: but it had been stipulated, that she should preserve her religion in the harem of Bursa; and her father celebrates her charity and devotion in this ambiguous situation. After his peaceful establishment on the throne of Constantinople, the Greek emperor visited his Turkish ally, who with four sons, by various wives, expected him at Scutari, on the Asiatic shore. The two princes partook, with seeming cordiality, of the pleasures of the banquet and the chase; and Theodora was permitted to repass the Bosphorus, and to enjoy some days in the society of her mother. But the friendship of Orchan was subservient to his religion and interest; and in the Genoese war he joined without a blush the enemies of Cantacuzene.
希腊人内讧不已,终是自取灭亡。老、小两位安德罗尼库斯彼此争战之际,奥斯曼之子几乎未遇抵抗便征服了比提尼亚;同样的乱局也怂恿吕底亚与爱奥尼亚的土耳其诸埃米尔建起舰队,劫掠邻近的岛屿以及欧洲的海岸。为保全自己的性命与名誉,坎塔库泽努斯不惜抢在政敌之前、或效仿政敌之举,把他信仰与祖国的公敌招来相助。艾登之子埃米尔,一身土耳其装束之下,却藏着希腊人般的仁厚与文雅;他与大将军坎塔库泽努斯彼此敬重,互施恩义,因而结为知交;当时浮夸的辞令甚至把他俩的情谊,比作俄瑞斯忒斯与皮拉德斯那般天衣无缝的结合。47这位爱奥尼亚君主一听说友人正遭忘恩负义的朝廷迫害、身陷险境,便在士麦那集结起一支三百艘战船、两万九千人的舰队;隆冬之际扬帆出海,在赫布鲁斯河口抛锚。自此他率两千精选的土耳其士卒,沿河岸进军;其时皇后正被凶悍的保加利亚人围困于德莫蒂卡,他遂将其解救出来。值此危难之际,他所敬爱的坎塔库泽努斯已逃入塞尔维亚,是生是死,无从得知;然而心怀感激的伊琳娜急欲一睹救命恩人,便邀他入城,并随信馈赠华服与骏马一百匹。这位温文尔雅的蛮子却别有一番细腻的顾念:友人正遭厄运、不在城中,他便不肯去拜访其妻,也不肯享用宫中的奢华;宁可在营帐里熬受严冬的酷寒,谢绝了这份盛情的馈赠,只为与两千同袍同甘共苦——在他看来,这些人个个都和他一样,配得上那份荣耀与殊遇。无论出于形势所迫抑或复仇之心,他在海陆两路的劫掠或许都情有可原:他留下九千五百人守护舰队,一心遍寻坎塔库泽努斯而终无所获;直到一封伪造的书信、严酷的时令、麾下那支不受节制之军的鼓噪,加之赃物与俘虏的沉重拖累,才促使他匆匆登船离去。在这场内战的进程中,这位爱奥尼亚君主两度重返欧洲,与皇帝联兵,围攻塞萨洛尼卡,并进逼君士坦丁堡。诋毁之辞或可指摘他援助不力、匆匆撤走,又收受拜占庭朝廷一万克朗的贿赂;然而他的友人对他并无不满;何况埃米尔还负有一项更为神圣的职责——抵御拉丁人、保卫祖传的领地,凡此种种也就情有可原了。土耳其人的海上势力,促使教宗、塞浦路斯国王、威尼斯共和国与圣约翰骑士团联手,发动了一场可嘉的十字军;他们的桨帆战船进犯爱奥尼亚海岸;埃米尔在试图从罗得岛骑士手中夺回士麦那城堡时,中箭身亡。48临终之前,他慷慨地举荐了本族另一位盟友;此人的诚意与热忱未必胜过他,却因据守普罗庞提斯沿岸、正当君士坦丁堡当面之地,更能施以迅捷而有力的援手。一纸更为有利的条约在望,便使这位比提尼亚的土耳其君主背弃了他与萨伏依的安妮所立的约定;而奥尔汗出于自负,立下最庄重的誓言:只要能娶到坎塔库泽努斯之女,他必始终尽人臣与人子之责。野心的呼声压过了为父的舐犊之情:希腊教会对一位基督徒公主下嫁穆罕默德教派之徒睁一只眼闭一只眼;而狄奥多拉之父竟带着可耻的得意,细述皇室紫袍所蒙受的这般屈辱。49一队土耳其骑兵护送着使节,在他塞林布里亚的营地之前,从三十艘船上登岸。营中搭起一座华美的帐幕,伊琳娜皇后偕众女在其中过了一夜。翌晨,狄奥多拉登上一座御座,四周垂着金丝织成的锦帷;将士皆全副武装,唯有皇帝一人跨于马上。一声令下,锦帷骤然拉开,露出这位新娘——或曰祭品——身旁环绕着跪伏的宦官与成排的婚炬;笛声与号角齐鸣,宣告这桩喜事;而她那名义上的幸福,便成了婚歌吟咏的主题,由当世所能拿得出手的诗人们高声唱和。未经教会礼仪,狄奥多拉便被交到她那位蛮族夫君手中;不过双方早有约定,她可在布尔萨的后宫中保有自己的信仰;她父亲还盛赞她身处这般暧昧的境地,仍不改其仁爱与虔敬。待到安然坐稳君士坦丁堡的皇位之后,这位希腊皇帝便去拜会他的土耳其盟友;对方携四子(皆由不同妻室所生)在亚洲一侧的斯库塔里恭候。两位君主表面上和睦融洽,一同享受宴饮与狩猎之乐;狄奥多拉也获准再渡博斯普鲁斯海峡,与母亲相聚数日。然而奥尔汗的这份友谊,终究要屈从于他的信仰与利益;及至热那亚战争之中,他竟毫不脸红地投向了坎塔库泽努斯的敌人一方。
¶
In the treaty with the empress Anne, the Ottoman prince had inserted a singular condition, that it should be lawful for him to sell his prisoners at Constantinople, or transport them into Asia. A naked crowd of Christians of both sexes and every age, of priests and monks, of matrons and virgins, was exposed in the public market; the whip was frequently used to quicken the charity of redemption; and the indigent Greeks deplored the fate of their brethren, who were led away to the worst evils of temporal and spiritual bondage 50 Cantacuzene was reduced to subscribe the same terms; and their execution must have been still more pernicious to the empire: a body of ten thousand Turks had been detached to the assistance of the empress Anne; but the entire forces of Orchan were exerted in the service of his father. Yet these calamities were of a transient nature; as soon as the storm had passed away, the fugitives might return to their habitations; and at the conclusion of the civil and foreign wars, Europe was completely evacuated by the Moslems of Asia. It was in his last quarrel with his pupil that Cantacuzene inflicted the deep and deadly wound, which could never be healed by his successors, and which is poorly expiated by his theological dialogues against the prophet Mahomet. Ignorant of their own history, the modern Turks confound their first and their final passage of the Hellespont, 51 and describe the son of Orchan as a nocturnal robber, who, with eighty companions, explores by stratagem a hostile and unknown shore. Soliman, at the head of ten thousand horse, was transported in the vessels, and entertained as the friend, of the Greek emperor. In the civil wars of Romania, he performed some service and perpetrated more mischief; but the Chersonesus was insensibly filled with a Turkish colony; and the Byzantine court solicited in vain the restitution of the fortresses of Thrace. After some artful delays between the Ottoman prince and his son, their ransom was valued at sixty thousand crowns, and the first payment had been made when an earthquake shook the walls and cities of the provinces; the dismantled places were occupied by the Turks; and Gallipoli, the key of the Hellespont, was rebuilt and repeopled by the policy of Soliman. The abdication of Cantacuzene dissolved the feeble bands of domestic alliance; and his last advice admonished his countrymen to decline a rash contest, and to compare their own weakness with the numbers and valor, the discipline and enthusiasm, of the Moslems. His prudent counsels were despised by the headstrong vanity of youth, and soon justified by the victories of the Ottomans. But as he practised in the field the exercise of the jerid, Soliman was killed by a fall from his horse; and the aged Orchan wept and expired on the tomb of his valiant son. 511
在与安妮皇后所订的条约中,这位奥斯曼君主塞进了一项异乎寻常的条款:准许他把俘虏在君士坦丁堡出售,或径直运往亚洲。一群赤身裸体的基督徒——男女老幼、司铎修士、主妇处女,无所不有——被公然陈列于市场之上;皮鞭频频挥动,只为催逼旁人赶紧解囊赎人;贫困的希腊人痛惜同胞的命运,眼看他们被掳去,坠入尘世与灵魂双重奴役的至苦深渊。50 坎塔库泽努斯也被迫签下同样的条款;这些条款一旦付诸实行,对帝国的祸害恐怕更烈:先前已有一万土耳其人被派去援助安妮皇后,而奥尔汗的全部兵力此时却尽数为其岳丈效命。然而这些灾祸毕竟是一时之患;风暴一过,逃亡者尚可重返故居;待到内战与外患俱告平息,亚洲的穆斯林也就彻底撤离了欧洲。正是在与门生的最后一场争斗中,坎塔库泽努斯给帝国留下了一道又深又致命的创伤,后继诸君再也无从弥合;而他日后撰写驳斥先知穆罕默德的神学对话录,也难以稍赎其咎。今日的土耳其人昧于本族历史,竟把他们初次与末次渡越赫勒斯滂之事混为一谈,51 还把奥尔汗之子说成一个趁夜行劫的强盗,带着八十名同伴,用计探查一处陌生而怀有敌意的海岸。苏莱曼实则率一万骑兵,乘希腊皇帝的船只渡海,且被奉为皇帝的座上友宾。在罗马尼亚的内战之中,他略效微劳,却闯下更多祸端;克尔松尼斯不知不觉间已布满土耳其移民;拜占庭朝廷再三索还色雷斯诸要塞,终归徒劳。奥斯曼君主父子二人几番狡黠拖延之后,议定要塞的赎金为六万克朗;首笔款项刚刚付讫,一场地震便撼动了各行省的城垣与市镇;那些城防尽毁之地随即为土耳其人所占;而扼守赫勒斯滂之钥的加里波利,也经苏莱曼一番筹划,得以重建并重新聚集人口。坎塔库泽努斯的逊位,解开了那本就脆弱的姻亲同盟之纽带;他临别之际告诫同胞:切莫贸然挑起争端,而应权衡自身的孱弱,对照穆斯林的众多与骁勇、纪律与狂热。他这番审慎的箴言,却为年少气盛、刚愎自负者所不屑;而奥斯曼人接连的胜利,不久便印证了他的先见。然而某日苏莱曼在校场上演练jerid(一种投掷标枪的马术竞技)时,坠马身亡;年迈的奥尔汗在这位骁勇之子的墓前恸哭,随之亦溘然长逝。511
Notes 注释
34
↩
Some repulse of the Moguls in Hungary (Matthew Paris, p. 545, 546) might propagate and color the report of the union and victory of the kings of the Franks on the confines of Bulgaria. Abulpharagius (Dynast. p. 310) after forty years, beyond the Tigris, might be easily deceived.
蒙古人在匈牙利遭遇的某次挫败(Matthew Paris, p. 545, 546),或许助长并渲染了这样一则传闻:法兰克诸王曾在保加利亚边境联手取胜。阿布·法拉杰(Dynast. p. 310)事隔四十年,又远在底格里斯河彼岸,自然极易受此蒙蔽。
35
↩
See Pachymer, l. iii. c. 25, and l. ix. c. 26, 27; and the false alarm at Nice, l. iii. c. 27. Nicephorus Gregoras, l. iv. c. 6.
参见帕希梅雷斯,l. iii. c. 25,及 l. ix. c. 26, 27;关于尼西亚的虚惊,见 l. iii. c. 27。尼基弗鲁斯·格列高拉斯,l. iv. c. 6。
36
↩
G. Acropolita, p. 36, 37. Nic. Greg. l. ii. c. 6, l. iv. c. 5.
参见 G. Acropolita, p. 36, 37;Nic. Greg. l. ii. c. 6, l. iv. c. 5。
37
↩
Abulpharagius, who wrote in the year 1284, declares that the Moguls, since the fabulous defeat of Batou, had not attacked either the Franks or Greeks; and of this he is a competent witness. Hayton likewise, the Armenian prince, celebrates their friendship for himself and his nation.
阿布·法拉杰著书于1284年,他断言:自拔都那场子虚乌有的败绩以来,蒙古人再未攻打过法兰克人或希腊人;就此而言,他是一位够格的见证者。亚美尼亚君主海屯同样称颂蒙古人对他本人及其民族的友好。
38
↩
Pachymer gives a splendid character of Cazan Khan, the rival of Cyrus and Alexander, (l. xii. c. 1.) In the conclusion of his history (l. xiii. c. 36) he hopes much from the arrival of 30,000 Tochars, or Tartars, who were ordered by the successor of Cazan to restrain the Turks of Bithynia, A.D. 1308.
帕希梅雷斯把合赞汗描绘得光彩照人,说他堪与居鲁士、亚历山大比肩(l. xii. c. 1)。在其史著的结尾处(l. xiii. c. 36),他对三万脱察儿(即鞑靼)人的到来寄予厚望——这批人是奉合赞的继任者之命,前来约束比提尼亚土耳其人的,时在公元1308年。
39
↩
The origin of the Ottoman dynasty is illustrated by the critical learning of Mm. De Guignes (Hist. des Huns, tom. iv. p. 329—337) and D’Anville, (Empire Turc, p. 14—22,) two inhabitants of Paris, from whom the Orientals may learn the history and geography of their own country. * Note: They may be still more enlightened by the Geschichte des Osman Reiches, by M. von Hammer Purgstall of Vienna.—M.
关于奥斯曼王朝的起源,德经(Hist. des Huns, tom. iv. p. 329—337)与当维尔(Empire Turc, p. 14—22)二位学者以精审的考据予以阐明;此二人皆巴黎居民,东方人反倒须从他们那里了解本国的历史与地理。* 编者按:维也纳的冯·哈默-普格斯塔尔所著《奥斯曼帝国史》(Geschichte des Osman Reiches),或能令人更加洞悉此事。—M
40
↩
See Pachymer, l. x. c. 25, 26, l. xiii. c. 33, 34, 36; and concerning the guard of the mountains, l. i. c. 3—6: Nicephorus Gregoras, l. vii. c. l., and the first book of Laonicus Chalcondyles, the Athenian.
参见帕希梅雷斯,l. x. c. 25, 26,及 l. xiii. c. 33, 34, 36;关于山口的戍守,见 l. i. c. 3—6:尼基弗鲁斯·格列高拉斯,l. vii. c. l.,以及雅典人拉奥尼库斯·哈尔科孔迪利斯著作的第一卷。
41
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I am ignorant whether the Turks have any writers older than Mahomet II., * nor can I reach beyond a meagre chronicle (Annales Turcici ad Annum 1550) translated by John Gaudier, and published by Leunclavius, (ad calcem Laonic. Chalcond. p. 311—350,) with copious pandects, or commentaries. The history of the Growth and Decay (A.D. 1300—1683) of the Othman empire was translated into English from the Latin MS. of Demetrius Cantemir, prince of Moldavia, (London, 1734, in folio.) The author is guilty of strange blunders in Oriental history; but he was conversant with the language, the annals, and institutions of the Turks. Cantemir partly draws his materials from the Synopsis of Saadi Effendi of Larissa, dedicated in the year 1696 to Sultan Mustapha, and a valuable abridgment of the original historians. In one of the Ramblers, Dr. Johnson praises Knolles (a General History of the Turks to the present Year. London, 1603) as the first of historians, unhappy only in the choice of his subject. Yet I much doubt whether a partial and verbose compilation from Latin writers, thirteen hundred folio pages of speeches and battles, can either instruct or amuse an enlightened age, which requires from the historian some tincture of philosophy and criticism. Note: * We could have wished that M. von Hammer had given a more clear and distinct reply to this question of Gibbon. In a note, vol. i. p. 630. M. von Hammer shows that they had not only sheiks (religious writers) and learned lawyers, but poets and authors on medicine. But the inquiry of Gibbon obviously refers to historians. The oldest of their historical works, of which V. Hammer makes use, is the “Tarichi Aaschik Paschasade,” i. e. the History of the Great Grandson of Aaschik Pasha, who was a dervis and celebrated ascetic poet in the reign of Murad (Amurath) I. Ahmed, the author of the work, lived during the reign of Bajazet II., but, he says, derived much information from the book of Scheik Jachshi, the son of Elias, who was Imaum to Sultan Orchan, (the second Ottoman king) and who related, from the lips of his father, the circumstances of the earliest Ottoman history. This book (having searched for it in vain for five-and-twenty years) our author found at length in the Vatican. All the other Turkish histories on his list, as indeed this, were written during the reign of Mahomet II. It does not appear whether any of the rest cite earlier authorities of equal value with that claimed by the “Tarichi Aaschik Paschasade.”—M. (in Quarterly Review, vol. xlix. p. 292.)
我不知道土耳其人是否有比穆罕默德二世更早的作家;我所能追溯的,也不过一部单薄的编年史(Annales Turcici ad Annum 1550),由约翰·戈迪耶迻译、莱恩克拉维乌斯刊行(ad calcem Laonic. Chalcond. p. 311—350),并附有繁富的汇释或注疏。一部记述奥斯曼帝国兴衰(公元1300—1683年)的史书,系依摩尔达维亚公德米特里·坎特米尔的拉丁文手稿译成英文(伦敦,1734年,对开本)。此作者在东方历史上犯有种种离奇的谬误,但他确实熟谙土耳其人的语言、编年史与典章制度。坎特米尔的部分材料,取自拉里萨的萨迪·埃芬迪所撰《纲要》(Synopsis)——此书于1696年献给苏丹穆斯塔法,是对原始史家著作一部颇有价值的节本。约翰逊博士在《漫步者》的某一篇中,盛赞诺尔斯(《土耳其通史,迄于本年》,伦敦,1603年)为史家之冠,只可惜他所选的题材不佳。不过我颇怀疑,这样一部偏颇而冗赘、辑自拉丁作家的汇编——洋洋一千三百页对开本,尽是演说与战事——能否让一个开明的时代有所教益或消遣,因为这样的时代要求史家多少带几分哲思与批判的意味。编者按: 我们本希望冯·哈默先生能就吉本的这一疑问,给出更为清晰明确的答复。冯·哈默先生在一条注释(vol. i. p. 630)中指出,土耳其人不仅有谢赫(宗教作家)与博学的法学家,还有诗人以及论医之作的作者。但吉本所探问的,显然是史家。冯·哈默所引用的土耳其史著中最古老的一部,是《Tarichi Aaschik Paschasade》,即《阿希克帕夏曾孙史》;阿希克帕夏乃穆拉德(阿穆拉特)一世在位时的一位苦行僧,也是著名的苦修诗人。此书作者艾哈迈德,生当巴耶济德二世之世,但据他自述,其中许多史料得自伊莱亚斯之子谢赫·雅赫希的著作;雅赫希曾任苏丹奥尔汗(奥斯曼王朝第二代君主)的伊玛目,他根据其父亲口所述,记下了奥斯曼最早那段历史的种种情形。这部书,我们的作者遍寻二十五年而不得,最终却在梵蒂冈觅获。他所列的其余各部土耳其史著,其实连同这一部在内,都是迟至穆罕默德二世在位期间方才写成的。至于其余各书是否援引了与《Tarichi Aaschik Paschasade》所据同等价值的更早史源,则不得而知。—M(载《评论季刊》,vol. xlix. p. 292)
411
↩
Von Hammer, Osm. Geschichte, vol. i. p. 82.—M.
冯·哈默,Osm. Geschichte, vol. i. p. 82。—M
412
↩
Ibid. p. 91.—M.
同上,p. 91。—M
42
↩
Cantacuzene, though he relates the battle and heroic flight of the younger Andronicus, (l. ii. c. 6, 7, 8,) dissembles by his silence the loss of Prusa, Nice, and Nicomedia, which are fairly confessed by Nicephorus Gregoras, (l. viii. 15, ix. 9, 13, xi. 6.) It appears that Nice was taken by Orchan in 1330, and Nicomedia in 1339, which are somewhat different from the Turkish dates.
坎塔库泽努斯虽记述了小安德罗尼库斯的那场战役及其英勇的逃亡(l. ii. c. 6, 7, 8),却以缄默掩饰普鲁萨、尼西亚与尼科米底亚的失陷,而这几处失守,尼基弗鲁斯·格列高拉斯倒是坦然承认了(l. viii. 15, ix. 9, 13, xi. 6)。看来尼西亚于1330年、尼科米底亚于1339年为奥尔汗所取,这与土耳其方面的纪年略有出入。
421
↩
For the conquests of Orchan over the ten pachaliks, or kingdoms of the Seljukians, in Asia Minor. see V. Hammer, vol. i. p. 112.—M.
关于奥尔汗对小亚细亚十个帕夏辖区(即塞尔柱人诸邦)的征服,参见冯·哈默,vol. i. p. 112。—M
43
↩
The partition of the Turkish emirs is extracted from two contemporaries, the Greek Nicephorus Gregoras (l. vii. 1) and the Arabian Marakeschi, (De Guignes, tom. ii. P. ii. p. 76, 77.) See likewise the first book of Laonicus Chalcondyles.
土耳其诸埃米尔割据的情形,采自两位同时代人:希腊人尼基弗鲁斯·格列高拉斯(l. vii. 1)与阿拉伯人马拉克什(De Guignes, tom. ii. P. ii. p. 76, 77)。另可参见拉奥尼库斯·哈尔科孔迪利斯著作的第一卷。
44
↩
Pachymer, l. xiii. c. 13.
帕希梅雷斯,l. xiii. c. 13。
45
↩
See the Travels of Wheeler and Spon, of Pocock and Chandler, and more particularly Smith’s Survey of the Seven Churches of Asia, p. 205—276. The more pious antiquaries labor to reconcile the promises and threats of the author of the Revelations with the present state of the seven cities. Perhaps it would be more prudent to confine his predictions to the characters and events of his own times.
参见惠勒与斯蓬、波科克与钱德勒的游记,尤可参看斯密《亚细亚七教会考》(p. 205—276)。较为虔诚的古物学家,费尽心力想把《启示录》作者的许诺与警告,同这七座城市如今的状况调和起来。也许更为审慎的做法,是把他的种种预言,限定于他自己那个时代的人物与事件。
46
↩
Consult the ivth book of the Histoire de l’Ordre de Malthe, par l’Abbé de Vertot. That pleasing writer betrays his ignorance, in supposing that Othman, a freebooter of the Bithynian hills, could besiege Rhodes by sea and land.
可查阅韦尔托神父所著《马耳他骑士团史》(Histoire de l’Ordre de Malthe)第四卷。这位笔调讨喜的作家却暴露了自己的无知,竟以为奥斯曼——一个盘踞比提尼亚山地的劫掠者——能够从海陆两面围攻罗得岛。
47
↩
Nicephorus Gregoras has expatiated with pleasure on this amiable character, (l. xii. 7, xiii. 4, 10, xiv. 1, 9, xvi. 6.) Cantacuzene speaks with honor and esteem of his ally, (l. iii. c. 56, 57, 63, 64, 66, 67, 68, 86, 89, 95, 96;) but he seems ignorant of his own sentimental passion for the Turks, and indirectly denies the possibility of such unnatural friendship, (l. iv. c. 40.)
尼基弗鲁斯·格列高拉斯饶有兴致地对这位可亲的人物大加铺叙(l. xii. 7, xiii. 4, 10, xiv. 1, 9, xvi. 6)。坎塔库泽努斯谈及这位盟友时,也满怀敬重(l. iii. c. 56, 57, 63, 64, 66, 67, 68, 86, 89, 95, 96);然而他似乎并未察觉自己对土耳其人竟怀有这般缱绻之情,反倒间接否认这种有悖常理的友谊有存在的可能(l. iv. c. 40)。
48
↩
After the conquest of Smyrna by the Latins, the defence of this fortress was imposed by Pope Gregory XI. on the knights of Rhodes, (see Vertot, l. v.)
拉丁人攻占士麦那之后,教宗格列高利十一世责成罗得岛骑士守卫此座要塞(见韦尔托,l. v.)。
49
↩
See Cantacuzenus, l. iii. c. 95. Nicephorus Gregoras, who, for the light of Mount Thabor, brands the emperor with the names of tyrant and Herod, excuses, rather than blames, this Turkish marriage, and alleges the passion and power of Orchan, eggutatoV, kai th dunamo? touV kat’ auton hdh PersikouV (Turkish) uperairwn SatrapaV, (l. xv. 5.) He afterwards celebrates his kingdom and armies. See his reign in Cantemir, p. 24—30.
参见坎塔库泽努斯,l. iii. c. 95。尼基弗鲁斯·格列高拉斯因他泊山之光一事,痛斥皇帝为暴君、为希律;然而对于这桩土耳其联姻,他却与其说是责难,不如说是开脱,并搬出奥尔汗的热望与权势为之辩解——eggutatoV, kai th dunamo? touV kat’ auton hdh PersikouV (Turkish) uperairwn SatrapaV(意谓奥尔汗与之最为亲近,且论权势已凌驾于当时诸波斯[即土耳其]总督之上)(l. xv. 5)。其后他又对奥尔汗的邦国与军队大加称颂。有关奥尔汗的统治,见坎特米尔,p. 24—30。
50
↩
The most lively and concise picture of this captivity may be found in the history of Ducas, (c. 8,) who fairly describes what Cantacuzene confesses with a guilty blush!
关于这场掳掠,最为生动而简练的写照,见于杜卡斯的史著(c. 8);坎塔库泽努斯满怀愧色所供认之事,杜卡斯倒是照直描述了出来!
51
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In this passage, and the first conquests in Europe, Cantemir (p. 27, &c.) gives a miserable idea of his Turkish guides; nor am I much better satisfied with Chalcondyles, (l. i. p. 12, &c.) They forget to consult the most authentic record, the ivth book of Cantacuzene. I likewise regret the last books, which are still manuscript, of Nicephorus Gregoras. * Note: Von Hammer excuses the silence with which the Turkish historians pass over the earlier intercourse of the Ottomans with the European continent, of which he enumerates sixteen different occasions, as if they disdained those peaceful incursions by which they gained no conquest, and established no permanent footing on the Byzantine territory. Of the romantic account of Soliman’s first expedition, he says, “As yet the prose of history had not asserted its right over the poetry of tradition.” This defence would scarcely be accepted as satisfactory by the historian of the Decline and Fall.—M. (in Quarterly Review, vol. xlix. p. 293.)
关于这一段以及土耳其人在欧洲的最初征服,坎特米尔(p. 27, &c.)让人对他所依据的土耳其向导评价甚低;而哈尔科孔迪利斯(l. i. p. 12, &c.)也未能让我更为满意。他们都忘了去查考那份最为可信的记录——坎塔库泽努斯著作的第四卷。我同样惋惜尼基弗鲁斯·格列高拉斯的最后几卷,那几卷至今仍是手稿。* 编者按:土耳其史家对奥斯曼人早期与欧洲大陆的往来讳莫如深,冯·哈默为此开脱,说他所罗列出的十六次不同的交往,仿佛都被这些史家所不屑——因为凭那些和平的侵入,土耳其人既未取得征服,也未在拜占庭疆土上立下永久的据点。至于苏莱曼首次远征的那段传奇式记载,他则说:“此时史学的散文,尚未向传说的诗篇伸张自己的权利。”这样的辩解,《罗马帝国衰亡史》的作者恐怕难以首肯。—M(载《评论季刊》,vol. xlix. p. 293)
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In the 75th year of his age, the 35th of his reign. V. Hammer. M.
时年七十五岁,在位第三十五年。V. Hammer.—M