Chapter LXIV: Moguls, Ottoman Turks.—Part I. 第六十四章 蒙古人与奥斯曼土耳其人——第一节
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Conquests Of Zingis Khan And The Moguls From China To Poland.—Escape Of Constantinople And The Greeks.—Origin Of The Ottoman Turks In Bithynia.—Reigns And Victories Of Othman, Orchan, Amurath The First, And Bajazet The First.— Foundation And Progress Of The Turkish Monarchy In Asia And Europe.—Danger Of Constantinople And The Greek Empire.
成吉思汗与蒙古人自中国以至波兰的征服。——君士坦丁堡与希腊人的幸免。——奥斯曼土耳其人在比提尼亚的起源。——奥斯曼、奥尔汗、穆拉德一世与巴耶济德一世诸君的统治与武功。——土耳其君主国在亚洲与欧洲的奠立及其扩张。——君士坦丁堡与希腊帝国之危殆。
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From the petty quarrels of a city and her suburbs, from the cowardice and discord of the falling Greeks, I shall now ascend to the victorious Turks; whose domestic slavery was ennobled by martial discipline, religious enthusiasm, and the energy of the national character. The rise and progress of the Ottomans, the present sovereigns of Constantinople, are connected with the most important scenes of modern history; but they are founded on a previous knowledge of the great eruption of the Moguls 100 and Tartars; whose rapid conquests may be compared with the primitive convulsions of nature, which have agitated and altered the surface of the globe. I have long since asserted my claim to introduce the nations, the immediate or remote authors of the fall of the Roman empire; nor can I refuse myself to those events, which, from their uncommon magnitude, will interest a philosophic mind in the history of blood. 1
本书至此，我将从一座城池及其近郊之间的琐屑纷争、从行将覆亡的希腊人的怯懦与内讧，转而登临那些所向披靡的土耳其人：他们国内虽行奴役之制，却因尚武的纪律、宗教的热忱与民族性格的刚健，而平添了几分尊贵。奥斯曼人如今是君士坦丁堡的主人，他们的兴起与壮大，牵连着近代史上最紧要的一幕幕场景；然而要读懂这一切，须先了解蒙古人100与鞑靼人那一场大爆发。他们摧枯拉朽般的征服，堪比大自然那些原始的剧变——正是这些剧变，曾震荡并改变了地球的面貌。我早已声明过：凡直接或间接促成罗马帝国覆亡的民族，我都有权将其引入这部史书；何况这些事件规模之宏大实属罕见，纵然写的是一部血腥的历史，也足以牵动哲人的兴味——我又岂能对它们避而不谈。1
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From the spacious highlands between China, Siberia, and the Caspian Sea, the tide of emigration and war has repeatedly been poured. These ancient seats of the Huns and Turks were occupied in the twelfth century by many pastoral tribes, of the same descent and similar manners, which were united and led to conquest by the formidable Zingis. 101 In his ascent to greatness, that Barbarian (whose private appellation was Temugin) had trampled on the necks of his equals. His birth was noble; but it was the pride of victory, that the prince or people deduced his seventh ancestor from the immaculate conception of a virgin. His father had reigned over thirteen hordes, which composed about thirty or forty thousand families: above two thirds refused to pay tithes or obedience to his infant son; and at the age of thirteen, Temugin fought a battle against his rebellious subjects. The future conqueror of Asia was reduced to fly and to obey; but he rose superior to his fortune, and in his fortieth year he had established his fame and dominion over the circumjacent tribes. In a state of society, in which policy is rude and valor is universal, the ascendant of one man must be founded on his power and resolution to punish his enemies and recompense his friends. His first military league was ratified by the simple rites of sacrificing a horse and tasting of a running stream: Temugin pledged himself to divide with his followers the sweets and the bitters of life; and when he had shared among them his horses and apparel, he was rich in their gratitude and his own hopes. After his first victory, he placed seventy caldrons on the fire, and seventy of the most guilty rebels were cast headlong into the boiling water. The sphere of his attraction was continually enlarged by the ruin of the proud and the submission of the prudent; and the boldest chieftains might tremble, when they beheld, enchased in silver, the skull of the khan of Keraites; 2 who, under the name of Prester John, had corresponded with the Roman pontiff and the princes of Europe. The ambition of Temugin condescended to employ the arts of superstition; and it was from a naked prophet, who could ascend to heaven on a white horse, that he accepted the title of Zingis, 3 the most great; and a divine right to the conquest and dominion of the earth. In a general couroultai, or diet, he was seated on a felt, which was long afterwards revered as a relic, and solemnly proclaimed great khan, or emperor of the Moguls 4 and Tartars. 5 Of these kindred, though rival, names, the former had given birth to the imperial race; and the latter has been extended by accident or error over the spacious wilderness of the north.
在中国、西伯利亚与里海之间，横亘着一片辽阔的高原；迁徙与征战的浪潮，曾一次又一次从这里奔涌而出。这里本是匈人与突厥人的古老家园，到十二世纪，聚居着许多游牧部落，他们同宗同源，习俗相近，后来由威名赫赫的成吉思汗统一起来，受其率领，踏上征服之路。101这个蛮族之人（本名铁木真）在崛起称雄的途中，把昔日与他平起平坐的人一个个踩在脚下。他出身高贵；至于把他的七世先祖上溯到一位童贞女的无玷受孕，无论出自这位君主本人，还是出自其部众，都不过是胜利者的骄矜罢了。他父亲曾统辖十三个部落，共约三四万户；父亲一死，三分之二以上的部众便拒绝向他年幼的儿子纳贡称臣；铁木真十三岁时，就已与叛离的属众打了一仗。这位日后的亚洲征服者一度沦落到逃亡与屈从的境地，却终究没有被命运压垮；到四十岁上，他已在四邻各部之中树立起自己的威名与统治。在这样一个社会里——权谋粗陋，人人皆勇——一个人要凌驾众人之上，就必须凭实力，并有惩敌酬友的决断。他缔结的头一个军事同盟，仪式极为简朴：杀一匹马献祭，各饮一口活水，盟约便算立定。铁木真立誓要与部众同甘共苦；他把自己的马匹与衣物尽数分与众人，自己虽一无所有，却因赢得他们的感戴与心中的期望而觉富足。首战告捷后，他架起七十口大锅烧沸，将七十名罪大恶极的叛党一个个倒栽进滚水之中。桀骜者相继败亡，识时务者纷纷归附，他麾下的势力范围便不断扩大；就连最勇悍的酋长，一见那嵌在白银里的克烈部汗王头骨，也不禁胆寒2——这位汗王，正是以“祭司王约翰”之名，曾与罗马教宗及欧洲诸侯通信往来的那一位。铁木真雄心勃勃，也不惜借重迷信的伎俩；据说有一位赤身的先知，能骑白马升天，正是从此人手中，他领受了“成吉思”的尊号3（意为“至大者”），并获得了征服与统治全地的神授之权。在一次全体的 couroultai（即大朝会）上，他端坐于一方毡毯之上——此毯后世长久奉为圣物——众人隆重推举他为大汗，即蒙古人4与鞑靼人5的皇帝。蒙古与鞑靼这两个名号本是同源而又相争：前者孕育了这一支帝王之族，后者则因偶然或讹误，泛指北方那片辽阔的荒野。
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The code of laws which Zingis dictated to his subjects was adapted to the preservation of a domestic peace, and the exercise of foreign hostility. The punishment of death was inflicted on the crimes of adultery, murder, perjury, and the capital thefts of a horse or ox; and the fiercest of men were mild and just in their intercourse with each other. The future election of the great khan was vested in the princes of his family and the heads of the tribes; and the regulations of the chase were essential to the pleasures and plenty of a Tartar camp. The victorious nation was held sacred from all servile labors, which were abandoned to slaves and strangers; and every labor was servile except the profession of arms. The service and discipline of the troops, who were armed with bows, cimeters, and iron maces, and divided by hundreds, thousands, and ten thousands, were the institutions of a veteran commander. Each officer and soldier was made responsible, under pain of death, for the safety and honor of his companions; and the spirit of conquest breathed in the law, that peace should never be granted unless to a vanquished and suppliant enemy. But it is the religion of Zingis that best deserves our wonder and applause. 501 The Catholic inquisitors of Europe, who defended nonsense by cruelty, might have been confounded by the example of a Barbarian, who anticipated the lessons of philosophy, 6 and established by his laws a system of pure theism and perfect toleration. His first and only article of faith was the existence of one God, the Author of all good; who fills by his presence the heavens and earth, which he has created by his power. The Tartars and Moguls were addicted to the idols of their peculiar tribes; and many of them had been converted by the foreign missionaries to the religions of Moses, of Mahomet, and of Christ. These various systems in freedom and concord were taught and practised within the precincts of the same camp; and the Bonze, the Imam, the Rabbi, the Nestorian, and the Latin priest, enjoyed the same honorable exemption from service and tribute: in the mosque of Bochara, the insolent victor might trample the Koran under his horse’s feet, but the calm legislator respected the prophets and pontiffs of the most hostile sects. The reason of Zingis was not informed by books: the khan could neither read nor write; and, except the tribe of the Igours, the greatest part of the Moguls and Tartars were as illiterate as their sovereign. 601 The memory of their exploits was preserved by tradition: sixty-eight years after the death of Zingis, these traditions were collected and transcribed; 7 the brevity of their domestic annals may be supplied by the Chinese, 8 Persians, 9 Armenians, 10 Syrians, 11 Arabians, 12 Greeks, 13 Russians, 14 Poles, 15 Hungarians, 16 and Latins; 17 and each nation will deserve credit in the relation of their own disasters and defeats. 18
成吉思汗为其臣民颁布的法典，一面着眼于维护内部的安宁，一面着眼于对外的征伐。通奸、杀人、伪誓，以及盗窃马牛这等重罪，一律处以死刑；于是这些最凶悍的人，彼此相处之间反倒温和而公正。日后大汗的推选之权，归于他家族中的诸王与各部首领；而围猎的种种规矩，对一座鞑靼营帐的欢娱与丰足，也是不可或缺的。这个常胜的民族被奉为神圣，一切下贱的劳作都与他们无涉，尽数丢给奴隶与外人；而在他们看来，除了执干戈、事征战，凡劳作皆属下贱。军队以弓箭、弯刀与铁骨朵为兵器，按百、千、万编成队伍，其操演与纪律无不出自一位久经沙场的统帅之手。每一名军官与士卒，都须以性命担保同袍的安危与荣誉；有一条法令更透着征服的气魄：除非敌人已然战败、俯首乞降，否则绝不与之言和。然而，最值得我们惊叹与称许的，还是成吉思汗的宗教。501欧洲那些拉丁教会的宗教裁判官，以残忍来维护荒谬；他们若见到这样一个蛮族之人，只怕要无地自容——此人竟抢在哲学之前领悟了它的教诲，6并以法律确立起一套纯粹的有神论与彻底的宽容。他信条中的第一条、也是唯一一条，便是承认独一上帝的存在——他是一切良善的本源，以其大能创造了天地，又以其临在充盈于天地之间。鞑靼人与蒙古人各自沉溺于本部族的偶像；他们中许多人经外来传教士感化，皈依了摩西之教、穆罕默德之教或基督之教。这形形色色的教派，在同一座营帐之内自由并存、和睦相处，各行其教；佛僧、伊玛目、拉比、聂斯脱利派教士与拉丁教士，都同样享有免服劳役、免纳贡赋的荣宠：在布哈拉的清真寺里，这位骄横的征服者固然可以纵马践踏《古兰经》，但身为冷静的立法者，他对最敌对教派的先知与祭司却一概心怀敬重。成吉思汗的这番见识并非得自书本：这位大汗既不识字，也不会书写；除回鹘一部外，蒙古人与鞑靼人绝大多数都和他们的君主一样目不识丁。601他们的功业全凭口耳相传得以流存；成吉思汗死后六十八年，这些传说才被搜集起来，笔录成文。7他们本族的史册过于简略，所幸尚可借助中国人8、波斯人9、亚美尼亚人10、叙利亚人11、阿拉伯人12、希腊人13、俄罗斯人14、波兰人15、匈牙利人16与拉丁人17的记载来补足；而各族在叙述自身所遭的灾祸与败绩时，其言当属可信。18
Notes 注释
100
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Mongol seems to approach the nearest to the proper name of this race. The Chinese call them Mong-kou; the Mondchoux, their neighbors, Monggo or Monggou. They called themselves also Beda. This fact seems to have been proved by M. Schmidt against the French Orientalists. See De Brosset. Note on Le Beau, tom. xxii p. 402.
“蒙古”（Mongol）一名，似乎最接近这个种族的本名。中国人称之为“蒙古”（Mong-kou）；他们的邻族满洲人则称之为 Monggo 或 Monggou。他们也自称 Beda。施密特先生似已就此一点驳倒了法国的东方学家们。参见布罗塞为勒博书所作之注，tom. xxii p. 402。
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The reader is invited to review chapters xxii. to xxvi., and xxiii. to xxxviii., the manners of pastoral nations, the conquests of Attila and the Huns, which were composed at a time when I entertained the wish, rather than the hope, of concluding my history.
请读者回顾第二十二至二十六章、以及第二十三至三十八章，那里讲述了游牧民族的风习、阿提拉与匈人的征服；那几章写成之时，我对于能否完成这部史书，还只怀着一份心愿，而不敢抱多少指望。
101
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On the traditions of the early life of Zingis, see D’Ohson, Hist des Mongols; Histoire des Mongols, Paris, 1824. Schmidt, Geschichte des Ost-Mongolen, p. 66, &c., and Notes.—M.
关于成吉思汗早年生平的种种传说，参见多桑《蒙古史》（Histoire des Mongols，巴黎，1824 年）；及施密特《东蒙古史》（Geschichte des Ost-Mongolen），p. 66 以下诸页及注释。—M
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The khans of the Keraites were most probably incapable of reading the pompous epistles composed in their name by the Nestorian missionaries, who endowed them with the fabulous wonders of an Indian kingdom. Perhaps these Tartars (the Presbyter or Priest John) had submitted to the rites of baptism and ordination, (Asseman, Bibliot Orient tom. iii. p. ii. p. 487—503.)
克烈部的诸位汗王，多半读不懂那些以他们名义写就的浮夸书信——那些信是聂斯脱利派传教士代笔的，还替他们编派了一个印度王国的种种奇谈。或许这些鞑靼人（即“长老约翰”或“祭司约翰”）确曾领受过洗礼与授职之礼。（阿塞马尼《东方文库》tom. iii. p. ii. p. 487—503。）
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Since the history and tragedy of Voltaire, Gengis, at least in French, seems to be the more fashionable spelling; but Abulghazi Khan must have known the true name of his ancestor. His etymology appears just: Zin, in the Mogul tongue, signifies great, and gis is the superlative termination, (Hist. Généalogique des Tatars, part iii. p. 194, 195.) From the same idea of magnitude, the appellation of Zingis is bestowed on the ocean.
自伏尔泰的史书与悲剧问世以来，Gengis 这一拼法，至少在法语里，似乎更为时兴；然而阿布尔加齐汗对其先祖的真名，想必了如指掌。他给出的词源说来有理：在蒙古语中，Zin 意为“大”，gis 则是最高级的词尾。（《鞑靼谱系史》part iii. p. 194, 195。）也正是取其“宏大”之意，Zingis 一名又被用来称呼海洋。
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The name of Moguls has prevailed among the Orientals, and still adheres to the titular sovereign, the Great Mogul of Hindastan. * Note: M. Remusat (sur les Langues Tartares, p. 233) justly observes, that Timour was a Turk, not a Mogul, and, p. 242, that probably there was not Mogul in the army of Baber, who established the Indian throne of the “Great Mogul.”—M.
“蒙古”（Moguls）一名在东方各国广为通行，至今仍冠于那位徒有其名的君主——印度斯坦的“大莫卧儿”身上。* 编者按：雷慕沙先生（《论鞑靼诸语》sur les Langues Tartares，p. 233）中肯地指出，帖木儿是突厥人，而非蒙古人；又（p. 242）指出，在巴布尔的军中恐怕并无蒙古人，而正是此人奠立了“大莫卧儿”的印度王座。—M
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The Tartars (more properly Tatars) were descended from Tatar Khan, the brother of Mogul Khan, (see Abulghazi, part i. and ii.,) and once formed a horde of 70,000 families on the borders of Kitay, (p. 103—112.) In the great invasion of Europe (A.D. 1238) they seem to have led the vanguard; and the similitude of the name of Tartarei, recommended that of Tartars to the Latins, (Matt. Paris, p. 398, &c.) * Note: This relationship, according to M. Klaproth, is fabulous, and invented by the Mahometan writers, who, from religious zeal, endeavored to connect the traditions of the nomads of Central Asia with those of the Old Testament, as preserved in the Koran. There is no trace of it in the Chinese writers. Tabl. de l’Asie, p. 156.—M.
鞑靼人（更确切地应作“塔塔尔人”）乃塔塔尔汗之后裔，塔塔尔汗是蒙古汗之弟（见阿布尔加齐，part i. and ii.）；他们一度在契丹边境结成一个七万户的部落（p. 103—112）。在那场席卷欧洲的大入侵中（公元 1238 年），他们似乎充当了前锋；又因其名与 Tartarei（意为“地狱的”）相类，遂使拉丁人乐于以“鞑靼人”相称（马修·帕里斯，p. 398 等处）。* 编者按：据克拉普罗特先生说，这层亲缘关系纯属虚构，是穆斯林作家出于宗教热忱杜撰出来的：他们力图把中亚游牧民的传说，同《古兰经》所存的《旧约》传统牵合起来。中国的著述者笔下则毫无此说的踪迹。《亚洲图志》Tabl. de l’Asie，p. 156。—M
501
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Before his armies entered Thibet, he sent an embassy to Bogdosottnam-Dsimmo, a Lama high priest, with a letter to this effect: “I have chosen thee as high priest for myself and my empire. Repair then to me, and promote the present and future happiness of man: I will be thy supporter and protector: let us establish a system of religion, and unite it with the monarchy,” &c. The high priest accepted the invitation; and the Mongol history literally terms this step the period of the first respect for religion; because the monarch, by his public profession, made it the religion of the state. Klaproth. “Travels in Caucasus,” ch. 7, Eng. Trans. p. 92. Neither Dshingis nor his son and successor Oegodah had, on account of their continual wars, much leisure for the propagation of the religion of the Lama. By religion they understand a distinct, independent, sacred moral code, which has but one origin, one source, and one object. This notion they universally propagate, and even believe that the brutes, and all created beings, have a religion adapted to their sphere of action. The different forms of the various religions they ascribe to the difference of individuals, nations, and legislators. Never do you hear of their inveighing against any creed, even against the obviously absurd Schaman paganism, or of their persecuting others on that account. They themselves, on the other hand, endure every hardship, and even persecutions, with perfect resignation, and indulgently excuse the follies of others, nay, consider them as a motive for increased ardor in prayer, ch. ix. p. 109.—M.
在大军进入西藏之前，他曾遣使者致书喇嘛高僧博格多索特南-济摩，大意如下：“朕已选定你，为朕本人及朕的帝国之高僧。望速来朕处，增进世人今生与来世的福祉：朕将做你的后盾与庇护者；让我们一同确立一套宗教制度，并使之与王权结为一体。”云云。这位高僧应邀而来；蒙古史书径直把此举称作“初次尊崇宗教之时期”，因为这位君主一经公开表明信仰，便使之成了国教。见克拉普罗特《高加索游记》第七章，英译本 p. 92。成吉思（Dshingis）及其子嗣兼继承者窝阔台，因连年征战，都无暇多顾及喇嘛教的传播。在他们看来，所谓宗教，乃是一部独立而神圣、自成一体的道德法典，只有一个本原、一个源头、一个归宿。此种观念他们普遍宣扬，甚至相信禽兽以及一切受造之物，都各有一套与其活动范围相称的宗教。至于各教形式之不同，他们则归因于个人、民族与立法者之间的差异。从不曾听说他们抨击任何信条——哪怕是明显荒诞的萨满异教——也不曾听说他们因信仰之故而迫害他人。反过来，他们自己却能以全然的顺从忍受一切艰难，乃至迫害，并宽容地体谅他人的愚妄，甚至把这些当作激励自己更加虔心祈祷的缘由。第九章 p. 109。—M
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A singular conformity may be found between the religious laws of Zingis Khan and of Mr. Locke, (Constitutions of Carolina, in his works, vol. iv. p. 535, 4to. edition, 1777.)
成吉思汗的宗教法令，与洛克先生的相关规定之间，有一处奇特的暗合。（见其《卡罗来纳宪章》，载《洛克文集》vol. iv. p. 535，1777 年四开本。）
601
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See the notice on Tha-tha-toung-o, the Ouogour minister of Tchingis, in Abel Remusat’s 2d series of Recherch. Asiat. vol. ii. p. 61. He taught the son of Tchingis to write: “He was the instructor of the Moguls in writing, of which they were before ignorant;” and hence the application of the Ouigour characters to the Mogul language cannot be placed earlier than the year 1204 or 1205, nor so late as the time of Pà-sse-pa, who lived under Khubilai. A new alphabet, approaching to that of Thibet, was introduced under Khubilai.—M.
关于成吉思（Tchingis）的畏兀儿臣属塔塔统阿，可参看阿贝尔·雷慕沙《亚洲研究》第二辑（Recherch. Asiat.）vol. ii. p. 61 中的记述。他曾教成吉思之子习字：“蒙古人此前不通文字，是他把书写之术传给了他们”；由此可知，以回鹘字母拼写蒙古语，最早不会早于 1204 或 1205 年，最晚也不至于晚到忽必烈朝八思巴的时代。忽必烈治下另引入了一种近似藏文的新字母。—M
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In the year 1294, by the command of Cazan, khan of Persia, the fourth in descent from Zingis. From these traditions, his vizier Fadlallah composed a Mogul history in the Persian language, which has been used by Petit de la Croix, (Hist. de Genghizcan, p. 537—539.) The Histoire Généalogique des Tatars (à Leyde, 1726, in 12mo., 2 tomes) was translated by the Swedish prisoners in Siberia from the Mogul MS. of Abulgasi Bahadur Khan, a descendant of Zingis, who reigned over the Usbeks of Charasm, or Carizme, (A.D. 1644—1663.) He is of most value and credit for the names, pedigrees, and manners of his nation. Of his nine parts, the ist descends from Adam to Mogul Khan; the iid, from Mogul to Zingis; the iiid is the life of Zingis; the ivth, vth, vith, and viith, the general history of his four sons and their posterity; the viiith and ixth, the particular history of the descendants of Sheibani Khan, who reigned in Maurenahar and Charasm.
事在 1294 年，出自波斯之汗合赞的敕命——他是成吉思汗的四世孙。其宰相法德拉拉据这些传说，用波斯文撰成一部蒙古史，佩蒂·德拉克鲁瓦曾加采用（《成吉思汗史》Hist. de Genghizcan，p. 537—539）。《鞑靼谱系史》（莱顿，1726 年，十二开本，二卷）则是流放西伯利亚的瑞典战俘，据阿布尔加齐·巴哈杜尔汗的蒙古文手稿译出的；此人是成吉思汗的后裔，曾统治花剌子模的乌兹别克人（公元 1644—1663 年）。就其本族的名号、谱系与风习而言，他的记述最为可贵，也最可凭信。全书共九部：第一部自亚当叙至蒙古汗；第二部自蒙古汗叙至成吉思汗；第三部记成吉思汗一生；第四、五、六、七部叙其四子及后裔的通史；第八、九部则专记昔班汗后裔的历史——昔班汗曾统治河中与花剌子模一带。
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Histoire de Gentchiscan, et de toute la Dinastie des Mongous ses Successeurs, Conquerans de la Chine; tirée de l’Histoire de la Chine par le R. P. Gaubil, de la Société de Jesus, Missionaire à Peking; à Paris, 1739, in 4to. This translation is stamped with the Chinese character of domestic accuracy and foreign ignorance.
《成吉思汗及其蒙古继业诸朝史——中国的征服者》（Histoire de Gentchiscan, et de toute la Dinastie des Mongous ses Successeurs, Conquerans de la Chine），由耶稣会士、驻北京传教士戈比尔神父据《中国史》译出（巴黎，1739 年，四开本）。这部译作带有中国史书的鲜明特色：于本国之事翔实精确，于外邦之事则懵然无知。
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See the Histoire du Grand Genghizcan, premier Empereur des Moguls et Tartares, par M. Petit de la Croix, à Paris, 1710, in 12mo.; a work of ten years’ labor, chiefly drawn from the Persian writers, among whom Nisavi, the secretary of Sultan Gelaleddin, has the merit and prejudices of a contemporary. A slight air of romance is the fault of the originals, or the compiler. See likewise the articles of Genghizcan, Mohammed, Gelaleddin, &c., in the Bibliothèque Orientale of D’Herbelot. * Note: The preface to the Hist. des Mongols, (Paris, 1824) gives a catalogue of the Arabic and Persian authorities.—M.
参见佩蒂·德拉克鲁瓦《大成吉思汗——蒙古人与鞑靼人的首位皇帝史》（Histoire du Grand Genghizcan，巴黎，1710 年，十二开本）；此书凝聚了十年之功，主要取材于波斯著述者，其中苏丹哲拉勒丁的秘书尼萨维，兼具同时代人的长处与偏见。文中略带传奇气息，此乃原著或编纂者之失。另可参看埃尔布洛《东方文库》中 Genghizcan、Mohammed、Gelaleddin 等条目。* 编者按：《蒙古史》（巴黎，1824 年）的序言中，开列了阿拉伯文与波斯文史料的目录。—M
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Haithonus, or Aithonus, an Armenian prince, and afterwards a monk of Premontré, (Fabric, Bibliot. Lat. Medii Ævi, tom. i. p. 34,) dictated in the French language, his book de Tartaris, his old fellow-soldiers. It was immediately translated into Latin, and is inserted in the Novus Orbis of Simon Grynæus, (Basil, 1555, in folio.) * Note: A précis at the end of the new edition of Le Beau, Hist. des Empereurs, vol. xvii., by M. Brosset, gives large extracts from the accounts of the Armenian historians relating to the Mogul conquests.—M.
亚美尼亚亲王海屯（又作艾同），后为普雷蒙特雷修会的修士（Fabric, Bibliot. Lat. Medii Ævi, tom. i. p. 34），曾用法语口授其书《论鞑靼人》（de Tartaris）——鞑靼人本是他昔日的袍泽。此书旋即被译成拉丁文，收入西蒙·格里诺伊斯的《新世界》（Novus Orbis，巴塞尔，1555 年，对开本）。* 编者按：布罗塞先生在勒博《历代皇帝史》新版第十七卷末所附的一篇提要中，大段征引了亚美尼亚史家有关蒙古征服的记述。—M
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Zingis Khan, and his first successors, occupy the conclusion of the ixth Dynasty of Abulpharagius, (vers. Pocock, Oxon. 1663, in 4to.;) and his xth Dynasty is that of the Moguls of Persia. Assemannus (Bibliot. Orient. tom. ii.) has extracted some facts from his Syriac writings, and the lives of the Jacobite maphrians, or primates of the East.
成吉思汗及其最初的几位继业者，见于阿布·法拉杰所述“第九王朝”的末尾（波科克译本，牛津，1663 年，四开本）；而他所谓“第十王朝”，即波斯的蒙古人王朝。阿塞马尼（《东方文库》tom. ii.）从阿布·法拉杰的叙利亚文著述、以及雅各派“玛弗里安”（即东方首席主教）的行传中，辑录了若干史实。
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Among the Arabians, in language and religion, we may distinguish Abulfeda, sultan of Hamah in Syria, who fought in person, under the Mamaluke standard, against the Moguls.
在语言与宗教上同属阿拉伯的诸家之中，尤可举出阿布尔费达——叙利亚哈马的苏丹，他曾亲自在马穆鲁克旗下与蒙古人作战。
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Nicephorus Gregoras (l. ii. c. 5, 6) has felt the necessity of connecting the Scythian and Byzantine histories. He describes with truth and elegance the settlement and manners of the Moguls of Persia, but he is ignorant of their origin, and corrupts the names of Zingis and his sons.
尼基弗鲁斯·格列高拉斯（l. ii. c. 5, 6）意识到，有必要把斯基泰史与拜占庭史贯通起来。他真切而优美地描述了波斯蒙古人的定居与风习，却不谙其来历，还讹误了成吉思汗及其诸子之名。
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M. Levesque (Histoire de Russie, tom. ii.) has described the conquest of Russia by the Tartars, from the patriarch Nicon, and the old chronicles.
莱韦克先生（《俄罗斯史》tom. ii.）依据大牧首尼孔的记载及古老的编年史，叙述了鞑靼人对俄罗斯的征服。
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For Poland, I am content with the Sarmatia Asiatica et Europæa of Matthew à Michou, or De Michoviâ, a canon and physician of Cracow, (A.D. 1506,) inserted in the Novus Orbis of Grynæus. Fabric Bibliot. Latin. Mediæ et Infimæ Ætatis, tom. v. p. 56.
说到波兰，我以米霍夫的马修（又作德·米霍维亚）的《亚欧萨尔马提亚志》（Sarmatia Asiatica et Europæa）为满足——此人是克拉科夫的一位教士兼医师（公元 1506 年），其书收入格里诺伊斯的《新世界》。见 Fabric Bibliot. Latin. Mediæ et Infimæ Ætatis, tom. v. p. 56。
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I should quote Thuroczius, the oldest general historian (pars ii. c. 74, p. 150) in the 1st volume of the Scriptores Rerum Hungaricarum, did not the same volume contain the original narrative of a contemporary, an eye-witness, and a sufferer, (M. Rogerii, Hungari, Varadiensis Capituli Canonici, Carmen miserabile, seu Historia super Destructione Regni Hungariæ Temporibus Belæ IV. Regis per Tartaros facta, p. 292—321;) the best picture that I have ever seen of all the circumstances of a Barbaric invasion.
我本会援引图罗齐——那位最古老的通史家（《匈牙利史料集》Scriptores Rerum Hungaricarum 第一卷，pars ii. c. 74, p. 150）；无奈同一卷中另载有一位同时代人、亲历者兼受难者的第一手记述（M. Rogerii, Hungari, Varadiensis Capituli Canonici, Carmen miserabile, seu Historia super Destructione Regni Hungariæ Temporibus Belæ IV. Regis per Tartaros facta, p. 292—321），那是我所见过的、对蛮族入侵种种情状描绘得最为出色的一部。
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Matthew Paris has represented, from authentic documents, the danger and distress of Europe, (consult the word Tartari in his copious Index.) From motives of zeal and curiosity, the court of the great khan in the xiiith century was visited by two friars, John de Plano Carpini, and William Rubruquis, and by Marco Polo, a Venetian gentleman. The Latin relations of the two former are inserted in the 1st volume of Hackluyt; the Italian original or version of the third (Fabric. Bibliot. Latin. Medii Ævi, tom. ii. p. 198, tom. v. p. 25) may be found in the second tome of Ramusio.
马修·帕里斯依据可靠文献，描画了欧洲面临的危难与困厄（可查其详尽索引中 Tartari 一词）。十三世纪时，出于热忱与好奇，曾有两位修士——柏朗嘉宾与鲁布鲁克——以及威尼斯绅士马可·波罗，先后造访过大汗的宫廷。前两人的拉丁文记述，收入哈克卢特文集第一卷；第三人那部意大利文原著或译本（Fabric. Bibliot. Latin. Medii Ævi, tom. ii. p. 198, tom. v. p. 25），可在拉穆西奥文集第二卷中寻见。
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In his great History of the Huns, M. de Guignes has most amply treated of Zingis Khan and his successors. See tom. iii. l. xv.—xix., and in the collateral articles of the Seljukians of Roum, tom. ii. l. xi., the Carizmians, l. xiv., and the Mamalukes, tom. iv. l. xxi.; consult likewise the tables of the 1st volume. He is ever learned and accurate; yet I am only indebted to him for a general view, and some passages of Abulfeda, which are still latent in the Arabic text. * Note: To this catalogue of the historians of the Moguls may be added D’Ohson, Histoire des Mongols; Histoire des Mongols, (from Arabic and Persian authorities,) Paris, 1824. Schmidt, Geschichte der Ost Mongolen, St. Petersburgh, 1829. This curious work, by Ssanang Ssetsen Chungtaidschi, published in the original Mongol, was written after the conversion of the nation to Buddhism: it is enriched with very valuable notes by the editor and translator; but, unfortunately, is very barren of information about the European and even the western Asiatic conquests of the Mongols.—M.
德经先生在其宏著《匈人通史》中，对成吉思汗及其继业者作了最为详尽的论述。见 tom. iii. l. xv.—xix.；旁及诸条目，则有鲁姆的塞尔柱人（tom. ii. l. xi.）、花剌子模人（l. xiv.）与马穆鲁克人（tom. iv. l. xxi.）；另可参看第一卷的图表。他向来博学而精审；不过我从他那里所得的，也仅是一个总体的概观，以及若干至今仍潜藏于阿拉伯文本中的阿布尔费达的段落。* 编者按：在这份蒙古史家名录之外，还可补入多桑《蒙古史》（据阿拉伯文与波斯文史料，巴黎，1824 年）；以及施密特《东蒙古史》（Geschichte der Ost Mongolen，圣彼得堡，1829 年）。后一部奇书出自萨囊彻辰洪台吉之手，以蒙古文原文刊行，成书于该民族皈依佛教之后：编者兼译者为之附加了极有价值的注释；可惜书中关于蒙古人在欧洲、乃至西亚的征服，所载甚为贫乏。—M