Chapter LIX: The Crusades.—Part III. 第五十九章 十字军东征——第三节

Philip Augustus, and Richard the First, are the only kings of France and England who have fought under the same banners; but the holy service in which they were enlisted was incessantly disturbed by their national jealousy; and the two factions, which they protected in Palestine, were more averse to each other than to the common enemy. In the eyes of the Orientals; the French monarch was superior in dignity and power; and, in the emperor’s absence, the Latins revered him as their temporal chief. 71 His exploits were not adequate to his fame. Philip was brave, but the statesman predominated in his character; he was soon weary of sacrificing his health and interest on a barren coast: the surrender of Acre became the signal of his departure; nor could he justify this unpopular desertion, by leaving the duke of Burgundy with five hundred knights and ten thousand foot, for the service of the Holy Land. The king of England, though inferior in dignity, surpassed his rival in wealth and military renown; 72 and if heroism be confined to brutal and ferocious valor, Richard Plantagenet will stand high among the heroes of the age. The memory of Cœur de Lion, of the lion-hearted prince, was long dear and glorious to his English subjects; and, at the distance of sixty years, it was celebrated in proverbial sayings by the grandsons of the Turks and Saracens, against whom he had fought: his tremendous name was employed by the Syrian mothers to silence their infants; and if a horse suddenly started from the way, his rider was wont to exclaim, “Dost thou think King Richard is in that bush?” 73 His cruelty to the Mahometans was the effect of temper and zeal; but I cannot believe that a soldier, so free and fearless in the use of his lance, would have descended to whet a dagger against his valiant brother Conrad of Montferrat, who was slain at Tyre by some secret assassins. 74 After the surrender of Acre, and the departure of Philip, the king of England led the crusaders to the recovery of the sea-coast; and the cities of Cæsarea and Jaffa were added to the fragments of the kingdom of Lusignan. A march of one hundred miles from Acre to Ascalon was a great and perpetual battle of eleven days. In the disorder of his troops, Saladin remained on the field with seventeen guards, without lowering his standard, or suspending the sound of his brazen kettle-drum: he again rallied and renewed the charge; and his preachers or heralds called aloud on the unitarians, manfully to stand up against the Christian idolaters. But the progress of these idolaters was irresistible; and it was only by demolishing the walls and buildings of Ascalon, that the sultan could prevent them from occupying an important fortress on the confines of Egypt. During a severe winter, the armies slept; but in the spring, the Franks advanced within a day’s march of Jerusalem, under the leading standard of the English king; and his active spirit intercepted a convoy, or caravan, of seven thousand camels. Saladin 75 had fixed his station in the holy city; but the city was struck with consternation and discord: he fasted; he prayed; he preached; he offered to share the dangers of the siege; but his Mamalukes, who remembered the fate of their companions at Acre, pressed the sultan with loyal or seditious clamors, to reserve his person and their courage for the future defence of the religion and empire. 76 The Moslems were delivered by the sudden, or, as they deemed, the miraculous, retreat of the Christians; 77 and the laurels of Richard were blasted by the prudence, or envy, of his companions. The hero, ascending a hill, and veiling his face, exclaimed with an indignant voice, “Those who are unwilling to rescue, are unworthy to view, the sepulchre of Christ!” After his return to Acre, on the news that Jaffa was surprised by the sultan, he sailed with some merchant vessels, and leaped foremost on the beach: the castle was relieved by his presence; and sixty thousand Turks and Saracens fled before his arms. The discovery of his weakness, provoked them to return in the morning; and they found him carelessly encamped before the gates with only seventeen knights and three hundred archers. Without counting their numbers, he sustained their charge; and we learn from the evidence of his enemies, that the king of England, grasping his lance, rode furiously along their front, from the right to the left wing, without meeting an adversary who dared to encounter his career. 78 Am I writing the history of Orlando or Amadis?
腓力·奥古斯都与理查一世,是法国与英格兰历代君王中唯一并肩同旗作战的两位;然而他们所投身的这场圣战,却因两国之间的猜忌而屡屡受扰。两王各自在巴勒斯坦庇护一派,两派彼此的仇视,甚至更胜于对共同敌人的敌意。在东方人眼中,法国国王的尊荣与权势更高一筹;皇帝既不在场,拉丁人便奉他为自己在俗世的首领。71 只是他的战功,配不上他的声名。腓力固然勇敢,但其秉性中政治家的一面居于主导。为了一片荒瘠的海岸而耗损自己的健康与利益,他很快就厌倦了。阿卡一降,便成了他动身回国的信号;纵然他留下勃艮第公爵率五百骑士、一万步兵为圣地效力,也难以为这桩不得人心的擅自弃战开脱。英格兰国王虽在尊荣上略逊,却在财富与军威上胜过他的对手;72 倘若英雄气概仅以凶悍暴烈的勇武而论,那么金雀花王朝的理查,堪列当世豪杰的前茅。“狮心王”(Cur de Lion)——这位有着雄狮之心的君王,长久为其英格兰臣民所敬爱、所引以为荣;六十年之后,连当年与他交战的土耳其人和萨拉森人的子孙,也仍在谚语中传诵他的名字:叙利亚的母亲用他那令人生畏的名字来吓止啼哭的婴孩;若坐骑忽然受惊脱缰,骑手也惯常惊呼:“你莫非以为理查王就藏在那丛树后?”73 他对穆罕默德教徒的残暴,出于性情,也出于狂热;然而,一个使起长枪来如此坦荡无畏的战士,我却不能相信他会屈尊去磨快一柄匕首,谋害他英勇的战友——蒙费拉托的康拉德;此人是在提尔被几名暗藏的刺客所杀。74 阿卡投降、腓力离去之后,英格兰国王率领十字军收复沿海地带,把凯撒里亚与雅法两城并入吕西尼昂王国残存的版图。从阿卡到阿斯卡隆的一百英里行军,是一场持续十一天、连绵不断的大会战。麾下军阵已乱,萨拉丁却仍带着十七名卫士留在战场,既不放倒军旗,也不停歇那面铜制战鼓的擂响;他一再收拢队伍,重整攻势,其教士与传令者更高声呼号,唤那些认主独一的信徒挺身而起,去抵御崇拜偶像的基督徒。然而这些“偶像崇拜者”的推进势不可挡;苏丹唯有拆毁阿斯卡隆的城墙与房舍,才得以阻止他们占据这座扼守埃及边境的要塞。严冬之中,两军按兵休整;及至春日,法兰克人在英格兰国王的帅旗下挺进,直逼到距耶路撒冷仅一日路程之处;他一向锐意进取,还半途截获了一支由七千头骆驼组成的辎重商队。萨拉丁 75 已在圣城中坐镇;然而全城人心惶惶,意见纷纭。他斋戒、他祈祷、他讲道,甚至表示愿与众人共当守城之险;但他麾下的马穆鲁克,念及同伴在阿卡的下场,或出于忠心、或近乎哗变地向苏丹疾呼,要他保全自身、留住他们的勇武,以备日后捍卫教门与帝国。76 基督徒突然撤退——在穆斯林看来简直是神迹——把他们从困厄中解救出来;77 而理查头上的桂冠,也被同伴们的“审慎”、或者说嫉妒,摧折殆尽。这位英雄登上一座山冈,以巾掩面,愤然疾呼:“不肯去拯救基督圣墓的人,也就没有资格瞻仰它!”他返回阿卡后,忽闻雅法遭苏丹突袭,便乘几艘商船赶去,率先跃上滩头;有他在场,城堡之围顿解,六万土耳其人与萨拉森人在他刀锋之前望风而逃。待察觉他兵力其实薄弱,敌军次日清晨又卷土重来,却发现他只带着十七名骑士、三百名弓手,毫不设防地扎营于城门之前。他不去计较敌众我寡,硬是顶住了对方的冲锋。据他的敌人自己作证:这位英格兰国王紧握长枪,纵马沿敌阵正面从右翼疾驰到左翼,竟无一人敢于迎上前来与他一较高下。78 我这莫非是在写奥兰多或阿马迪斯的骑士传奇么?
Note: * Von Hammer (Geschichte der Assassinen, p. 202) sums up against Richard, Wilken (vol. iv. p. 485) as strongly for acquittal. Michaud (vol. ii. p. 420) delivers no decided opinion. This crime was also attributed to Saladin, who is said, by an Oriental authority, (the continuator of Tabari,) to have employed the assassins to murder both Conrad and Richard. It is a melancholy admission, but it must be acknowledged, that such an act would be less inconsistent with the character of the Christian than of the Mahometan king.—M.]
编者按:* 冯·哈默(《阿萨辛派史》〔Geschichte der Assassinen〕,p. 202)力主理查有罪,维尔肯(vol. iv. p. 485)则极力为其辩白,米肖(vol. ii. p. 420)未下定论。此桩罪行亦有人归于萨拉丁:据一位东方史家(塔巴里史书的续修者)所言,是他雇了刺客去谋杀康拉德与理查二人。这是一桩令人黯然的坦承,但不得不承认:较之那位穆罕默德教君王,这样的行径与那位基督徒君王的品性反倒更为相合。—M
During these hostilities, a languid and tedious negotiation 79 between the Franks and Moslems was started, and continued, and broken, and again resumed, and again broken. Some acts of royal courtesy, the gift of snow and fruit, the exchange of Norway hawks and Arabian horses, softened the asperity of religious war: from the vicissitude of success, the monarchs might learn to suspect that Heaven was neutral in the quarrel; nor, after the trial of each other, could either hope for a decisive victory. 80 The health both of Richard and Saladin appeared to be in a declining state; and they respectively suffered the evils of distant and domestic warfare: Plantagenet was impatient to punish a perfidious rival who had invaded Normandy in his absence; and the indefatigable sultan was subdued by the cries of the people, who was the victim, and of the soldiers, who were the instruments, of his martial zeal. The first demands of the king of England were the restitution of Jerusalem, Palestine, and the true cross; and he firmly declared, that himself and his brother pilgrims would end their lives in the pious labor, rather than return to Europe with ignominy and remorse. But the conscience of Saladin refused, without some weighty compensation, to restore the idols, or promote the idolatry, of the Christians; he asserted, with equal firmness, his religious and civil claim to the sovereignty of Palestine; descanted on the importance and sanctity of Jerusalem; and rejected all terms of the establishment, or partition of the Latins. The marriage which Richard proposed, of his sister with the sultan’s brother, was defeated by the difference of faith; the princess abhorred the embraces of a Turk; and Adel, or Saphadin, would not easily renounce a plurality of wives. A personal interview was declined by Saladin, who alleged their mutual ignorance of each other’s language; and the negotiation was managed with much art and delay by their interpreters and envoys. The final agreement was equally disapproved by the zealots of both parties, by the Roman pontiff and the caliph of Bagdad. It was stipulated that Jerusalem and the holy sepulchre should be open, without tribute or vexation, to the pilgrimage of the Latin Christians; that, after the demolition of Ascalon, they should inclusively possess the sea-coast from Jaffa to Tyre; that the count of Tripoli and the prince of Antioch should be comprised in the truce; and that, during three years and three months, all hostilities should cease. The principal chiefs of the two armies swore to the observance of the treaty; but the monarchs were satisfied with giving their word and their right hand; and the royal majesty was excused from an oath, which always implies some suspicion of falsehood and dishonor. Richard embarked for Europe, to seek a long captivity and a premature grave; and the space of a few months concluded the life and glories of Saladin. The Orientals describe his edifying death, which happened at Damascus; but they seem ignorant of the equal distribution of his alms among the three religions, 81 or of the display of a shroud, instead of a standard, to admonish the East of the instability of human greatness. The unity of empire was dissolved by his death; his sons were oppressed by the stronger arm of their uncle Saphadin; the hostile interests of the sultans of Egypt, Damascus, and Aleppo, 82 were again revived; and the Franks or Latins stood and breathed, and hoped, in their fortresses along the Syrian coast.
在这些交战之中,法兰克人与穆斯林之间还进行着一场拖沓而冗长的谈判 79:时而开启,时而继续,时而破裂,继而重启,又再度破裂。双方君主间的一些礼节性往还——馈赠冰雪与鲜果,交换挪威猎鹰与阿拉伯骏马——多少缓和了这场宗教战争的酷烈。胜负几番易手,两位君主或许都已隐隐生疑:上苍在这场争端中其实中立无偏;彼此交手一番之后,谁也别指望能取得决定性的胜利。80 理查与萨拉丁的身体状况似乎都每况愈下,而且各自都饱受战事之累——一个远征在外,一个内患缠身:金雀花王急于回国惩治那背信弃义的对头——趁他不在,此人竟入侵了诺曼底;而这位不知疲倦的苏丹,也终被两种呼声所压倒:一是深受其黩武之志戕害的百姓的哀号,二是充当其黩武工具的士卒的怨言。英格兰国王最初的要求,是归还耶路撒冷、整个巴勒斯坦以及真十字架;他还断然宣称:他本人与同行的众朝圣者,宁可把性命耗尽在这桩虔诚的事业上,也决不带着耻辱与悔恨返回欧洲。但萨拉丁的良心不容他把那些“偶像”白白交还基督徒、去助长他们的“偶像崇拜”——除非另有重大的补偿;他同样毫不退让地申明,自己对巴勒斯坦的主权兼有宗教与世俗两重依据,反复陈说耶路撒冷何等重要、何等神圣,并且一概拒绝任何让拉丁人立足或与之分治其地的条件。理查曾提议让自己的妹妹嫁给苏丹的弟弟,却因信仰不同而作罢:那位公主厌恶委身于一个土耳其人的怀抱,而阿德尔(又名萨法丁)也不肯轻易放弃他那一夫多妻之乐。萨拉丁婉拒了当面会晤,托辞说双方彼此不通对方的语言;于是这场谈判便由译员与使节居间周旋,费尽机巧,一拖再拖。最终达成的协议,两派中的狂热之徒都同样不满——罗马教宗与巴格达的哈里发皆在其列。协议规定:耶路撒冷与圣墓应向拉丁基督徒的朝圣开放,既不课贡赋,也不加骚扰;阿斯卡隆拆毁之后,自雅法至提尔的整条海岸线(含两端)归他们所有;的黎波里伯爵与安条克亲王也一并纳入休战之列;此后三年零三个月内,一切敌对行动概行停止。两军的主要将领都立誓遵约;但两位君主只以口头承诺和握手为凭便算满意——毕竟宣誓总隐含着对虚妄与失信的几分疑虑,堂堂王者的尊严也就免于此举了。理查登船返回欧洲,迎接他的却是长久的囚禁与过早的坟墓;而不过数月光景,萨拉丁的生命与荣光也一并终结。东方的史家描述了他在大马士革那令人感佩的临终情形;然而他们似乎并不知道:他曾把施舍平分给三种宗教,81 也不知道他临终命人高举一幅裹尸布、而非一面军旗,以警示东方世人——人间的煊赫何其无常。他一死,帝国的统一便告瓦解:诸子受制于叔父萨法丁那更为强悍的臂膀;埃及、大马士革、阿勒颇三地苏丹之间相互敌对的利害,重又死灰复燃;82 而法兰克人(即拉丁人)则龟缩在叙利亚沿海的一座座堡垒里,苟延残喘,尚存一线指望。
The noblest monument of a conqueror’s fame, and of the terror which he inspired, is the Saladine tenth, a general tax which was imposed on the laity, and even the clergy, of the Latin church, for the service of the holy war. The practice was too lucrative to expire with the occasion: and this tribute became the foundation of all the tithes and tenths on ecclesiastical benefices, which have been granted by the Roman pontiffs to Catholic sovereigns, or reserved for the immediate use of the apostolic see. 83 This pecuniary emolument must have tended to increase the interest of the popes in the recovery of Palestine: after the death of Saladin, they preached the crusade, by their epistles, their legates, and their missionaries; and the accomplishment of the pious work might have been expected from the zeal and talents of Innocent the Third. 84 Under that young and ambitious priest, the successors of St. Peter attained the full meridian of their greatness: and in a reign of eighteen years, he exercised a despotic command over the emperors and kings, whom he raised and deposed; over the nations, whom an interdict of months or years deprived, for the offence of their rulers, of the exercise of Christian worship. In the council of the Lateran he acted as the ecclesiastical, almost as the temporal, sovereign of the East and West. It was at the feet of his legate that John of England surrendered his crown; and Innocent may boast of the two most signal triumphs over sense and humanity, the establishment of transubstantiation, and the origin of the inquisition. At his voice, two crusades, the fourth and the fifth, were undertaken; but, except a king of Hungary, the princes of the second order were at the head of the pilgrims: the forces were inadequate to the design; nor did the effects correspond with the hopes and wishes of the pope and the people. The fourth crusade was diverted from Syria to Constantinople; and the conquest of the Greek or Roman empire by the Latins will form the proper and important subject of the next chapter. In the fifth, 85 two hundred thousand Franks were landed at the eastern mouth of the Nile. They reasonably hoped that Palestine must be subdued in Egypt, the seat and storehouse of the sultan; and, after a siege of sixteen months, the Moslems deplored the loss of Damietta. But the Christian army was ruined by the pride and insolence of the legate Pelagius, who, in the pope’s name, assumed the character of general: the sickly Franks were encompassed by the waters of the Nile and the Oriental forces; and it was by the evacuation of Damietta that they obtained a safe retreat, some concessions for the pilgrims, and the tardy restitution of the doubtful relic of the true cross. The failure may in some measure be ascribed to the abuse and multiplication of the crusades, which were preached at the same time against the Pagans of Livonia, the Moors of Spain, the Albigeois of France, and the kings of Sicily of the Imperial family. 86 In these meritorious services, the volunteers might acquire at home the same spiritual indulgence, and a larger measure of temporal rewards; and even the popes, in their zeal against a domestic enemy, were sometimes tempted to forget the distress of their Syrian brethren. From the last age of the crusades they derived the occasional command of an army and revenue; and some deep reasoners have suspected that the whole enterprise, from the first synod of Placentia, was contrived and executed by the policy of Rome. The suspicion is not founded, either in nature or in fact. The successors of St. Peter appear to have followed, rather than guided, the impulse of manners and prejudice; without much foresight of the seasons, or cultivation of the soil, they gathered the ripe and spontaneous fruits of the superstition of the times. They gathered these fruits without toil or personal danger: in the council of the Lateran, Innocent the Third declared an ambiguous resolution of animating the crusaders by his example; but the pilot of the sacred vessel could not abandon the helm; nor was Palestine ever blessed with the presence of a Roman pontiff. 87
一位征服者的赫赫威名,以及他所激起的恐惧,最堂皇的一座纪念碑,便是所谓“萨拉丁什一税”——这是一种普征之税,加于拉丁教会的俗众、乃至教士身上,用以资助这场圣战。此法所敛太丰,自然不肯随其缘起的时机而废止:日后罗马教宗对各处教会圣俸所征的种种什一税与十分之一税,或授予公教君主、或留归使徒圣座直接支用,其根基皆在于此。83 这笔进项,必然使历任教宗对收复巴勒斯坦更为上心。萨拉丁死后,他们便凭书信、凭教廷特使、凭传教士四处鼓吹十字军东征;而这桩虔诚大业若要成就,本最可寄望于英诺森三世的热忱与才干。84 在这位年轻而野心勃勃的教士治下,圣彼得的继承者们登上了权势的正午之巅:在位十八年间,他对诸帝诸王发号施令,一如专制之君,随意扶立、随意废黜;对各邦各国亦复如此——只因其君主开罪于他,他便以一道长达数月乃至数年的禁令,剥夺举国上下举行基督教礼拜的权利。在拉特兰公会议上,他俨然以东、西方教会主宰的身份行事,几乎无异于世俗的君王。英格兰的约翰正是在他特使的脚下献出了王冠;而英诺森更可夸耀两桩战胜理智与人性的最赫赫“功业”:一是确立了变体论,二是开创了宗教裁判所。应他一声号召,第四次与第五次两场十字军东征相继兴起;然而除一位匈牙利国王外,统率朝圣大军的都不过是二流的诸侯:兵力配不上宏图,其成效也远未合乎教宗与民众的期望。第四次东征半途转向,弃叙利亚而奔君士坦丁堡;拉丁人征服希腊(即罗马)帝国一事,将成为下一章专门而重要的题目。第五次东征中,85 二十万法兰克人在尼罗河东侧的入海口登陆。他们不无道理地指望:要征服巴勒斯坦,先得拿下埃及这个苏丹的老巢与府库。经过十六个月的围攻,穆斯林痛失杜姆亚特。但基督教军队却毁在教廷特使佩拉吉乌斯的骄横之手:此人假借教宗之名,自居主帅。疾病缠身的法兰克人被尼罗河水与东方大军团团围住;最终只得交出杜姆亚特,方才换来一条安全的退路、若干给予朝圣者的让步,以及那件真伪难辨的真十字架圣物的迟来归还。这场失败,多少可归咎于十字军名义的滥用与泛滥:当时人们同时鼓吹讨伐利沃尼亚的异教徒、西班牙的摩尔人、法国的阿尔比派,乃至皇族出身的西西里诸王。86 参与这些“有功”之役,志愿者足不出乡便可获得同样的属灵赦罪,还能得到更为丰厚的世俗酬报;甚至连教宗,在急于铲除肘腋之敌时,有时也不免把叙利亚教友的苦难抛诸脑后。十字军运动的末期,教宗偶尔也能藉此掌握一支军队与一笔税收;于是有些深思之士便怀疑:整桩事业,自普拉森提亚的第一次宗教会议起,便是罗马一手策划、一手施行的政治谋略。这一猜测,无论于情于事,都站不住脚。圣彼得的历代继承者,看来是随波逐流,而非引领风气与偏见之潮;他们既未怎样预判农时,也未怎样耕耘土壤,却坐收了那个时代迷信自行结出的累累熟果。他们摘取这些果实,既不必劳作,也不涉险境:在拉特兰公会议上,英诺森三世曾含糊其辞地表示,要以身作则去激励十字军;可这艘圣船的舵手终究离不得船舵——巴勒斯坦从来不曾有幸迎来过一位罗马教宗的莅临。87
The persons, the families, and estates of the pilgrims, were under the immediate protection of the popes; and these spiritual patrons soon claimed the prerogative of directing their operations, and enforcing, by commands and censures, the accomplishment of their vow. Frederic the Second, 88 the grandson of Barbarossa, was successively the pupil, the enemy, and the victim of the church. At the age of twenty-one years, and in obedience to his guardian Innocent the Third, he assumed the cross; the same promise was repeated at his royal and imperial coronations; and his marriage with the heiress of Jerusalem forever bound him to defend the kingdom of his son Conrad. But as Frederic advanced in age and authority, he repented of the rash engagements of his youth: his liberal sense and knowledge taught him to despise the phantoms of superstition and the crowns of Asia: he no longer entertained the same reverence for the successors of Innocent: and his ambition was occupied by the restoration of the Italian monarchy from Sicily to the Alps. But the success of this project would have reduced the popes to their primitive simplicity; and, after the delays and excuses of twelve years, they urged the emperor, with entreaties and threats, to fix the time and place of his departure for Palestine. In the harbors of Sicily and Apulia, he prepared a fleet of one hundred galleys, and of one hundred vessels, that were framed to transport and land two thousand five hundred knights, with their horses and attendants; his vassals of Naples and Germany formed a powerful army; and the number of English crusaders was magnified to sixty thousand by the report of fame. But the inevitable or affected slowness of these mighty preparations consumed the strength and provisions of the more indigent pilgrims: the multitude was thinned by sickness and desertion; and the sultry summer of Calabria anticipated the mischiefs of a Syrian campaign. At length the emperor hoisted sail at Brundusium, with a fleet and army of forty thousand men: but he kept the sea no more than three days; and his hasty retreat, which was ascribed by his friends to a grievous indisposition, was accused by his enemies as a voluntary and obstinate disobedience. For suspending his vow was Frederic excommunicated by Gregory the Ninth; for presuming, the next year, to accomplish his vow, he was again excommunicated by the same pope. 89 While he served under the banner of the cross, a crusade was preached against him in Italy; and after his return he was compelled to ask pardon for the injuries which he had suffered. The clergy and military orders of Palestine were previously instructed to renounce his communion and dispute his commands; and in his own kingdom, the emperor was forced to consent that the orders of the camp should be issued in the name of God and of the Christian republic. Frederic entered Jerusalem in triumph; and with his own hands (for no priest would perform the office) he took the crown from the altar of the holy sepulchre. But the patriarch cast an interdict on the church which his presence had profaned; and the knights of the hospital and temple informed the sultan how easily he might be surprised and slain in his unguarded visit to the River Jordan. In such a state of fanaticism and faction, victory was hopeless, and defence was difficult; but the conclusion of an advantageous peace may be imputed to the discord of the Mahometans, and their personal esteem for the character of Frederic. The enemy of the church is accused of maintaining with the miscreants an intercourse of hospitality and friendship unworthy of a Christian; of despising the barrenness of the land; and of indulging a profane thought, that if Jehovah had seen the kingdom of Naples he never would have selected Palestine for the inheritance of his chosen people. Yet Frederic obtained from the sultan the restitution of Jerusalem, of Bethlem and Nazareth, of Tyre and Sidon; the Latins were allowed to inhabit and fortify the city; an equal code of civil and religious freedom was ratified for the sectaries of Jesus and those of Mahomet; and, while the former worshipped at the holy sepulchre, the latter might pray and preach in the mosque of the temple, 90 from whence the prophet undertook his nocturnal journey to heaven. The clergy deplored this scandalous toleration; and the weaker Moslems were gradually expelled; but every rational object of the crusades was accomplished without bloodshed; the churches were restored, the monasteries were replenished; and, in the space of fifteen years, the Latins of Jerusalem exceeded the number of six thousand. This peace and prosperity, for which they were ungrateful to their benefactor, was terminated by the irruption of the strange and savage hordes of Carizmians. 91 Flying from the arms of the Moguls, those shepherds 911 of the Caspian rolled headlong on Syria; and the union of the Franks with the sultans of Aleppo, Hems, and Damascus, was insufficient to stem the violence of the torrent. Whatever stood against them was cut off by the sword, or dragged into captivity: the military orders were almost exterminated in a single battle; and in the pillage of the city, in the profanation of the holy sepulchre, the Latins confess and regret the modesty and discipline of the Turks and Saracens.
朝圣者的人身、家眷与产业,都直接受教宗庇护;而这些属灵的庇护者很快便声称自己有权支配他们的行动,并以命令和教会惩戒来强迫他们履行誓愿。巴巴罗萨之孙腓特烈二世,88 先后做过教会的门生、教会的仇敌,也做了教会的牺牲品。二十一岁那年,他遵从监护人英诺森三世之命,领取十字,誓志东征;在他的国王加冕礼与皇帝加冕礼上,这一誓言又两度重申;而他迎娶耶路撒冷王国的女继承人,更使他从此负有永久之责,去捍卫其子康拉德的王国。但随着年岁渐长、权柄日重,腓特烈开始悔恨少年时那些轻率的许诺:他见识开明、学识广博,因而懂得鄙视迷信的种种虚影,也看轻亚洲的重重冠冕;他对英诺森的历任继承者,不再怀抱昔日那份敬畏;他的雄心,如今全系于重建一个自西西里直抵阿尔卑斯山的意大利王国。然而此图一旦得逞,便会把历任教宗打回他们最初的清寒本相;于是,在他拖延推诿了十二年之后,教宗们软硬兼施,又是恳求又是威胁,逼这位皇帝定下动身赴巴勒斯坦的日期与地点。他在西西里与阿普利亚的港口备下一支舰队:一百艘桨帆战船,外加一百艘专为运载并送两千五百名骑士及其战马、随从上岸而打造的船只;他在那不勒斯与日耳曼的封臣,也组成了一支劲旅;至于英格兰十字军的人数,则被传闻夸大到了六万之众。但这般浩大的筹备,进展迟缓——或是势所难免,或是故意拖沓——白白耗尽了较为贫寒的朝圣者的体力与给养:疾病与逃亡使人群日渐稀疏;卡拉布里亚酷热的夏天,更提前预演了一场叙利亚远征所能带来的种种祸患。皇帝终于在布伦迪西乌姆扬帆起航,率领一支四万人的舰队与军队;然而他在海上不过停留了三天,便匆匆折返。他的朋友把这次撤退归因于一场重病,他的敌人却指斥这是蓄意而顽固的抗命。因为暂缓履行誓愿,腓特烈被格列高利九世处以绝罚;次年,又因胆敢径自去履行这誓愿,他再度被同一位教宗处以绝罚。89 当他正在十字旗下效力之际,意大利境内却有人鼓吹起一场讨伐他本人的十字军;及至他归来,他反倒被迫为自己所蒙受的种种损害而低头请罪。巴勒斯坦的教士与各骑士团早已奉命与他断绝交通、抗拒他的号令;甚至在他自己的王国里,这位皇帝也不得不同意:军中号令一律以上帝和基督教共同体的名义颁发。腓特烈凯旋般进入耶路撒冷,并亲手(因为没有一个教士肯为他行此礼)从圣墓的祭坛上取过王冠,自加于顶。但宗主教却对这座因他驾临而遭“亵渎”的教堂下了禁罚令;医院骑士团与圣殿骑士团的骑士们,更向苏丹通风报信,说他前往约旦河时毫无防备,正好一举偷袭将他杀掉。在这般狂热而分裂的局面下,取胜已无指望,防守也颇艰难;然而他终能缔结一纸于己有利的和约,这大概要归功于穆罕默德教徒内部的不和,以及他们对腓特烈本人品格的敬重。教会之敌——人们如此指控他——竟与那些“异教徒”亲善往来、款曲相待,全无一个基督徒应有的分寸;他还嫌这片土地贫瘠不堪,甚至纵容自己动了一个亵渎的念头:倘若耶和华当初见过那不勒斯王国,他断不会挑中巴勒斯坦,留给他拣选的子民作为产业。然而腓特烈毕竟从苏丹手中换回了耶路撒冷、伯利恒、拿撒勒,以及提尔与西顿;拉丁人获准在城中居住并修筑工事;一部在世俗与宗教自由上一视同仁的法典,为耶稣的信徒与穆罕默德的信徒共同认可;前者在圣墓礼拜之时,后者也可在圣殿的清真寺里祈祷、讲道 90——正是从那座清真寺,先知启程作了他那趟夜间的登霄之旅。教士们为这桩伤风败俗的“宽容”痛心疾首;势弱的穆斯林则被逐步驱走;然而十字军一切合乎理性的目标,都不曾流一滴血便告达成:教堂得以修复,修道院重新住满了人;十五年间,耶路撒冷的拉丁人已逾六千之众。这份和平与繁荣(他们对赐予者却毫不领情),最终因花剌子模那支陌生而凶蛮的游牧大军入侵而告终。91 这群里海之滨的牧人 911 为躲避蒙古人的兵锋,一头扑向叙利亚;纵然法兰克人与阿勒颇、希姆斯、大马士革三地的苏丹联手,也挡不住这股洪流的凶猛之势。凡挡其道者,非死于刀下,即被掳为奴:各骑士团几乎在一役之间被斩尽杀绝;及至这座城遭洗劫、圣墓遭亵渎,拉丁人这才追念起土耳其人与萨拉森人当年的克制与守纪,悔之不及。
Of the seven crusades, the two last were undertaken by Louis the Ninth, king of France; who lost his liberty in Egypt, and his life on the coast of Africa. Twenty-eight years after his death, he was canonized at Rome; and sixty-five miracles were readily found, and solemnly attested, to justify the claim of the royal saint. 92 The voice of history renders a more honorable testimony, that he united the virtues of a king, a hero, and a man; that his martial spirit was tempered by the love of private and public justice; and that Louis was the father of his people, the friend of his neighbors, and the terror of the infidels. Superstition alone, in all the extent of her baleful influence, 93 corrupted his understanding and his heart: his devotion stooped to admire and imitate the begging friars of Francis and Dominic: he pursued with blind and cruel zeal the enemies of the faith; and the best of kings twice descended from his throne to seek the adventures of a spiritual knight-errant. A monkish historian would have been content to applaud the most despicable part of his character; but the noble and gallant Joinville, 94 who shared the friendship and captivity of Louis, has traced with the pencil of nature the free portrait of his virtues as well as of his failings. From this intimate knowledge we may learn to suspect the political views of depressing their great vassals, which are so often imputed to the royal authors of the crusades. Above all the princes of the middle ages, Louis the Ninth successfully labored to restore the prerogatives of the crown; but it was at home and not in the East, that he acquired for himself and his posterity: his vow was the result of enthusiasm and sickness; and if he were the promoter, he was likewise the victim, of his holy madness. For the invasion of Egypt, France was exhausted of her troops and treasures; he covered the sea of Cyprus with eighteen hundred sails; the most modest enumeration amounts to fifty thousand men; and, if we might trust his own confession, as it is reported by Oriental vanity, he disembarked nine thousand five hundred horse, and one hundred and thirty thousand foot, who performed their pilgrimage under the shadow of his power. 95
七次十字军东征之中,最后两次都由法国国王路易九世发动;他在埃及丧失了自由,又在非洲海岸丢掉了性命。他死后二十八年,在罗马被封为圣徒;为坐实这位王家圣人的名分,人们轻而易举便搜罗出六十五桩神迹,并郑重其事地一一作证。92 历史的声音则给出了一份更为体面的见证:他兼备君王、英雄与常人三重的德行;他尚武的血性,因兼爱公私之义而得以中和;路易是他子民的慈父、四邻的良友,也是异教徒的克星。唯有迷信,以其祸害所能及的全部广度,93 腐蚀了他的见识与心灵:他的虔敬竟屈尊到去仰慕、去效法方济各会与多米尼克会的托钵修士;他以盲目而残酷的热忱去追剿信仰之敌;这位最贤明的君王,竟两度走下王座,去寻求一名属灵游侠骑士的冒险生涯。换作一位僧侣史家,只怕会津津乐道地去颂扬他性格中最卑陋的那一面;然而高贵而豪侠的茹安维尔 94——他既与路易结为挚友,又与他一同身陷囹圄——却以自然之笔,为路易的德行与过失一并勾画出一幅不加雕饰的真容。有了这份亲切的了解,我们便有理由怀疑:人们常把打压大封臣的政治用心,一股脑归到发动十字军的历代君王头上,其实未必确当。在中世纪所有君主之中,唯有路易九世卓有成效地致力于恢复王权的种种特权;然而他为自己、为后世子孙所争得的,是在本国,而非在东方。他的誓愿,源于一时的狂热与一场大病;这份神圣的疯狂,他既是鼓吹者,也是牺牲品。为了入侵埃及,法国的兵员与财富被搜刮一空;他麾下一千八百艘帆船遮蔽了塞浦路斯的海面;即便按最保守的估计,也有五万人马;倘若可信他本人的自述(经东方人夸饰之口传下),他共有九千五百名骑兵、十三万名步兵登陆,都在他权势的荫庇下踏上了朝圣之途。95
Note: * Compare Wilken, vol. vii. p. 94.—M.]
编者按:* 可比照维尔肯,vol. vii. p. 94。—M
In complete armor, the oriflamme waving before him, Louis leaped foremost on the beach; and the strong city of Damietta, which had cost his predecessors a siege of sixteen months, was abandoned on the first assault by the trembling Moslems. But Damietta was the first and the last of his conquests; and in the fifth and sixth crusades, the same causes, almost on the same ground, were productive of similar calamities. 96 After a ruinous delay, which introduced into the camp the seeds of an epidemic disease, the Franks advanced from the sea-coast towards the capital of Egypt, and strove to surmount the unseasonable inundation of the Nile, which opposed their progress. Under the eye of their intrepid monarch, the barons and knights of France displayed their invincible contempt of danger and discipline: his brother, the count of Artois, stormed with inconsiderate valor the town of Massoura; and the carrier pigeons announced to the inhabitants of Cairo that all was lost. But a soldier, who afterwards usurped the sceptre, rallied the flying troops: the main body of the Christians was far behind the vanguard; and Artois was overpowered and slain. A shower of Greek fire was incessantly poured on the invaders; the Nile was commanded by the Egyptian galleys, the open country by the Arabs; all provisions were intercepted; each day aggravated the sickness and famine; and about the same time a retreat was found to be necessary and impracticable. The Oriental writers confess, that Louis might have escaped, if he would have deserted his subjects; he was made prisoner, with the greatest part of his nobles; all who could not redeem their lives by service or ransom were inhumanly massacred; and the walls of Cairo were decorated with a circle of Christian heads. 97 The king of France was loaded with chains; but the generous victor, a great-grandson of the brother of Saladin, sent a robe of honor to his royal captive, and his deliverance, with that of his soldiers, was obtained by the restitution of Damietta 98 and the payment of four hundred thousand pieces of gold. In a soft and luxurious climate, the degenerate children of the companions of Noureddin and Saladin were incapable of resisting the flower of European chivalry: they triumphed by the arms of their slaves or Mamalukes, the hardy natives of Tartary, who at a tender age had been purchased of the Syrian merchants, and were educated in the camp and palace of the sultan. But Egypt soon afforded a new example of the danger of prætorian bands; and the rage of these ferocious animals, who had been let loose on the strangers, was provoked to devour their benefactor. In the pride of conquest, Touran Shaw, the last of his race, was murdered by his Mamalukes; and the most daring of the assassins entered the chamber of the captive king, with drawn cimeters, and their hands imbrued in the blood of their sultan. The firmness of Louis commanded their respect; 99 their avarice prevailed over cruelty and zeal; the treaty was accomplished; and the king of France, with the relics of his army, was permitted to embark for Palestine. He wasted four years within the walls of Acre, unable to visit Jerusalem, and unwilling to return without glory to his native country.
路易全身披甲,金焰旗在他身前招展,率先跃上滩头;杜姆亚特本是座坚城,曾令他的前人围攻了十六个月,如今却在第一轮猛攻之下便被战栗的穆斯林弃守。但杜姆亚特既是他征服的第一座城,也是最后一座;在第五次与第六次东征中,几乎在同一片土地上,同样的原因酿成了同样的灾难。96 一场贻害无穷的延宕,把一种疫病的种子带进了营中;此后法兰克人才从海岸向埃及的都城推进,一路苦苦设法越过尼罗河那不合时令的泛滥,河水正横亘在他们前进的路上。在他们无畏君王的注视下,法国的男爵与骑士们把自己对危险、也对军纪的那份无可救药的蔑视,表现得淋漓尽致:国王之弟阿图瓦伯爵凭一股莽撞的勇力猛攻曼苏拉城;信鸽随即向开罗居民报讯:大势已去。然而一名日后篡夺王权的军人重新收拢了溃逃的部队:基督徒的主力此时还远远落在前锋之后,阿图瓦终于寡不敌众,被杀身亡。希腊火如雨点般不断浇向入侵者;尼罗河为埃及的桨帆战船所控制,旷野则落入阿拉伯人之手;一切补给都遭截断;疾病与饥荒日甚一日;也就在此时,他们才发觉:撤退既已势在必行,却又无从实现。东方的史家也承认:路易若肯舍弃他的子民,本可脱身;他终究与麾下大半贵族一同被俘。凡不能以效力或赎金换取活命者,尽遭惨无人道的屠戮;开罗的城墙上,还挂满了一圈基督徒的头颅。97 法国国王被戴上镣铐;然而那位宽厚的胜利者——萨拉丁之弟的曾孙——却赐给这位王家俘虏一件荣誉之袍;他与麾下将士,最终以交还杜姆亚特 98 并支付四十万枚金币为代价,换得了释放。在温软奢靡的气候里,努尔丁与萨拉丁旧部那些堕落的子孙,已无力抵挡欧洲骑士中的精华;他们之所以取胜,全靠自家奴隶、即马穆鲁克之力——这些人本是鞑靼地方剽悍的土著,幼年时被叙利亚商人买来,在苏丹的营帐与宫廷中养大。但埃及很快又提供了一个例证,说明豢养禁卫之兵何等凶险:这群凶悍的野兽本被放出去撕咬外来者,如今却被人挑动,掉转头来反噬自己的主人。图兰沙——其家族的末代之君——正踌躇满志于征服之际,却被自己的马穆鲁克所弑;行凶者中最胆大的几个,还手提出鞘的弯刀、双手沾满苏丹的鲜血,径直闯进了这位被囚国王的寝室。路易的镇定令他们心生敬意;99 他们的贪婪终究压倒了残忍与狂热;条约照旧履行;法国国王得以率领残余的军队登船,前往巴勒斯坦。他在阿卡城中虚耗了四年,既无法前往耶路撒冷,又不甘心无功而返、空手回国。
Note: * Wilken, vol. vii. p. 257, thinks the proposition could not have been made in earnest.—M.]
编者按:* 维尔肯(vol. vii. p. 257)认为,此议未必是当真提出的。—M
The memory of his defeat excited Louis, after sixteen years of wisdom and repose, to undertake the seventh and last of the crusades. His finances were restored, his kingdom was enlarged; a new generation of warriors had arisen, and he advanced with fresh confidence at the head of six thousand horse and thirty thousand foot. The loss of Antioch had provoked the enterprise; a wild hope of baptizing the king of Tunis tempted him to steer for the African coast; and the report of an immense treasure reconciled his troops to the delay of their voyage to the Holy Land. Instead of a proselyte, he found a siege: the French panted and died on the burning sands: St. Louis expired in his tent; and no sooner had he closed his eyes, than his son and successor gave the signal of the retreat. 100 “It is thus,” says a lively writer, “that a Christian king died near the ruins of Carthage, waging war against the sectaries of Mahomet, in a land to which Dido had introduced the deities of Syria.” 101
兵败的记忆,促使路易在十六年的贤明治理与休养之后,又发动了第七次、也是最后一次十字军东征。此时他的财政已然恢复,疆土有所扩展,新一代武士也已成长起来;于是他满怀新的信心,率六千骑兵、三万步兵挥师前进。安条克的陷落激起了这番壮举;一个要给突尼斯国王施洗的狂想,诱使他把船头转向非洲海岸;而一笔巨额财宝的传闻,又使将士们甘愿容忍赴圣地的航程一再延宕。他没能收获一名皈依者,等来的却是一场围城之战:法国人在灼热的沙地上气喘吁吁,一个个倒毙;圣路易在自己的营帐中咽了气;他刚一阖眼,其子、也就是他的继位者,便下令撤退。100 “就这样,”一位笔调生动的作家写道,“一位基督教国王死在了迦太基的废墟近旁——他在一片土地上向穆罕默德的信徒宣战,而这片土地上叙利亚的诸神,当初正是狄多引入的。”101
A more unjust and absurd constitution cannot be devised than that which condemns the natives of a country to perpetual servitude, under the arbitrary dominion of strangers and slaves. Yet such has been the state of Egypt above five hundred years. The most illustrious sultans of the Baharite and Borgite dynasties 102 were themselves promoted from the Tartar and Circassian bands; and the four-and-twenty beys, or military chiefs, have ever been succeeded, not by their sons, but by their servants. They produce the great charter of their liberties, the treaty of Selim the First with the republic: 103 and the Othman emperor still accepts from Egypt a slight acknowledgment of tribute and subjection. With some breathing intervals of peace and order, the two dynasties are marked as a period of rapine and bloodshed: 104 but their throne, however shaken, reposed on the two pillars of discipline and valor: their sway extended over Egypt, Nubia, Arabia, and Syria: their Mamalukes were multiplied from eight hundred to twenty-five thousand horse; and their numbers were increased by a provincial militia of one hundred and seven thousand foot, and the occasional aid of sixty-six thousand Arabs. 105 Princes of such power and spirit could not long endure on their coast a hostile and independent nation; and if the ruin of the Franks was postponed about forty years, they were indebted to the cares of an unsettled reign, to the invasion of the Moguls, and to the occasional aid of some warlike pilgrims. Among these, the English reader will observe the name of our first Edward, who assumed the cross in the lifetime of his father Henry. At the head of a thousand soldiers the future conqueror of Wales and Scotland delivered Acre from a siege; marched as far as Nazareth with an army of nine thousand men; emulated the fame of his uncle Richard; extorted, by his valor, a ten years’ truce; 1051 and escaped, with a dangerous wound, from the dagger of a fanatic assassin. 106 1061 Antioch, 107 whose situation had been less exposed to the calamities of the holy war, was finally occupied and ruined by Bondocdar, or Bibars, sultan of Egypt and Syria; the Latin principality was extinguished; and the first seat of the Christian name was dispeopled by the slaughter of seventeen, and the captivity of one hundred, thousand of her inhabitants. The maritime towns of Laodicea, Gabala, Tripoli, Berytus, Sidon, Tyre and Jaffa, and the stronger castles of the Hospitallers and Templars, successively fell; and the whole existence of the Franks was confined to the city and colony of St. John of Acre, which is sometimes described by the more classic title of Ptolemais.
再没有比这更不公、更荒谬的政制了:它把一国的本地人判为永世的奴仆,任由一群外来者与奴隶专横统治。然而五百多年来,埃及正是这般光景。巴赫里王朝与布尔吉王朝中那些最显赫的苏丹,102 自己也都是从鞑靼与切尔克斯的行伍里擢升上来的;那二十四位贝伊、即军事首领,其继位者向来不是他们的儿子,而是他们的奴仆。他们拿得出一纸自家权利的大宪章,即塞利姆一世与这个共和体所订的条约;103 时至今日,奥斯曼皇帝仍从埃及收受一份薄薄的贡赋,权当臣属的表示。除去几段喘息般的太平与安定,这两个王朝在史册上留下的,是一段劫掠与血腥的岁月;104 但他们的王位纵然屡遭撼动,却始终稳立在纪律与勇武这两根支柱之上。他们的统治遍及埃及、努比亚、阿拉伯与叙利亚;麾下的马穆鲁克骑兵,从八百人一直膨胀到两万五千人;此外还有十万七千名行省民兵充作步卒,遇战事又时时得到六万六千名阿拉伯人的相助。105 如此强悍而有血性的君主,断不会长久容忍在自家海岸上还盘踞着一个敌对而独立的邦国;法兰克人的覆灭之所以被推迟了约莫四十年,全仰赖三件事:埃及国内政局未稳、无暇他顾,蒙古人的入侵,以及若干好战的朝圣者不时前来相助。在这些人当中,英格兰读者会留意到我们的爱德华一世之名——他在其父亨利在世之时便已领取十字,誓志东征。这位日后征服威尔士与苏格兰的君主,仅率一千士卒便解了阿卡之围;又领着九千人的军队一直挺进到拿撒勒;他一心追比其伯父理查的威名,凭一身勇武逼得对方订下十年休战之约;1051 后来更身负重伤,才从一名狂热的阿萨辛派刺客的匕首下死里逃生。106 1061 安条克 107 因地处一隅,较少蒙受这场圣战之祸,最终却被埃及与叙利亚的苏丹邦多克达尔(又名拜巴尔斯)攻占并夷为废墟;拉丁人的公国就此覆灭;这座基督教名号最初的立足之地,也因一万七千居民惨遭屠杀、十万居民被掳为奴,而人烟凋敝。拉奥迪西亚、加巴拉、的黎波里、贝鲁图斯、西顿、提尔、雅法等沿海城镇,以及医院骑士团与圣殿骑士团那些更为坚固的城堡,相继陷落;法兰克人的全部残存,最后只剩下阿卡的圣约翰城及其殖民地——这地方有时也以更为古雅的名称托勒迈斯相称。
After the loss of Jerusalem, Acre, 108 which is distant about seventy miles, became the metropolis of the Latin Christians, and was adorned with strong and stately buildings, with aqueducts, an artificial port, and a double wall. The population was increased by the incessant streams of pilgrims and fugitives: in the pauses of hostility the trade of the East and West was attracted to this convenient station; and the market could offer the produce of every clime and the interpreters of every tongue. But in this conflux of nations, every vice was propagated and practised: of all the disciples of Jesus and Mahomet, the male and female inhabitants of Acre were esteemed the most corrupt; nor could the abuse of religion be corrected by the discipline of law. The city had many sovereigns, and no government. The kings of Jerusalem and Cyprus, of the house of Lusignan, the princes of Antioch, the counts of Tripoli and Sidon, the great masters of the hospital, the temple, and the Teutonic order, the republics of Venice, Genoa, and Pisa, the pope’s legate, the kings of France and England, assumed an independent command: seventeen tribunals exercised the power of life and death; every criminal was protected in the adjacent quarter; and the perpetual jealousy of the nations often burst forth in acts of violence and blood. Some adventurers, who disgraced the ensign of the cross, compensated their want of pay by the plunder of the Mahometan villages: nineteen Syrian merchants, who traded under the public faith, were despoiled and hanged by the Christians; and the denial of satisfaction justified the arms of the sultan Khalil. He marched against Acre, at the head of sixty thousand horse and one hundred and forty thousand foot: his train of artillery (if I may use the word) was numerous and weighty: the separate timbers of a single engine were transported in one hundred wagons; and the royal historian Abulfeda, who served with the troops of Hamah, was himself a spectator of the holy war. Whatever might be the vices of the Franks, their courage was rekindled by enthusiasm and despair; but they were torn by the discord of seventeen chiefs, and overwhelmed on all sides by the powers of the sultan. After a siege of thirty three days, the double wall was forced by the Moslems; the principal tower yielded to their engines; the Mamalukes made a general assault; the city was stormed; and death or slavery was the lot of sixty thousand Christians. The convent, or rather fortress, of the Templars resisted three days longer; but the great master was pierced with an arrow; and, of five hundred knights, only ten were left alive, less happy than the victims of the sword, if they lived to suffer on a scaffold, in the unjust and cruel proscription of the whole order. The king of Jerusalem, the patriarch and the great master of the hospital, effected their retreat to the shore; but the sea was rough, the vessels were insufficient; and great numbers of the fugitives were drowned before they could reach the Isle of Cyprus, which might comfort Lusignan for the loss of Palestine. By the command of the sultan, the churches and fortifications of the Latin cities were demolished: a motive of avarice or fear still opened the holy sepulchre to some devout and defenceless pilgrims; and a mournful and solitary silence prevailed along the coast which had so long resounded with the world’s debate. 109
耶路撒冷失陷之后,相距约七十英里的阿卡 108 便成了拉丁基督徒的都会,城中遍布坚固而堂皇的建筑,还有引水渠、人工港与一道双重城墙。络绎不绝的朝圣者与逃难者,使这里人口日增;每逢战事稍歇,东西方的商贸便被吸引到这处便利的口岸;市集上,各方水土的物产应有尽有,各种语言的通译也一应俱全。然而在这万邦杂处之地,种种恶行无不滋生、无不横行:在耶稣与穆罕默德的所有信徒之中,阿卡城的男女居民被公认为最堕落的一群;宗教既遭滥用,法律的约束也无从匡正。这座城主子众多,却没有一个真正的政府。吕西尼昂家族的耶路撒冷与塞浦路斯诸王、安条克的亲王、的黎波里与西顿的伯爵、医院骑士团、圣殿骑士团与条顿骑士团的大团长、威尼斯、热那亚与比萨三个共和国、教宗的特使、法国与英格兰的国王——个个都自揽一份独立的号令之权:十七个法庭各自握有生杀之权;任何罪犯只要逃入邻近的另一辖区便可获得庇护;各邦之间无休无止的猜忌,也时常爆发为暴力与流血。一些玷辱了十字旗号的亡命之徒,靠劫掠穆罕默德教徒的村庄来弥补军饷的不足:十九名凭公家信义前来贸易的叙利亚商人,竟被基督徒洗劫一空、悬尸示众;而基督徒拒不赔偿,也就给了苏丹哈利勒兴兵的正当理由。他亲率六万骑兵、十四万步兵进逼阿卡;他那一列“炮队”(姑且借用这个词)既多且重:单单一架器械拆开来的木料,就要用一百辆大车才运得走;那位身兼王侯的史家阿布尔费达,当时正随哈马的部队从征,亲眼目睹了这场圣战。法兰克人纵有种种劣行,此刻却因狂热与绝望而重又燃起勇气;然而十七位首领各怀异心,使他们四分五裂,终被苏丹的大军从四面八方压垮。围攻三十三天之后,双重城墙被穆斯林攻破;主塔在他们的器械之下坍塌;马穆鲁克发起总攻,全城被强行攻陷;六万基督徒的命运,非死即为奴。圣殿骑士团的会院——或者说堡垒——又多守了三天;但大团长中箭身亡;五百名骑士中仅十人幸存,可他们比起死于刀下的同伴还要不幸:因为日后整个骑士团遭到那场不公而残酷的取缔时,他们竟要活着在断头台上受刑。耶路撒冷国王、牧首以及医院骑士团的大团长,好歹退到了海边;但海上风浪险恶,船只又不敷用,众多逃难者还没能抵达塞浦路斯岛便已溺毙——而这座岛,多少可以慰藉痛失巴勒斯坦的吕西尼昂家族。奉苏丹之命,拉丁诸城的教堂与工事尽被拆毁;只因贪财或惧祸的缘故,圣墓才仍向少数虔诚而手无寸铁的朝圣者敞开;这片海岸曾长久回荡着整个世界的纷争之声,如今却笼罩在一片凄凉而孤寂的沉默里。109
Note: * After these chapters of Gibbon, the masterly prize composition, “Essai sur ‘Influence des Croisades sur l’Europe,” par A H. L. Heeren: traduit de l’Allemand par Charles Villars, Paris, 1808,’ or the original German, in Heeren’s “Vermischte Schriften,” may be read with great advantage.—M.]
编者按:* 读罢吉本这几章,再去读那篇出色的获奖论文——赫伦所著《论十字军东征对欧洲之影响》(Essai sur l’Influence des Croisades sur l’Europe,Charles Villars 由德文译出,巴黎,1808 年),或其德文原作(收于赫伦《杂文集》〔Vermischte Schriften〕)——必将大获裨益。—M

Notes 注释

71
Magnus hic apud eos, interque reges eorum tum virtute tum majestate eminens.... summus rerum arbiter, (Bohadin, p. 159.) He does not seem to have known the names either of Philip or Richard.
Magnus hic apud eos, interque reges eorum tum virtute tum majestate eminens.... summus rerum arbiter(此人在他们中间堪称伟大,于其诸王之中,无论勇武抑或威仪皆卓然出众……实为万事的最高裁断者。见巴哈丁,p. 159)。看来他连腓力与理查的名字都不知道。
72
Rex Angliæ, præstrenuus.... rege Gallorum minor apud eos censebatur ratione regni atque dignitatis; sed tum divitiis florentior, tum bellicâ virtute multo erat celebrior, (Bohadin, p. 161.) A stranger might admire those riches; the national historians will tell with what lawless and wasteful oppression they were collected.
Rex Angliæ, præstrenuus.... rege Gallorum minor apud eos censebatur ratione regni atque dignitatis; sed tum divitiis florentior, tum bellicâ virtute multo erat celebrior(英格兰王骁勇非凡……在他们看来,就王国与尊位而言,他逊于法兰克王,然而论财富则更为殷盛,论战功更是远为著称。见巴哈丁,p. 161)。外邦人尽可艳羡那些财富;至于它们是靠何等无法无天、挥霍无度的横征暴敛而来,自有本国的史家来述说。
73
Joinville, p. 17. Cuides-tu que ce soit le roi Richart?
茹安维尔,p. 17。Cuides-tu que ce soit le roi Richart?(你莫非以为那是理查王?)
74
Yet he was guilty in the opinion of the Moslems, who attest the confession of the assassins, that they were sent by the king of England, (Bohadin, p. 225;) and his only defence is an absurd and palpable forgery, (Hist. de l’Académie des Inscriptions, tom. xv. p. 155—163,) a pretended letter from the prince of the assassins, the Sheich, or old man of the mountain, who justified Richard, by assuming to himself the guilt or merit of the murder. *
不过,在穆斯林看来他确有其罪:他们援引刺客的供词为证,说这些人是英格兰国王派来的(巴哈丁,p. 225);而为他辩护的唯一凭据,是一封荒谬而一望即知的伪造信函(Hist. de l’Académie des Inscriptions, tom. xv. p. 155—163)——据称出自阿萨辛派首领、即那位“谢赫”或“山中老人”之手,信中他把这桩谋杀的罪责(或曰功劳)揽到自己身上,以此为理查开脱。 *
75
See the distress and pious firmness of Saladin, as they are described by Bohadin, (p. 7—9, 235—237,) who himself harangued the defenders of Jerusalem; their fears were not unknown to the enemy, (Jacob. à Vitriaco, l. i. c. 100, p. 1123. Vinisauf, l. v. c. 50, p. 399.)
萨拉丁的困厄与虔诚的坚忍,见巴哈丁的记述(p. 7—9、235—237);巴哈丁本人曾亲自向耶路撒冷的守卫者慷慨陈词。守城者的恐惧,敌方也并非毫不知情(Jacob. à Vitriaco, l. i. c. 100, p. 1123. Vinisauf, l. v. c. 50, p. 399)。
76
Yet unless the sultan, or an Ayoubite prince, remained in Jerusalem, nec Cœurdi Turcis, nec Turci essent obtemperaturi Cœurdis, (Bohadin, p. 236.) He draws aside a corner of the political curtain.
然而,除非苏丹本人、或某位阿尤布王室的亲王留守耶路撒冷,否则 nec Curdi Turcis, nec Turci essent obtemperaturi Curdis(库尔德人不会听命于土耳其人,土耳其人也不会听命于库尔德人。巴哈丁,p. 236)。他这算是掀开了政治帷幕的一角。
77
Bohadin, (p. 237,) and even Jeffrey de Vinisauf, (l. vi. c. 1—8, p. 403—409,) ascribe the retreat to Richard himself; and Jacobus à Vitriaco observes, that in his impatience to depart, in alterum virum mutatus est, (p. 1123.) Yet Joinville, a French knight, accuses the envy of Hugh duke of Burgundy, (p. 116,) without supposing, like Matthew Paris, that he was bribed by Saladin.
巴哈丁(p. 237),乃至 Jeffrey de Vinisauf(l. vi. c. 1—8, p. 403—409),都把这次撤退归于理查本人;Jacobus à Vitriaco 则说,理查急于动身,竟“判若两人”(in alterum virum mutatus est,p. 1123)。不过法国骑士茹安维尔(p. 116)把此事归咎于勃艮第公爵于格的嫉妒,却不像马修·帕里斯那样,认定他是受了萨拉丁的贿赂。
78
The expeditions to Ascalon, Jerusalem, and Jaffa, are related by Bohadin (p. 184—249) and Abulfeda, (p. 51, 52.) The author of the Itinerary, or the monk of St. Alban’s, cannot exaggerate the cadhi’s account of the prowess of Richard, (Vinisauf, l. vi. c. 14—24, p. 412—421. Hist. Major, p. 137—143;) and on the whole of this war there is a marvellous agreement between the Christian and Mahometan writers, who mutually praise the virtues of their enemies.
前往阿斯卡隆、耶路撒冷与雅法的历次征战,见巴哈丁(p. 184—249)与阿布尔费达(p. 51, 52)的记述。那部《行纪》(Itinerary)的作者——即圣奥尔本斯的那位僧侣——即便竭力铺张,也不曾超出卡迪对理查勇武的描述(Vinisauf, l. vi. c. 14—24, p. 412—421. Hist. Major, p. 137—143);纵观这整场战争,基督教与穆罕默德教两方的作者之间存在着一种惊人的一致,都不吝赞美各自敌人的德行。
79
See the progress of negotiation and hostility in Bohadin, (p. 207—260,) who was himself an actor in the treaty. Richard declared his intention of returning with new armies to the conquest of the Holy Land; and Saladin answered the menace with a civil compliment, (Vinisauf l. vi. c. 28, p. 423.)
谈判与交战的经过,见巴哈丁(p. 207—260)——他本人便是这纸条约的当事者之一。理查扬言要率新的大军卷土重来、征服圣地;萨拉丁则以一句彬彬有礼的恭维回敬了这番威胁(Vinisauf l. vi. c. 28, p. 423)。
80
The most copious and original account of this holy war is Galfridi à Vinisauf, Itinerarium Regis Anglorum Richardi et aliorum in Terram Hierosolymorum, in six books, published in the iid volume of Gale’s Scriptores Hist. Anglicanæ, (p. 247—429.) Roger Hoveden and Matthew Paris afford likewise many valuable materials; and the former describes, with accuracy, the discipline and navigation of the English fleet.
关于这场圣战,记述最为详备、也最具原始价值的,是 Galfridi à Vinisauf 所著《英王理查及其他人赴耶路撒冷之地行纪》(Itinerarium Regis Anglorum Richardi et aliorum in Terram Hierosolymorum),全书六卷,收于 Gale 所编 Scriptores Hist. Anglicanæ 第二卷(p. 247—429)。罗杰·霍维登与马修·帕里斯同样提供了许多宝贵的材料;前者对英格兰舰队的纪律与航行记述得尤为精确。
81
Even Vertot (tom. i. p. 251) adopts the foolish notion of the indifference of Saladin, who professed the Koran with his last breath.
甚至连韦尔托(tom. i. p. 251)也采信了那个荒唐的说法,谓萨拉丁于宗教漠不关心——殊不知他临终一息还在诵念《古兰经》。
82
See the succession of the Ayoubites, in Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 277, &c.,) and the tables of M. De Guignes, l’Art de Vérifier les Dates, and the Bibliothèque Orientale.
阿尤布王朝的世系承袭,见 Abulpharagius(Dynast. p. 277 等处),以及德经的年表、《历法考订》(l’Art de Vérifier les Dates)与《东方文库》(Bibliothèque Orientale)。
83
Thomassin (Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. iii. p. 311—374) has copiously treated of the origin, abuses, and restrictions of these tenths. A theory was started, but not pursued, that they were rightfully due to the pope, a tenth of the Levite’s tenth to the high priest, (Selden on Tithes; see his Works, vol. iii. p. ii. p. 1083.)
托马桑(《教会纪律》〔Discipline de l’Eglise〕,tom. iii. p. 311—374)对这类什一税的由来、流弊与限制作了详尽的论述。曾有一种说法(惜未深究)称,这类税款理当归教宗所有,正如利未人所纳什一之中的十分之一理当归大祭司(Selden on Tithes;见其《文集》〔Works〕,vol. iii. p. ii. p. 1083)。
84
See the Gesta Innocentii III. in Murat. Script. Rer. Ital., (tom. iii. p. 486—568.)
见《英诺森三世行传》(Gesta Innocentii III.),收于 Murat. Script. Rer. Ital.(tom. iii. p. 486—568)。
85
See the vth crusade, and the siege of Damietta, in Jacobus à Vitriaco, (l. iii. p. 1125—1149, in the Gesta Dei of Bongarsius,) an eye-witness, Bernard Thesaurarius, (in Script. Muratori, tom. vii. p. 825—846, c. 190—207,) a contemporary, and Sanutus, (Secreta Fidel Crucis, l. iii. p. xi. c. 4—9,) a diligent compiler; and of the Arabians Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 294,) and the Extracts at the end of Joinville, (p. 533, 537, 540, 547, &c.)
第五次十字军东征及围攻杜姆亚特之役,见目击者 Jacobus à Vitriaco(l. iii. p. 1125—1149,收于 Bongarsius 所辑 Gesta Dei)、同时代人 Bernard Thesaurarius(收于 Script. Muratori, tom. vii. p. 825—846, c. 190—207),以及勤勉的辑录者 Sanutus(Secreta Fidel Crucis, l. iii. p. xi. c. 4—9);阿拉伯方面则见 Abulpharagius(Dynast. p. 294)与茹安维尔书末所附的《摘录》(p. 533, 537, 540, 547 等处)。
86
To those who took the cross against Mainfroy, the pope (A.D. 1255) granted plenissimam peccatorum remissionem. Fideles mirabantur quòd tantum eis promitteret pro sanguine Christianorum effundendo quantum pro cruore infidelium aliquando, (Matthew Paris p. 785.) A high flight for the reason of the xiiith century.
对那些领十字去讨伐曼弗雷德的人,教宗(公元 1255 年)赐予 plenissimam peccatorum remissionem(最完全的罪愆赦免)。Fideles mirabantur quòd tantum eis promitteret pro sanguine Christianorum effundendo quantum pro cruore infidelium aliquando(信徒们无不诧异:为流基督徒的血,教宗竟许下与昔日为流异教徒之血同样的赏赐。马修·帕里斯,p. 785)。就十三世纪的理性水准而言,这可谓一次高蹈之论。
87
This simple idea is agreeable to the good sense of Mosheim, (Institut. Hist. Ecclés. p. 332,) and the fine philosophy of Hume, (Hist. of England, vol. i. p. 330.)
这个朴素的见解,既合乎莫斯海姆的通达之识(Institut. Hist. Ecclés. p. 332),也合乎休谟精妙的哲思(《英格兰史》〔Hist. of England〕,vol. i. p. 330)。
88
The original materials for the crusade of Frederic II. may be drawn from Richard de St. Germano (in Muratori, Script. Rerum Ital. tom. vii. p. 1002—1013) and Matthew Paris, (p. 286, 291, 300, 302, 304.) The most rational moderns are Fleury, (Hist. Ecclés. tom. xvi.,) Vertot, (Chevaliers de Malthe, tom. i. l. iii.,) Giannone, (Istoria Civile di Napoli, tom. ii. l. xvi.,) and Muratori, (Annali d’ Italia, tom. x.)
关于腓特烈二世那次十字军东征的原始材料,可取自 Richard de St. Germano(收于穆拉托里 Script. Rerum Ital. tom. vii. p. 1002—1013)与马修·帕里斯(p. 286, 291, 300, 302, 304)。近人之中最富理性的,当推弗勒里(Hist. Ecclés. tom. xvi.)、韦尔托(Chevaliers de Malthe, tom. i. l. iii.)、詹诺内(Istoria Civile di Napoli, tom. ii. l. xvi.)与穆拉托里(Annali d’Italia, tom. x.)。
89
Poor Muratori knows what to think, but knows not what to say: “Chino qui il capo,” &c. p. 322.
可怜的穆拉托里,心里明白该作何想,却不知该如何措辞:“Chino qui il capo(我在此俯首)”云云,p. 322。
90
The clergy artfully confounded the mosque or church of the temple with the holy sepulchre, and their wilful error has deceived both Vertot and Muratori.
教士们巧施手段,故意把圣殿的清真寺(或曰教堂)与圣墓混为一谈;他们这一有意为之的谬误,连韦尔托与穆拉托里都被蒙骗了。
91
The irruption of the Carizmians, or Corasmins, is related by Matthew Paris, (p. 546, 547,) and by Joinville, Nangis, and the Arabians, (p. 111, 112, 191, 192, 528, 530.)
花剌子模人(Carizmians,又作 Corasmins)的入侵,见马修·帕里斯(p. 546, 547),以及茹安维尔、南吉斯与阿拉伯诸史家的记述(p. 111, 112, 191, 192, 528, 530)。
911
They were in alliance with Eyub, sultan of Syria. Wilken vol. vi. p. 630.—M.
他们与叙利亚苏丹阿尤布结盟。维尔肯,vol. vi. p. 630。—M
92
Read, if you can, the Life and Miracles of St. Louis, by the confessor of Queen Margaret, (p. 291—523. Joinville, du Louvre.)
若读得下去,不妨读一读玛格丽特王后的忏悔神父所撰《圣路易生平与神迹》(Life and Miracles of St. Louis,p. 291—523。见茹安维尔卢浮宫版)。
93
He believed all that mother church taught, (Joinville, p. 10,) but he cautioned Joinville against disputing with infidels. “L’omme lay (said he in his old language) quand il ot medire de la loi Crestienne, ne doit pas deffendre la loi Crestienne ne mais que de l’espée, dequoi il doit donner parmi le ventre dedens, tant comme elle y peut entrer” (p. 12.)
凡慈母教会所教诲的,他无不笃信(茹安维尔,p. 10),却又告诫茹安维尔不要与异教徒争辩。他用那古老的法语说道:“L’omme lay quand il ot medire de la loi Crestienne, ne doit pas deffendre la loi Crestienne ne mais que de l’espée, dequoi il doit donner parmi le ventre dedens, tant comme elle y peut entrer”(俗人一听有谁诋毁基督教的律法,除了拔剑,别无捍卫之道——就该一剑直刺其腹,能刺多深便刺多深。p. 12)。
94
I have two editions of Joinville, the one (Paris, 1668) most valuable for the observations of Ducange; the other (Paris, au Louvre, 1761) most precious for the pure and authentic text, a MS. of which has been recently discovered. The last edition proves that the history of St. Louis was finished A.D. 1309, without explaining, or even admiring, the age of the author, which must have exceeded ninety years, (Preface, p. x. Observations de Ducange, p. 17.)
我手头有两种茹安维尔的版本:一种(巴黎,1668 年)以杜康热的评注最为可贵;另一种(巴黎,卢浮宫版,1761 年)则以其纯正可信的正文最为珍贵,该本所据的一部手稿新近方才发现。后一版本证明,这部《圣路易史》完成于公元 1309 年,却未曾解释、乃至未曾叹服作者当时的高龄——他那时必已年逾九十(序言,p. x. 杜康热评注〔Observations de Ducange〕,p. 17)。
95
Joinville, p. 32. Arabic Extracts, p. 549. *
茹安维尔,p. 32。《阿拉伯文摘录》(Arabic Extracts),p. 549。 *
96
The last editors have enriched their Joinville with large and curious extracts from the Arabic historians, Macrizi, Abulfeda, &c. See likewise Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 322—325,) who calls him by the corrupt name of Redefrans. Matthew Paris (p. 683, 684) has described the rival folly of the French and English who fought and fell at Massoura.
晚近的编者为其茹安维尔版增补了大量出自阿拉伯史家(马克里齐、阿布尔费达等)的珍奇摘录。另可参看 Abulpharagius(Dynast. p. 322—325),他把路易讹称为 Redefrans。马修·帕里斯(p. 683, 684)则描述了法、英两方在曼苏拉城争相逞能、终致败亡的蠢行。
97
Savary, in his agreeable Letters sur L’Egypte, has given a description of Damietta, (tom. i. lettre xxiii. p. 274—290,) and a narrative of the exposition of St. Louis, (xxv. p. 306—350.)
萨瓦里在其饶有趣味的《埃及书简》(Lettres sur L’Egypte)中,既描绘了杜姆亚特(tom. i. lettre xxiii. p. 274—290),也叙述了圣路易受困的经过(lettre xxv. p. 306—350)。
98
For the ransom of St. Louis, a million of byzants was asked and granted; but the sultan’s generosity reduced that sum to 800,000 byzants, which are valued by Joinville at 400,000 French livres of his own time, and expressed by Matthew Paris by 100,000 marks of silver, (Ducange, Dissertation xx. sur Joinville.)
为赎回圣路易,对方索要并获准一百万枚拜占特金币;但苏丹宽宏,将此数减至八十万枚拜占特——茹安维尔按其时的币值估作四十万利弗尔法币,马修·帕里斯则折算为十万马克银币(杜康热,《茹安维尔笺论》第二十篇〔Dissertation xx. sur Joinville〕)。
99
The idea of the emirs to choose Louis for their sultan is seriously attested by Joinville, (p. 77, 78,) and does not appear to me so absurd as to M. de Voltaire, (Hist. Générale, tom. ii. p. 386, 387.) The Mamalukes themselves were strangers, rebels, and equals: they had felt his valor, they hoped his conversion; and such a motion, which was not seconded, might be made, perhaps by a secret Christian in their tumultuous assembly. *
那些埃米尔曾打算推举路易为他们的苏丹——此事经茹安维尔郑重作证(p. 77, 78);在我看来,它并不像伏尔泰(Hist. Générale, tom. ii. p. 386, 387)所以为的那般荒唐。马穆鲁克自己也不过是一群外来者、叛乱者,彼此地位相当:他们既领教过路易的勇武,又指望他能皈依;这样一项动议(虽未获附和),或许正是他们喧闹的集会中某个暗藏身份的基督徒提出来的。 *
100
See the expedition in the annals of St. Louis, by William de Nangis, p. 270—287; and the Arabic extracts, p. 545, 555, of the Louvre edition of Joinville.
此次远征,见威廉·德·南吉斯所撰《圣路易编年》(p. 270—287),以及茹安维尔卢浮宫版书末的《阿拉伯文摘录》(p. 545, 555)。
101
Voltaire, Hist. Générale, tom. ii. p. 391.
伏尔泰,Hist. Générale, tom. ii. p. 391。
102
The chronology of the two dynasties of Mamalukes, the Baharites, Turks or Tartars of Kipzak, and the Borgites, Circassians, is given by Pocock (Prolegom. ad Abulpharag. p. 6—31) and De Guignes (tom. i. p. 264—270;) their history from Abulfeda, Macrizi, &c., to the beginning of the xvth century, by the same M. De Guignes, (tom. iv. p. 110—328.)
马穆鲁克两大王朝——巴赫里王朝(钦察的土耳其人或鞑靼人)与布尔吉王朝(切尔克斯人)——的年代顺序,见波科克(Prolegom. ad Abulpharag. p. 6—31)与德经(tom. i. p. 264—270);其自阿布尔费达、马克里齐等所述、直至十五世纪初的历史,亦见同一位德经的著作(tom. iv. p. 110—328)。
103
Savary, Lettres sur l’Egypte, tom. ii. lettre xv. p. 189—208. I much question the authenticity of this copy; yet it is true, that Sultan Selim concluded a treaty with the Circassians or Mamalukes of Egypt, and left them in possession of arms, riches, and power. See a new Abrégé de l’Histoire Ottomane, composed in Egypt, and translated by M. Digeon, (tom. i. p. 55—58, Paris, 1781,) a curious, authentic, and national history.
萨瓦里,《埃及书简》(Lettres sur l’Egypte),tom. ii. lettre xv. p. 189—208。我对这一抄本的真伪深表怀疑;不过塞利姆苏丹确曾与埃及的切尔克斯人(即马穆鲁克)缔结条约,仍任其掌握武备、财富与权力,此事属实。另见一部在埃及编成、由 Digeon 先生译出的新版《奥斯曼简史》(Abrégé de l’Histoire Ottomane,tom. i. p. 55—58,巴黎,1781 年)——这是一部珍奇、可靠、出于本国之手的史书。
104
Si totum quo regnum occupârunt tempus respicias, præsertim quod fini propius, reperies illud bellis, pugnis, injuriis, ac rapinis refertum, (Al Jannabi, apud Pocock, p. 31.) The reign of Mohammed (A.D. 1311—1341) affords a happy exception, (De Guignes, tom. iv. p. 208—210.)
Si totum quo regnum occupârunt tempus respicias, præsertim quod fini propius, reperies illud bellis, pugnis, injuriis, ac rapinis refertum(若纵观他们据有王权的整段时期,尤其是越近末期,便会发现那段岁月充斥着战争、厮杀、暴虐与劫掠。Al Jannabi,转引自波科克,p. 31)。唯有穆罕默德在位之时(公元 1311—1341 年)算是一个可喜的例外(德经,tom. iv. p. 208—210)。
105
They are now reduced to 8500: but the expense of each Mamaluke may be rated at a hundred louis: and Egypt groans under the avarice and insolence of these strangers, (Voyages de Volney, tom. i. p. 89—187.)
如今他们已减至八千五百人;但供养每名马穆鲁克,约需一百个路易金币;埃及则在这群外来者的贪婪与骄横之下呻吟不已(沃尔内《游记》〔Voyages de Volney〕,tom. i. p. 89—187)。
1051
Gibbon colors rather highly the success of Edward. Wilken is more accurate vol. vii. p. 593, &c.—M.
吉本把爱德华的战绩渲染得未免过甚。维尔肯(vol. vii. p. 593 等处)则更为准确。—M
106
See Carte’s History of England, vol. ii. p. 165—175, and his original authors, Thomas Wikes and Walter Hemingford, (l. iii. c. 34, 35,) in Gale’s Collection, (tom. ii. p. 97, 589—592.) They are both ignorant of the princess Eleanor’s piety in sucking the poisoned wound, and saving her husband at the risk of her own life.
见卡特《英格兰史》(History of England,vol. ii. p. 165—175),及其所本的原始作者 Thomas Wikes 与 Walter Hemingford(l. iii. c. 34, 35),收于 Gale’s Collection(tom. ii. p. 97, 589—592)。这两位作者都不知道埃莉诺公主曾出于虔诚,吮吸毒伤、冒死救夫的事迹。
1061
The sultan Bibars was concerned in this attempt at assassination Wilken, vol. vii. p. 602. Ptolemæus Lucensis is the earliest authority for the devotion of Eleanora. Ibid. 605.—M.
这桩行刺图谋,苏丹拜巴尔斯亦有牵连。维尔肯,vol. vii. p. 602。关于埃莉诺此举的虔诚,最早的依据出自 Ptolemæus Lucensis。同上,605。—M
107
Sanutus, Secret. Fidelium Crucis, 1. iii. p. xii. c. 9, and De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. iv. p. 143, from the Arabic historians.
Sanutus, Secret. Fidelium Crucis, l. iii. p. xii. c. 9,以及德经《匈人史》(Hist. des Huns,tom. iv. p. 143)——皆据阿拉伯史家。
108
The state of Acre is represented in all the chronicles of te times, and most accurately in John Villani, l. vii. c. 144, in Muratori, Scriptores Rerum Italicarum, tom. xiii. 337, 338.
阿卡当时的情形,在那个时代的各种编年史中皆有记载,而以约翰·维拉尼(l. vii. c. 144,收于穆拉托里 Scriptores Rerum Italicarum, tom. xiii. 337, 338)所述最为准确。
109
See the final expulsion of the Franks, in Sanutus, l. iii. p. xii. c. 11—22; Abulfeda, Macrizi, &c., in De Guignes, tom. iv. p. 162, 164; and Vertot, tom. i. l. iii. p. 307—428. *
法兰克人最终遭驱逐一事,见 Sanutus(l. iii. p. xii. c. 11—22);阿布尔费达、马克里齐等,见德经(tom. iv. p. 162, 164);以及韦尔托(tom. i. l. iii. p. 307—428)。 *