罗马帝国衰亡史 Vol. 5 · Chapter 58 · Part 5

Chapter LVIII: The First Crusade.—Part V. 第五十八章 第一次十字军东征——第五节

Jerusalem has derived some reputation from the number and importance of her memorable sieges. It was not till after a long and obstinate contest that Babylon and Rome could prevail against the obstinacy of the people, the craggy ground that might supersede the necessity of fortifications, and the walls and towers that would have fortified the most accessible plain. 105 These obstacles were diminished in the age of the crusades. The bulwarks had been completely destroyed and imperfectly restored: the Jews, their nation, and worship, were forever banished; but nature is less changeable than man, and the site of Jerusalem, though somewhat softened and somewhat removed, was still strong against the assaults of an enemy. By the experience of a recent siege, and a three years’ possession, the Saracens of Egypt had been taught to discern, and in some degree to remedy, the defects of a place, which religion as well as honor forbade them to resign. Aladin, or Iftikhar, the caliph’s lieutenant, was intrusted with the defence: his policy strove to restrain the native Christians by the dread of their own ruin and that of the holy sepulchre; to animate the Moslems by the assurance of temporal and eternal rewards. His garrison is said to have consisted of forty thousand Turks and Arabians; and if he could muster twenty thousand of the inhabitants, it must be confessed that the besieged were more numerous than the besieging army. 106 Had the diminished strength and numbers of the Latins allowed them to grasp the whole circumference of four thousand yards, (about two English miles and a half, 107 to what useful purpose should they have descended into the valley of Ben Hinnom and torrent of Cedron, 108 or approach the precipices of the south and east, from whence they had nothing either to hope or fear? Their siege was more reasonably directed against the northern and western sides of the city. Godfrey of Bouillon erected his standard on the first swell of Mount Calvary: to the left, as far as St. Stephen’s gate, the line of attack was continued by Tancred and the two Roberts; and Count Raymond established his quarters from the citadel to the foot of Mount Sion, which was no longer included within the precincts of the city. On the fifth day, the crusaders made a general assault, in the fanatic hope of battering down the walls without engines, and of scaling them without ladders. By the dint of brutal force, they burst the first barrier; but they were driven back with shame and slaughter to the camp: the influence of vision and prophecy was deadened by the too frequent abuse of those pious stratagems; and time and labor were found to be the only means of victory. The time of the siege was indeed fulfilled in forty days, but they were forty days of calamity and anguish. A repetition of the old complaint of famine may be imputed in some degree to the voracious or disorderly appetite of the Franks; but the stony soil of Jerusalem is almost destitute of water; the scanty springs and hasty torrents were dry in the summer season; nor was the thirst of the besiegers relieved, as in the city, by the artificial supply of cisterns and aqueducts. The circumjacent country is equally destitute of trees for the uses of shade or building, but some large beams were discovered in a cave by the crusaders: a wood near Sichem, the enchanted grove of Tasso, 109 was cut down: the necessary timber was transported to the camp by the vigor and dexterity of Tancred; and the engines were framed by some Genoese artists, who had fortunately landed in the harbor of Jaffa. Two movable turrets were constructed at the expense, and in the stations, of the duke of Lorraine and the count of Tholouse, and rolled forwards with devout labor, not to the most accessible, but to the most neglected, parts of the fortification. Raymond’s Tower was reduced to ashes by the fire of the besieged, but his colleague was more vigilant and successful; 1091 the enemies were driven by his archers from the rampart; the draw-bridge was let down; and on a Friday, at three in the afternoon, the day and hour of the passion, Godfrey of Bouillon stood victorious on the walls of Jerusalem. His example was followed on every side by the emulation of valor; and about four hundred and sixty years after the conquest of Omar, the holy city was rescued from the Mahometan yoke. In the pillage of public and private wealth, the adventurers had agreed to respect the exclusive property of the first occupant; and the spoils of the great mosque, seventy lamps and massy vases of gold and silver, rewarded the diligence, and displayed the generosity, of Tancred. A bloody sacrifice was offered by his mistaken votaries to the God of the Christians: resistance might provoke but neither age nor sex could mollify, their implacable rage: they indulged themselves three days in a promiscuous massacre; 110 and the infection of the dead bodies produced an epidemical disease. After seventy thousand Moslems had been put to the sword, and the harmless Jews had been burnt in their synagogue, they could still reserve a multitude of captives, whom interest or lassitude persuaded them to spare. Of these savage heroes of the cross, Tancred alone betrayed some sentiments of compassion; yet we may praise the more selfish lenity of Raymond, who granted a capitulation and safe-conduct to the garrison of the citadel. 111 The holy sepulchre was now free; and the bloody victors prepared to accomplish their vow. Bareheaded and barefoot, with contrite hearts, and in an humble posture, they ascended the hill of Calvary, amidst the loud anthems of the clergy; kissed the stone which had covered the Savior of the world; and bedewed with tears of joy and penitence the monument of their redemption. This union of the fiercest and most tender passions has been variously considered by two philosophers; by the one, 112 as easy and natural; by the other, 113 as absurd and incredible. Perhaps it is too rigorously applied to the same persons and the same hour; the example of the virtuous Godfrey awakened the piety of his companions; while they cleansed their bodies, they purified their minds; nor shall I believe that the most ardent in slaughter and rapine were the foremost in the procession to the holy sepulchre.
耶路撒冷之所以享有几分声名，正因它历经的著名围攻既多且重。当年巴比伦与罗马要攻克此城，也非旷日持久、苦战不休不能得手：一则居民顽强不屈，二则地势崎岖险峻，纵无城防亦足恃，三则城垣楼橹之坚，纵使筑于最易攻取的平原也称得上固若金汤。105 到十字军的时代，这些障碍已大为削减。昔日的坚固工事已尽遭毁弃，其后的修复又草草不全；犹太人连同他们的民族与信仰，也早已被逐出此地，永不复返。然而人事易改，天险难移：耶路撒冷的形势虽略经削平、稍有迁移，用以抵御来敌的攻势，依旧险固可守。埃及的萨拉森人不久前刚经历过一场围城，又占据此城三年，因而已学会看出城防的弱点，并在一定程度上加以弥补——无论出于教义还是荣誉，他们都决不肯将这座城拱手让人。哈里发的副手阿拉丁（又名伊夫提哈尔）受命担当守御之责。他的方略是：一面以身家性命与圣墓同遭毁灭的恐惧，约束城中土生的基督徒；一面以今生来世皆有厚报的许诺，激励麾下的穆斯林。据说，他的守军由四万名土耳其人与阿拉伯人组成；若再算上他所能征集的两万名居民，那就不得不承认：守城一方的人数竟多于攻城的军队。106 拉丁人此时兵力已衰、人数已减，纵使还能环围全城四千码的周长（约合两英里半），107 又何必徒劳无益地下到便·欣嫩谷与汲沦溪，108 或去逼近南面与东面的悬崖峭壁呢？在那些地方，他们既无所指望，也无所畏惧。他们把围攻的矛头指向城的北面与西面，这才更合情理。布永的戈弗雷把军旗竖立在各各他山最初隆起的坡地上；由此向左，直抵圣司提反门，攻击的战线由坦克雷德与两位罗伯特接续展开；雷蒙德伯爵则把营地设在自城堡直到锡安山脚的一线，那锡安山此时已不再划在城区之内。到第五天，十字军发起总攻，狂热地指望不用器械便能撞塌城墙，不用云梯便能攀上城头。他们凭一股蛮力冲破了第一道屏障，却又蒙受耻辱、伤亡惨重，被逐回营中：异象与预言的感召，因这类虔诚伎俩滥用过频而日渐失灵；人们终于明白，唯有时间与苦功才是制胜之道。围城之期果然在四十天内告满，然而这是四十天的灾厄与煎熬。老一套的饥荒之苦再度重演，这多少要归咎于法兰克人贪食无度、饮食失序；但耶路撒冷土石贫瘠，几乎无水可寻；那点稀少的泉眼与湍急的溪流，一到夏季便已干涸；攻城者也不像城内之人，能靠蓄水池与引水渠这类人工设施来解渴。四周的乡野同样光秃，既无树木可供遮荫，也无木料可供营建；不过十字军在一处岩洞里发现了几根大梁；示剑附近的一片树林——也就是塔索笔下那座魔法之林 109——被砍伐一空；所需的木材靠坦克雷德的精力与巧手运到了营地；攻城器械则由几名热那亚工匠打造，他们恰好在雅法港登了岸。两座可移动的攻城塔分别由洛林公爵与图卢兹伯爵出资、在各自的阵地上建造起来，众人以虔诚的劳作把它们向前推进——推向的不是城防最易攻取之处，反倒是守备最疏忽的地段。雷蒙德的攻城塔被守军的火攻烧成了灰烬，他的同僚却更为警觉，也更为得手；1091 他的弓箭手把敌人从壁垒上赶了下去；吊桥随之放落；就在一个星期五的午后三时——正当基督受难的那一天、那一刻——布永的戈弗雷已作为胜利者屹立在耶路撒冷的城墙之上。四面八方的将士争相效勇，纷纷跟上；于是，在欧麦尔征服此城约四百六十年之后，这座圣城终于挣脱了穆斯林的枷锁。在劫掠公私财货之际，这些冒险者曾有约在先：谁先占得，便归谁独有，旁人不得染指；大清真寺的战利品——七十盏灯与一批沉甸甸的金银器皿——既酬报了坦克雷德的勤勉，也彰显了他的慷慨。那些执迷的信徒，就这样向基督徒的上帝献上了一场血腥的祭礼：抵抗只会激起他们的暴怒，而无论老幼、不分男女，都无法平息这难以遏止的怒火；他们纵情屠戮，不分良莠，一连三日；110 尸骸腐烂、秽气弥漫，竟酿成一场瘟疫。七万名穆斯林死于刀下，无辜的犹太人也被活活烧死在会堂之中，即便如此，他们仍留下了为数众多的俘虏——或出于利益的考量，或因杀得疲乏，这才饶了这些人一命。在这群手持十字架的野蛮豪杰之中，唯有坦克雷德流露出几分恻隐之情；不过，我们或许还该称许雷蒙德那份多少出于私心的宽仁：他准许城堡守军投降，并放他们安然离去。111 圣墓如今重获自由；这些浑身血污的胜利者，也准备去还他们的夙愿了。他们赤着头、光着脚，怀着痛悔之心，以谦卑之态，在教士们高声吟唱的圣咏中登上各各他山；亲吻那曾覆盖过救世主遗体的石头，又以喜悦而痛悔的泪水，沾湿了这座象征他们蒙受救赎的圣迹。至暴烈与至温柔的两种激情竟这样合而为一，两位哲人对此各持异见：一位 112 认为这本自然而然，不足为奇；另一位 113 则视之为荒唐无稽，不可置信。或许，硬把这两种情感系于同一批人、同一时刻，未免失之拘泥；德行高尚的戈弗雷以身作则，唤起了同伴心中的虔敬；他们在洁净身躯的同时，也涤荡了各自的灵魂；至于那些杀戮劫掠时最为狂热的人，会走在朝拜圣墓队列的最前列，我是断然不信的。
Eight days after this memorable event, which Pope Urban did not live to hear, the Latin chiefs proceeded to the election of a king, to guard and govern their conquests in Palestine. Hugh the Great, and Stephen of Chartres, had retired with some loss of reputation, which they strove to regain by a second crusade and an honorable death. Baldwin was established at Edessa, and Bohemond at Antioch; and two Roberts, the duke of Normandy 114 and the count of Flanders, preferred their fair inheritance in the West to a doubtful competition or a barren sceptre. The jealousy and ambition of Raymond were condemned by his own followers, and the free, the just, the unanimous voice of the army proclaimed Godfrey of Bouillon the first and most worthy of the champions of Christendom. His magnanimity accepted a trust as full of danger as of glory; but in a city where his Savior had been crowned with thorns, the devout pilgrim rejected the name and ensigns of royalty; and the founder of the kingdom of Jerusalem contented himself with the modest title of Defender and Baron of the Holy Sepulchre. His government of a single year, 115 too short for the public happiness, was interrupted in the first fortnight by a summons to the field, by the approach of the vizier or sultan of Egypt, who had been too slow to prevent, but who was impatient to avenge, the loss of Jerusalem. His total overthrow in the battle of Ascalon sealed the establishment of the Latins in Syria, and signalized the valor of the French princes who in this action bade a long farewell to the holy wars.
这桩大事发生八天之后（教宗乌尔班没能活着听到这一消息），拉丁人的首领们着手推选一位国王，以守卫并治理他们在巴勒斯坦攻占的疆土。大于格与沙特尔的斯蒂芬此前已经退出，声名多少受损，后来他们靠再度参加十字军东征、并战死疆场，力图挽回这份名誉。鲍德温已在埃德萨立足，博希蒙德则据有安条克；而那两位罗伯特——诺曼底公爵 114 与佛兰德伯爵——则宁愿回西方去坐享各自那份丰厚的世袭领地，也不愿为一场胜负难料的角逐、或一顶空有其名的王冠而留下。雷蒙德的猜忌与野心，连他自己的部众也加以谴责；于是全军以自由、公正而一致的呼声，宣布布永的戈弗雷为基督教世界诸勇士中的第一人，也是最当之无愧的一位。他襟怀豁达，欣然接下这份既满载荣耀、也遍布凶险的重任；但在这座他的救主曾被戴上荆冠的城池里，这位虔诚的朝圣者却拒绝了国王的名号与仪仗；身为耶路撒冷王国的开创者，他只甘居一个谦逊的名号——圣墓守护者兼男爵。他在位仅仅一年 115——对于万民之福而言，这未免太过短暂——而且开头两个星期，便有一道出征的号令将它打断：埃及的维齐尔（或称苏丹）正逼近而来，此人先前迟迟未能阻止耶路撒冷的陷落，如今却急不可耐地要来复仇。他在阿斯卡隆一战中一败涂地，使拉丁人在叙利亚就此立稳了脚跟，也彰显了法兰西诸侯的勇武——正是在这一役中，他们向圣战作了长久的告别。
Some glory might be derived from the prodigious inequality of numbers, though I shall not count the myriads of horse and foot 1151 on the side of the Fatimites; but, except three thousand Ethiopians or Blacks, who were armed with flails or scourges of iron, the Barbarians of the South fled on the first onset, and afforded a pleasing comparison between the active valor of the Turks and the sloth and effeminacy of the natives of Egypt. After suspending before the holy sepulchre the sword and standard of the sultan, the new king (he deserves the title) embraced his departing companions, and could retain only with the gallant Tancred three hundred knights, and two thousand foot-soldiers for the defence of Palestine. His sovereignty was soon attacked by a new enemy, the only one against whom Godfrey was a coward. Adhemar, bishop of Puy, who excelled both in council and action, had been swept away in the last plague at Antioch: the remaining ecclesiastics preserved only the pride and avarice of their character; and their seditious clamors had required that the choice of a bishop should precede that of a king. The revenue and jurisdiction of the lawful patriarch were usurped by the Latin clergy: the exclusion of the Greeks and Syrians was justified by the reproach of heresy or schism; 116 and, under the iron yoke of their deliverers, the Oriental Christians regretted the tolerating government of the Arabian caliphs. Daimbert, archbishop of Pisa, had long been trained in the secret policy of Rome: he brought a fleet at his countrymen to the succor of the Holy Land, and was installed, without a competitor, the spiritual and temporal head of the church. 1161 The new patriarch 117 immediately grasped the sceptre which had been acquired by the toil and blood of the victorious pilgrims; and both Godfrey and Bohemond submitted to receive at his hands the investiture of their feudal possessions. Nor was this sufficient; Daimbert claimed the immediate property of Jerusalem and Jaffa; instead of a firm and generous refusal, the hero negotiated with the priest; a quarter of either city was ceded to the church; and the modest bishop was satisfied with an eventual reversion of the rest, on the death of Godfrey without children, or on the future acquisition of a new seat at Cairo or Damascus.
双方兵力之悬殊到了惊人的地步，胜方或可由此博得几分光荣——尽管我并不打算细数法蒂玛王朝一方那成千上万的骑兵与步卒；1151 但除了三千名手执铁连枷或铁鞭的埃塞俄比亚黑人之外，这些来自南方的蛮族一经交锋便四散奔逃，从而叫人饶有兴味地看出一层对照：土耳其人是何等骁勇矫健，而埃及本地人又是何等怠惰柔弱。新王把苏丹的佩剑与军旗悬挂在圣墓之前（这“国王”的名号他确实当之无愧），随后与即将离去的同伴一一话别，到头来能留下的，连同英勇的坦克雷德在内，也不过三百名骑士与两千名步兵，供他守卫巴勒斯坦。不久，他的王权又遭到一个新对手的攻讦——而普天之下，唯有面对此人时，戈弗雷才成了懦夫。勒皮主教阿德马尔本是个既善谋议、又能任事的人物，却已在安条克那场瘟疫中殒命；余下的教士，则只承袭了这一阶层的骄矜与贪婪；他们叫嚣煽动，非要主教的推选先于国王的推选不可。合法牧首的岁入与治权，遭到拉丁教士的僭夺；而把希腊人与叙利亚人排斥在外，则借着指斥他们异端或分裂的名义，得到了搪塞；116 于是，在这些“解放者”的铁腕辖制之下，东方的基督徒反倒怀念起阿拉伯哈里发那宽容的治理来。比萨大主教戴姆贝尔特久经罗马那套权谋密术的熏陶；他率领一支由同胞组成的舰队前来救援圣地，随即在无人与之争位的情形下，被拥立为教会在灵性与俗世两方面的首脑。1161 这位新任牧首 117 旋即攫取了那根王笏——它本是靠得胜的朝圣者们流血流汗才换来的；戈弗雷与博希蒙德两人都只得低头，从他手中领受各自封地的册封。这还嫌不够：戴姆贝尔特竟径直索要耶路撒冷与雅法的所有权；这位英雄非但没有毅然而慷慨地一口回绝，反倒与这教士讨价还价起来；结果两城各划出四分之一让与教会；而这位“谦逊”的主教也就心满意足，只等日后接手其余部分——或在戈弗雷无嗣而终之时，或在他日后于开罗、大马士革另得一处驻地之后。
Without this indulgence, the conqueror would have almost been stripped of his infant kingdom, which consisted only of Jerusalem and Jaffa, with about twenty villages and towns of the adjacent country. 118 Within this narrow verge, the Mahometans were still lodged in some impregnable castles: and the husbandman, the trader, and the pilgrim, were exposed to daily and domestic hostility. By the arms of Godfrey himself, and of the two Baldwins, his brother and cousin, who succeeded to the throne, the Latins breathed with more ease and safety; and at length they equalled, in the extent of their dominions, though not in the millions of their subjects, the ancient princes of Judah and Israel. 119 After the reduction of the maritime cities of Laodicea, Tripoli, Tyre, and Ascalon, 120 which were powerfully assisted by the fleets of Venice, Genoa, and Pisa, and even of Flanders and Norway, 121 the range of sea-coast from Scanderoon to the borders of Egypt was possessed by the Christian pilgrims. If the prince of Antioch disclaimed his supremacy, the counts of Edessa and Tripoli owned themselves the vassals of the king of Jerusalem: the Latins reigned beyond the Euphrates; and the four cities of Hems, Hamah, Damascus, and Aleppo, were the only relics of the Mahometan conquests in Syria. 122 The laws and language, the manners and titles, of the French nation and Latin church, were introduced into these transmarine colonies. According to the feudal jurisprudence, the principal states and subordinate baronies descended in the line of male and female succession: 123 but the children of the first conquerors, 124 a motley and degenerate race, were dissolved by the luxury of the climate; the arrival of new crusaders from Europe was a doubtful hope and a casual event. The service of the feudal tenures 125 was performed by six hundred and sixty-six knights, who might expect the aid of two hundred more under the banner of the count of Tripoli; and each knight was attended to the field by four squires or archers on horseback. 126 Five thousand and seventy sergeants, most probably foot-soldiers, were supplied by the churches and cities; and the whole legal militia of the kingdom could not exceed eleven thousand men, a slender defence against the surrounding myriads of Saracens and Turks. 127 But the firmest bulwark of Jerusalem was founded on the knights of the Hospital of St. John, 128 and of the temple of Solomon; 129 on the strange association of a monastic and military life, which fanaticism might suggest, but which policy must approve. The flower of the nobility of Europe aspired to wear the cross, and to profess the vows, of these respectable orders; their spirit and discipline were immortal; and the speedy donation of twenty-eight thousand farms, or manors, 130 enabled them to support a regular force of cavalry and infantry for the defence of Palestine. The austerity of the convent soon evaporated in the exercise of arms; the world was scandalized by the pride, avarice, and corruption of these Christian soldiers; their claims of immunity and jurisdiction disturbed the harmony of the church and state; and the public peace was endangered by their jealous emulation. But in their most dissolute period, the knights of their hospital and temple maintained their fearless and fanatic character: they neglected to live, but they were prepared to die, in the service of Christ; and the spirit of chivalry, the parent and offspring of the crusades, has been transplanted by this institution from the holy sepulchre to the Isle of Malta. 131
若不作这番让步，这位征服者只怕连他那新生的王国也几乎要被剥夺殆尽——那王国不过辖有耶路撒冷与雅法两城，外加邻近乡间约莫二十座村镇罢了。118 即便在这样狭小的疆界之内，穆斯林仍盘踞着几座坚不可摧的城堡；农夫、商贩与朝圣者，天天都在自家门口遭受敌意的侵扰。全靠戈弗雷本人以及先后继位的两位鲍德温——他的弟弟与堂弟——挥师征战，拉丁人才得以喘息，日子过得稍稍安稳些；到后来，他们领土之广，已可比肩犹大与以色列的古代君王，只是治下的子民却远不及那数以百万计之众。119 拉奥迪西亚、的黎波里、提尔与阿斯卡隆这几座沿海城市相继被攻陷 120——威尼斯、热那亚、比萨，甚至佛兰德与挪威的舰队都大力相助 121——此后，自斯坎德龙一直到埃及边境的这一段海岸线，尽归基督教朝圣者所有。安条克的君主固然不肯承认他的宗主地位，埃德萨与的黎波里两位伯爵却都自认是耶路撒冷国王的臣属；拉丁人的统治一直延伸到幼发拉底河以东；而希姆斯、哈马、大马士革、阿勒颇这四座城，便是穆斯林当年征服叙利亚所剩下的仅有残余了。122 法兰西民族与拉丁教会的法律与语言、风俗与名衔，都被移植到了这些海外的殖民地。依照封建法制，无论是主要的领地，还是附属的男爵采邑，都可按男系或女系传承下去；123 然而最初那批征服者的子孙 124，早已血统混杂、日渐堕落，被这地方安逸奢靡的水土销蚀得萎靡不振；至于欧洲有无新的十字军前来，则是既无把握、又全凭偶然的事。按封建采邑应尽的军役 125，由六百六十六名骑士来承担；此外，的黎波里伯爵麾下还可望增援两百名骑士；每名骑士出征时，都有四名扈从或骑马的弓箭手随侍左右。126 各教会与各城市则供应五千零七十名军士，这些人多半是步兵；这样算来，全王国依法可征的兵员总数也不过一万一千人——用以抵挡四面成千上万的萨拉森人与土耳其人，实在是单薄得可怜。127 然而，耶路撒冷最坚实的屏障，还要数圣约翰医院骑士团 128 与所罗门圣殿骑士团；129 这两个骑士团把修道生活与行伍生涯奇特地结合在一起——这样的结合或许出自宗教狂热的怂恿，却也不能不叫讲求实务的人点头称是。欧洲贵族中的精英，无不渴望佩上这些可敬骑士团的十字标记、立下它们的誓愿；他们的精神与纪律经久不衰；而人们又很快捐赠给他们两万八千座田庄或采邑，130 使他们得以供养一支正规的骑兵与步兵，用于守卫巴勒斯坦。修道院里那份清苦严峻，很快就在操演武艺中消散殆尽；这些基督教武士的骄横、贪婪与腐败，令世人侧目；他们动辄要求豁免特权、争夺司法管辖，搅乱了教会与国家之间的和睦；而他们彼此猜忌、争强斗胜，更使公众的安宁受到威胁。但即便在最放荡不羁的年月里，医院骑士团与圣殿骑士团的武士，依旧保持着那种无所畏惧、狂热不改的本色：他们不在乎怎样为基督而活，却时刻准备着为基督而死；骑士精神既是十字军东征的母体，又是它的产儿，正是靠着这一制度，这种精神才得以从圣墓一路移植到马耳他岛。131
The spirit of freedom, which pervades the feudal institutions, was felt in its strongest energy by the volunteers of the cross, who elected for their chief the most deserving of his peers. Amidst the slaves of Asia, unconscious of the lesson or example, a model of political liberty was introduced; and the laws of the French kingdom are derived from the purest source of equality and justice. Of such laws, the first and indispensable condition is the assent of those whose obedience they require, and for whose benefit they are designed. No sooner had Godfrey of Bouillon accepted the office of supreme magistrate, than he solicited the public and private advice of the Latin pilgrims, who were the best skilled in the statutes and customs of Europe. From these materials, with the counsel and approbation of the patriarch and barons, of the clergy and laity, Godfrey composed the Assise of Jerusalem, 132 a precious monument of feudal jurisprudence. The new code, attested by the seals of the king, the patriarch, and the viscount of Jerusalem, was deposited in the holy sepulchre, enriched with the improvements of succeeding times, and respectfully consulted as often as any doubtful question arose in the tribunals of Palestine. With the kingdom and city all was lost: 133 the fragments of the written law were preserved by jealous tradition 134 and variable practice till the middle of the thirteenth century: the code was restored by the pen of John d’Ibelin, count of Jaffa, one of the principal feudatories; 135 and the final revision was accomplished in the year thirteen hundred and sixty-nine, for the use of the Latin kingdom of Cyprus. 136
自由的精神本就贯穿于封建制度的方方面面，而在十字军的志愿者身上，这股精神更是发挥得淋漓尽致：他们从同侪之中，推选出最当之无愧的一位来做首领。就在亚细亚那群奴仆当中，一种政治自由的典范竟被引入；他们对此浑然不觉，既未受其教诲，也未慕其榜样；而这法兰西王国的法律，正是发源于平等与正义最纯净的源头。这样的法律，其首要而不可或缺的前提，便是要得到那些人的同意——法律既要求这些人服从，也是为造福他们而定的。布永的戈弗雷一接过最高执政者之职，便向拉丁朝圣者们广征意见，无论公开的还是私下的都一一听取——这些人对欧洲的成文法规与习俗最为谙熟。戈弗雷便以这些材料为本，又征得牧首与男爵、教士与俗众的建言与首肯，编纂成《耶路撒冷条例》，132 一部封建法制的珍贵典范。这部新法典盖有国王、牧首以及耶路撒冷子爵的印玺为证，被珍藏于圣墓之中，后世又不断增补完善；每逢巴勒斯坦各法庭遇到疑难案件，人们便恭敬地援引它以为断。王国与都城一旦沦丧，这一切也就随之尽失；133 这部成文法仅存的残篇，靠着人们的谨守相传 134 与因时而异的惯例，一直保存到十三世纪中叶；后来，由主要封臣之一、雅法伯爵伊贝林的约翰执笔，才把这部法典重新整理复原；135 而最后一次修订则于公元 1369 年完成，供拉丁人治下的塞浦路斯王国采用。136
The justice and freedom of the constitution were maintained by two tribunals of unequal dignity, which were instituted by Godfrey of Bouillon after the conquest of Jerusalem. The king, in person, presided in the upper court, the court of the barons. Of these the four most conspicuous were the prince of Galilee, the lord of Sidon and Caesarea, and the counts of Jaffa and Tripoli, who, perhaps with the constable and marshal, 137 were in a special manner the compeers and judges of each other. But all the nobles, who held their lands immediately of the crown, were entitled and bound to attend the king’s court; and each baron exercised a similar jurisdiction on the subordinate assemblies of his own feudatories. The connection of lord and vassal was honorable and voluntary: reverence was due to the benefactor, protection to the dependant; but they mutually pledged their faith to each other; and the obligation on either side might be suspended by neglect or dissolved by injury. The cognizance of marriages and testaments was blended with religion, and usurped by the clergy: but the civil and criminal causes of the nobles, the inheritance and tenure of their fiefs, formed the proper occupation of the supreme court. Each member was the judge and guardian both of public and private rights. It was his duty to assert with his tongue and sword the lawful claims of the lord; but if an unjust superior presumed to violate the freedom or property of a vassal, the confederate peers stood forth to maintain his quarrel by word and deed. They boldly affirmed his innocence and his wrongs; demanded the restitution of his liberty or his lands; suspended, after a fruitless demand, their own service; rescued their brother from prison; and employed every weapon in his defence, without offering direct violence to the person of their lord, which was ever sacred in their eyes. 138 In their pleadings, replies, and rejoinders, the advocates of the court were subtle and copious; but the use of argument and evidence was often superseded by judicial combat; and the Assise of Jerusalem admits in many cases this barbarous institution, which has been slowly abolished by the laws and manners of Europe.
这套政制的公正与自由，靠两个地位高下不等的法庭来维系；这两个法庭都是布永的戈弗雷在攻取耶路撒冷之后设立的。上一级的法庭，也就是男爵法庭，由国王亲自主持。男爵之中最为显赫的有四位：加利利亲王、西顿与凯撒里亚领主，以及雅法伯爵与的黎波里伯爵；他们（或许还要加上统帅与元帅 137），以一种特殊的方式彼此互为同侪、互作裁判。但凡直接从王室领受土地的贵族，都既有权、也有义务出席国王的法庭；而每一位男爵，也在他自己封臣所组成的下级会审中，行使着同样的裁判之权。领主与封臣之间的结合，既体面又出于自愿：施惠者理应受人敬重，依附者理应得到庇护；双方彼此立誓效忠，而无论哪一方，只要有所怠慢，这份义务便可中止，只要有所侵害，这份义务便告解除。婚姻与遗嘱的审断，因与宗教纠缠不清，被教士攫夺了去；但贵族的民事与刑事诉讼，以及他们采邑的继承与保有，才是这最高法庭分内的事务。法庭的每一位成员，都既是公权、也是私权的裁判者与守护人。他有责任以口舌、也以刀剑，去伸张领主合法的权益；可是，倘若哪位不义的上级胆敢侵犯封臣的自由或财产，结盟的同侪们便会挺身而出，或以言辞、或以行动，为他这一方主持公道。他们会理直气壮地申明他无辜、他蒙冤，要求归还他的自由或土地；若索求无果，他们便中止自己应尽的义务，把这位弟兄从牢狱中营救出来；他们会动用一切手段来卫护他，却始终不对领主本人施加直接的暴力——因为在他们眼中，领主之身向来是神圣不可侵犯的。138 在起诉、答辩与反驳的往来之间，这法庭的辩护人个个精微缜密、辞锋滔滔；然而说理与举证，却往往被司法决斗所取代；《耶路撒冷条例》在许多情形下都容许这一野蛮的制度，而这制度后来才被欧洲的法律与风俗慢慢革除。
The trial by battle was established in all criminal cases which affected the life, or limb, or honor, of any person; and in all civil transactions, of or above the value of one mark of silver. It appears that in criminal cases the combat was the privilege of the accuser, who, except in a charge of treason, avenged his personal injury, or the death of those persons whom he had a right to represent; but wherever, from the nature of the charge, testimony could be obtained, it was necessary for him to produce witnesses of the fact. In civil cases, the combat was not allowed as the means of establishing the claim of the demandant; but he was obliged to produce witnesses who had, or assumed to have, knowledge of the fact. The combat was then the privilege of the defendant; because he charged the witness with an attempt by perjury to take away his right. He came therefore to be in the same situation as the appellant in criminal cases. It was not then as a mode of proof that the combat was received, nor as making negative evidence, (according to the supposition of Montesquieu; 139 but in every case the right to offer battle was founded on the right to pursue by arms the redress of an injury; and the judicial combat was fought on the same principle, and with the same spirit, as a private duel. Champions were only allowed to women, and to men maimed or past the age of sixty. The consequence of a defeat was death to the person accused, or to the champion or witness, as well as to the accuser himself: but in civil cases, the demandant was punished with infamy and the loss of his suit, while his witness and champion suffered ignominious death. In many cases it was in the option of the judge to award or to refuse the combat: but two are specified, in which it was the inevitable result of the challenge; if a faithful vassal gave the lie to his compeer, who unjustly claimed any portion of their lord’s demesnes; or if an unsuccessful suitor presumed to impeach the judgment and veracity of the court. He might impeach them, but the terms were severe and perilous: in the same day he successively fought all the members of the tribunal, even those who had been absent; a single defeat was followed by death and infamy; and where none could hope for victory, it is highly probable that none would adventure the trial. In the Assise of Jerusalem, the legal subtlety of the count of Jaffa is more laudably employed to elude, than to facilitate, the judicial combat, which he derives from a principle of honor rather than of superstition. 140
凡涉及任何人的性命、肢体或名誉的刑事案件，以及标的价值达到或超过一银马克的一切民事纠纷，都可诉诸决斗裁判。看来，在刑事案件中，决斗乃是原告的特权：除叛国指控之外，原告藉此为自身所受的伤害、或为他有权代表之人的死亡复仇；但只要就指控的性质而言尚能取得证词，他就必须传唤能证明事实的人证。在民事案件中，决斗则不得用作原告确立诉求的手段；他必须举出对事实确有所知、或自称有所知的证人。这时，决斗便成了被告的特权，因为他指控那证人企图以伪证来剥夺他的权利；如此一来，他的处境就与刑事案件中的控诉方如出一辙了。可见，人们接受决斗，并不是把它当作一种举证方式，也不是拿它来构成反面的证据（孟德斯鸠所推测的那样）；139 其实，无论哪一种情形，请求决斗之权，都是建立在诉诸武力、以求伤害得以昭雪这一权利之上的；司法决斗所依据的原则、所秉持的精神，与私人间的决斗并无二致。只有妇女，以及肢体残缺或年过花甲的男子，才获准雇请代斗者。一旦落败，无论是被告本人，还是代斗者或证人，乃至控诉者自己，都难逃一死；不过在民事案件中，原告败诉则只受身败名裂、并输掉官司之罚，而他的证人与代斗者，却要蒙受耻辱、被处死刑。在许多案件里，准与不准决斗，全凭法官定夺；但有两种情形是明文规定的，一旦挑战便无从回避：其一，若某个忠诚的封臣当面斥其同侪撒谎，因为那人无理地觊觎领主领地的某一部分；其二，若某个败诉的诉讼人竟敢质疑法庭裁断的公正与真实。他固然可以提出质疑，条件却既苛刻又凶险：同一天之内，他要与法庭的全体成员逐一决斗，连当时缺席的也不例外；只要有一场落败，随之而来的便是死亡与污名；既然无人能指望取胜，那么多半也就无人敢去冒这个险了。在《耶路撒冷条例》中，雅法伯爵那份法律上的精明，用来规避司法决斗的地方，远比用来促成它的地方更值得称道；在他看来，这一制度源出于荣誉的原则，而非迷信的观念。140
Among the causes which enfranchised the plebeians from the yoke of feudal tyranny, the institution of cities and corporations is one of the most powerful; and if those of Palestine are coeval with the first crusade, they may be ranked with the most ancient of the Latin world. Many of the pilgrims had escaped from their lords under the banner of the cross; and it was the policy of the French princes to tempt their stay by the assurance of the rights and privileges of freemen. It is expressly declared in the Assise of Jerusalem, that after instituting, for his knights and barons, the court of peers, in which he presided himself, Godfrey of Bouillon established a second tribunal, in which his person was represented by his viscount. The jurisdiction of this inferior court extended over the burgesses of the kingdom; and it was composed of a select number of the most discreet and worthy citizens, who were sworn to judge, according to the laws of the actions and fortunes of their equals. 141 In the conquest and settlement of new cities, the example of Jerusalem was imitated by the kings and their great vassals; and above thirty similar corporations were founded before the loss of the Holy Land. Another class of subjects, the Syrians, 142 or Oriental Christians, were oppressed by the zeal of the clergy, and protected by the toleration of the state. Godfrey listened to their reasonable prayer, that they might be judged by their own national laws. A third court was instituted for their use, of limited and domestic jurisdiction: the sworn members were Syrians, in blood, language, and religion; but the office of the president (in Arabic, of the rais) was sometimes exercised by the viscount of the city. At an immeasurable distance below the nobles, the burgesses, and the strangers, the Assise of Jerusalem condescends to mention the villains and slaves, the peasants of the land and the captives of war, who were almost equally considered as the objects of property. The relief or protection of these unhappy men was not esteemed worthy of the care of the legislator; but he diligently provides for the recovery, though not indeed for the punishment, of the fugitives. Like hounds, or hawks, who had strayed from the lawful owner, they might be lost and claimed: the slave and falcon were of the same value; but three slaves, or twelve oxen, were accumulated to equal the price of the war-horse; and a sum of three hundred pieces of gold was fixed, in the age of chivalry, as the equivalent of the more noble animal. 143
在把平民从封建暴政的枷锁下解放出来的种种因素当中，城市与自治团体的兴办是最有力的一项；巴勒斯坦的这类团体若果真与第一次十字军东征同时诞生，那便可跻身拉丁世界中最古老者之列。有许多朝圣者本是打着十字架的旗号，才从各自领主的辖制下逃脱出来的；法兰西诸侯便定下一条方略：许以自由民的种种权利与特权，诱使他们留下来。《耶路撒冷条例》中明白载道：布永的戈弗雷先为麾下的骑士与男爵设立了由他亲自主持的同侪法庭，其后又设立了第二个法庭，由他的子爵代他坐镇。这个下级法庭的裁判权，及于王国内的市民；法庭由若干精选出来的、最为明达可敬的市民组成，他们宣誓依照法律，来裁断与自己身份相当之人的诉讼与财产纠纷。141 每逢征服并开拓新的城市，历代国王及其大封臣都仿效耶路撒冷的先例；在圣地沦陷之前，这样的自治团体先后设立了三十多个。还有一类臣民，即叙利亚人 142，也就是东方的基督徒：他们一面受着教士狂热的压制，一面又得到国家宽容政策的庇护。戈弗雷听取了他们合乎情理的请求——准他们按本民族的法律受审。于是又为他们设立了第三个法庭，其管辖范围有限，只理内部事务；宣誓就任的成员，无论血统、语言还是宗教，都是叙利亚人；不过庭长一职（阿拉伯语称“拉伊斯”）有时也由该城的子爵来担任。在贵族、市民与外来客之下，还有一个地位低到不可以道里计的阶层——《耶路撒冷条例》这才屈尊提到农奴与奴隶，也就是土地上的农夫与战场上的俘虏；这些人几乎一概被视同财物看待。至于救济或庇护这些可怜人，立法者压根不屑一顾；可对于逃亡者，他倒是勤勉地作了规定——只管如何把人追回，却全然不问如何加以惩处。这些人就像走失了主人的猎犬或鹰隼，可以算作丢失之物，任凭失主认领；一个奴隶与一只猎鹰，竟是同等的身价；而要凑足一匹战马的价钱，得用上三个奴隶，或是十二头牛；在那骑士的时代，人们把三百枚金币定为这更高贵牲口的等价。143

Notes 注释

105 ↩
See the masterly description of Tacitus, (Hist. v. 11, 12, 13,) who supposes that the Jewish lawgivers had provided for a perpetual state of hostility against the rest of mankind. * Note: This is an exaggerated inference from the words of Tacitus, who speaks of the founders of the city, not the lawgivers. Praeviderant conditores, ex diversitate morum, crebra bella; inde cuncta quamvis adversus loagum obsidium.—M.
参见塔西佗那段大师手笔的描述（Hist. v. 11, 12, 13），他认为犹太人的立法者早已为这个民族预设了一种与其余人类永世为敌的处境。＊按：这是从塔西佗的原话中过度引申出来的推论——塔西佗所指的是这座城的建造者，而非立法者。原文云：Praeviderant conditores, ex diversitate morum, crebra bella; inde cuncta quamvis adversus loagum obsidium.（“其建造者早已料到，习俗迥异必致战乱频仍，故凡百营建皆着眼于经久的围城之备。”）—M
106 ↩
The lively scepticism of Voltaire is balanced with sense and erudition by the French author of the Esprit des Croisades, (tom. iv. p. 386-388,) who observes, that, according to the Arabians, the inhabitants of Jerusalem must have exceeded 200,000; that in the siege of Titus, Josephus collects 1,300,000 Jews; that they are stated by Tacitus himself at 600,000; and that the largest defalcation, that his accepimus can justify, will still leave them more numerous than the Roman army.
伏尔泰那份活泼的怀疑论调，被《十字军东征精神》（Esprit des Croisades）的法国作者以理智与博学加以平衡（tom. iv. p. 386-388）。此人指出：据阿拉伯人的记载，耶路撒冷的居民必定超过二十万；提图斯围城之役时，约瑟夫斯所汇集的犹太人多达一百三十万；塔西佗本人也把这一数字定为六十万；即便按他那句 accepimus（“据我们所闻”）所能容许的最大折扣来打，人数仍旧多于罗马军队。
107 ↩
Maundrell, who diligently perambulated the walls, found a circuit of 4630 paces, or 4167 English yards, (p. 109, 110: ) from an authentic plan, D’Anville concludes a measure nearly similar, of 1960 French toises, (p. 23-29,) in his scarce and valuable tract. For the topography of Jerusalem, see Reland, (Palestina, tom. ii. p. 832-860.)
蒙德雷尔曾勤勉地绕城墙走了一圈，测得周长为四千六百三十步，合四千一百六十七英码（p. 109, 110）；当维尔则依据一幅可靠的城图，在其那部稀见而珍贵的小册子里推算出一个相近的数值——一千九百六十法国托瓦兹（p. 23-29）。至于耶路撒冷的地形，参见雷兰（Palestina, tom. ii. p. 832-860）。
108 ↩
Jerusalem was possessed only of the torrent of Kedron, dry in summer, and of the little spring or brook of Siloe, (Reland, tom. i. p. 294, 300.) Both strangers and natives complain of the want of water, which, in time of war, was studiously aggravated. Within the city, Tacitus mentions a perennial fountain, an aqueduct and cisterns for rain water. The aqueduct was conveyed from the rivulet Tekos or Etham, which is likewise mentioned by Bohadin, (in Vit. Saludio p. 238.)
耶路撒冷所拥有的水源，只有一到夏季便干涸的汲沦溪，以及西罗亚那眼小小的泉水或溪流（Reland, tom. i. p. 294, 300）。无论外来客还是本地人，都抱怨此地缺水；而一逢战时，这缺水之苦更是被人有意加重。至于城内，塔西佗提到有一处终年不竭的泉眼、一条引水渠，还有蓄积雨水的水池。那引水渠的水，引自泰科斯（又名伊坦）的小河——巴哈丁在《萨拉丁传》中也提到此河（in Vit. Saludio p. 238）。
109 ↩
Gierusalomme Liberata, canto xiii. It is pleasant enough to observe how Tasso has copied and embellished the minutest details of the siege.
见《耶路撒冷的解放》（Gierusalomme Liberata），第十三歌。观察塔索如何把这场围城最琐细的情节一一摹写、加以润饰，倒也颇为有趣。
1091 ↩
This does not appear by Wilken’s account, (p. 294.) They fought in vair the whole of the Thursday.—M.
据维尔肯的记述，情形并非如此（p. 294）。他们整整一个星期四都在苦战，却徒劳无功。—M
110 ↩
Besides the Latins, who are not ashamed of the massacre, see Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen. p. 363,) Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 243,) and M. De Guignes, tom. ii. p. ii. p. 99, from Aboulmahasen.
除了那些对这场屠杀并不以为耻的拉丁作家之外，另可参见埃尔马金（Hist. Saracen. p. 363）、阿布·法拉杰（Dynast. p. 243），以及德经（tom. ii. p. ii. p. 99，转引自阿布·马哈辛）。
111 ↩
The old tower Psephina, in the middle ages Neblosa, was named Castellum Pisanum, from the patriarch Daimbert. It is still the citadel, the residence of the Turkish aga, and commands a prospect of the Dead Sea, Judea, and Arabia, (D’Anville, p. 19-23.) It was likewise called the Tower of David.
那座古老的普塞菲纳塔，中世纪时称内布洛萨，又因牧首戴姆贝尔特而得名“比萨城堡”（Castellum Pisanum）。它至今仍是那座城堡，是土耳其阿加的驻地，可俯瞰死海、犹地亚与阿拉伯一带的景致（D'Anville, p. 19-23）。此塔也称作大卫塔。
112 ↩
Hume, in his History of England, vol. i. p. 311, 312, octavo edition.
见休谟《英格兰史》，vol. i. p. 311, 312，八开本。
113 ↩
Voltaire, in his Essai sur l’Histoire Generale, tom ii. c. 54, p 345, 346
见伏尔泰《风俗论》（Essai sur l'Histoire Generale），tom. ii. c. 54, p. 345, 346。
114 ↩
The English ascribe to Robert of Normandy, and the Provincials to Raymond of Tholouse, the glory of refusing the crown; but the honest voice of tradition has preserved the memory of the ambition and revenge (Villehardouin, No. 136) of the count of St. Giles. He died at the siege of Tripoli, which was possessed by his descendants.
英格兰人把拒绝王冠的荣耀归于诺曼底的罗伯特，普罗旺斯人则归于图卢兹的雷蒙德；然而据可信的传闻所载，圣吉尔伯爵的野心与报复之心却给人们留下了深刻印象（Villehardouin, No. 136）。他死在的黎波里的围城之中，此城后来一直为其后裔所据有。
115 ↩
See the election, the battle of Ascalon, &c., in William of Tyre l. ix. c. 1-12, and in the conclusion of the Latin historians of the first crusade.
关于国王的推选、阿斯卡隆之战等等，参见提尔的威廉，l. ix. c. 1-12，以及第一次十字军东征各拉丁史家著作的结尾部分。
1151 ↩
20,000 Franks, 300,000 Mussulmen, according to Wilken, (vol. ii. p. 9)—M.
据维尔肯所述，法兰克人两万，穆斯林三十万（vol. ii. p. 9）。—M
116 ↩
Renaudot, Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 479.
见勒诺多，Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 479。
1161 ↩
Arnulf was first chosen, but illegitimately, and degraded. He was ever after the secret enemy of Daimbert or Dagobert. Wilken, vol. i. p. 306, vol. ii. p. 52.—M
阿努尔夫起初虽被选中，却因当选不合法而遭黜退。此后他便一直是戴姆贝尔特（又作达戈贝尔特）暗中的仇敌。Wilken, vol. i. p. 306, vol. ii. p. 52。—M
117 ↩
See the claims of the patriarch Daimbert, in William of Tyre (l. ix. c. 15-18, x. 4, 7, 9,) who asserts with marvellous candor the independence of the conquerors and kings of Jerusalem.
关于牧首戴姆贝尔特的种种主张，参见提尔的威廉（l. ix. c. 15-18, x. 4, 7, 9）；他以令人惊叹的坦率，力主耶路撒冷的征服者与历代国王本是独立自主的。
118 ↩
Willerm. Tyr. l. x. 19. The Historia Hierosolimitana of Jacobus a Vitriaco (l. i. c. 21-50) and the Secreta Fidelium Crucis of Marinus Sanutus (l. iii. p. 1) describe the state and conquests of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem.
见提尔的威廉，l. x. 19。雅克·德维特里的《耶路撒冷史》（Historia Hierosolimitana，l. i. c. 21-50）与马里诺·萨努特的《十字架忠信者秘录》（Secreta Fidelium Crucis，l. iii. p. 1），都记述了拉丁人的耶路撒冷王国的状况及其征服历程。
119 ↩
An actual muster, not including the tribes of Levi and Benjamin, gave David an army of 1,300,000 or 1,574,000 fighting men; which, with the addition of women, children, and slaves, may imply a population of thirteen millions, in a country sixty leagues in length, and thirty broad. The honest and rational Le Clerc (Comment on 2d Samuel xxiv. and 1st Chronicles, xxi.) aestuat angusto in limite, and mutters his suspicion of a false transcript; a dangerous suspicion! * Note: David determined to take a census of his vast dominions, which extended from Lebanon to the frontiers of Egypt, from the Euphrates to the Mediterranean. The numbers (in 2 Sam. xxiv. 9, and 1 Chron. xxi. 5) differ; but the lowest gives 800,000 men fit to bear arms in Israel, 500,000 in Judah. Hist. of Jews, vol. i. p. 248. Gibbon has taken the highest census in his estimate of the population, and confined the dominions of David to Jordandic Palestine.—M.
一次实际的点兵（不计利未与便雅悯两支派）为大卫清点出一支一百三十万、或说一百五十七万四千人的作战之师；若再加上妇孺与奴隶，则可推知总人口约有一千三百万——而这地方长不过六十里格、宽不过三十里格。诚实而明达的勒克莱尔（在其对《撒母耳记下》二十四章及《历代志上》二十一章的注释中）aestuat angusto in limite（“在这狭促的界限里困窘不安”），暗自嘀咕，疑心所据的是一份讹误的抄本——好一个危险的疑心！＊按：大卫决意为他辽阔的疆土清点人口，其地北起黎巴嫩，南抵埃及边境，自幼发拉底河直到地中海。各处数字互有出入（见《撒母耳记下》二十四章九节、《历代志上》二十一章五节）；但最低的数字也称，以色列可执兵者八十万，犹大五十万。见《犹太人史》，vol. i. p. 248。吉本在估算人口时取了最高的一份数字，又把大卫的疆土局限于约旦河以西的巴勒斯坦。—M
120 ↩
These sieges are related, each in its proper place, in the great history of William of Tyre, from the ixth to the xviiith book, and more briefly told by Bernardus Thesaurarius, (de Acquisitione Terrae Sanctae, c. 89-98, p. 732-740.) Some domestic facts are celebrated in the Chronicles of Pisa, Genoa, and Venice, in the vith, ixth, and xiith tomes of Muratori.
这几场围城之役，都在提尔的威廉那部巨著里各按其时地一一叙及，见第九卷至第十八卷；贝尔纳杜斯·特绍拉里乌斯的记述则较为简略（de Acquisitione Terrae Sanctae, c. 89-98, p. 732-740）。至于一些本地的史事，则见诸比萨、热那亚与威尼斯的编年史，载于穆拉托里文集的第六、第九与第十二卷。
121 ↩
Quidam populus de insulis occidentis egressus, et maxime de ea parte quae Norvegia dicitur. William of Tyre (l. xi. c. 14, p. 804) marks their course per Britannicum Mare et Calpen to the siege of Sidon.
Quidam populus de insulis occidentis egressus, et maxime de ea parte quae Norvegia dicitur.（“有一族人自西方诸岛而来，尤其出自那名为挪威的地方。”）提尔的威廉（l. xi. c. 14, p. 804）记下他们的航程：per Britannicum Mare et Calpen（取道不列颠海与卡尔佩海角），直趋西顿的围城。
122 ↩
Benelathir, apud De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. ii. part ii. p. 150, 151, A.D. 1127. He must speak of the inland country.
见贝内拉希尔，转引自德经《匈奴通史》（Hist. des Huns），tom. ii. part ii. p. 150, 151，述及公元 1127 年之事。他所说的必定是内陆地区。
123 ↩
Sanut very sensibly descants on the mischiefs of female succession, in a land hostibus circumdata, ubi cuncta virilia et virtuosa esse deberent. Yet, at the summons, and with the approbation, of her feudal lord, a noble damsel was obliged to choose a husband and champion, (Assises de Jerusalem, c. 242, &c.) See in M. De Guignes (tom. i. p. 441-471) the accurate and useful tables of these dynasties, which are chiefly drawn from the Lignages d’Outremer.
萨努特很有见地地论及女系继承所带来的祸患：在这样一片 hostibus circumdata, ubi cuncta virilia et virtuosa esse deberent（“四面强敌环伺、凡事都当仰赖男子的勇武”）的土地上，女子袭封实非所宜。然而，只要她的封建领主一声传召并予以批准，一位出身高贵的少女便不得不择定一名丈夫兼捍卫者（Assises de Jerusalem, c. 242, &c.）。这些世系精确而实用的谱表，见德经（tom. i. p. 441-471），主要采自《海外世系谱》（Lignages d'Outremer）。
124 ↩
They were called by derision Poullains, Pallani, and their name is never pronounced without contempt, (Ducange, Gloss. Latin. tom. v. p. 535; and Observations sur Joinville, p. 84, 85; Jacob. a Vitriaco Hist. Hierosol. i. c. 67, 72; and Sanut, l. iii. p. viii. c. 2, p. 182.) Illustrium virorum, qui ad Terrae Sanctae.... liberationem in ipsa manserunt, degeneres filii.... in deliciis enutriti, molles et effoe minati, &c.
人们讥称他们为“普兰”（Poullains，拉丁作 Pallani），提起这名号无不带着几分轻蔑（Ducange, Gloss. Latin. tom. v. p. 535；及 Observations sur Joinville, p. 84, 85；Jacob. a Vitriaco Hist. Hierosol. i. c. 67, 72；及 Sanut, l. iii. p. viii. c. 2, p. 182）。原文云：Illustrium virorum, qui ad Terrae Sanctae... liberationem in ipsa manserunt, degeneres filii... in deliciis enutriti, molles et effeminati, &c.（“那些为解放圣地而留居其地的显赫人物，其子孙却已堕落……娇生惯养，柔弱而萎靡，云云。”）
125 ↩
This authentic detail is extracted from the Assises de Jerusalem (c. 324, 326-331.) Sanut (l. iii. p. viii. c. 1, p. 174) reckons only 518 knights, and 5775 followers.
这份翔实的细目取自《耶路撒冷条例》（c. 324, 326-331）。萨努特（l. iii. p. viii. c. 1, p. 174）所计只有骑士五百一十八名、随从五千七百七十五名。
126 ↩
The sum total, and the division, ascertain the service of the three great baronies at 100 knights each; and the text of the Assises, which extends the number to 500, can only be justified by this supposition.
从总数及其分配来推算，三大男爵领应尽的军役各为一百名骑士；而《条例》正文把这一数目增至五百，唯有依此推断方能自圆其说。
127 ↩
Yet on great emergencies (says Sanut) the barons brought a voluntary aid; decentem comitivam militum juxta statum suum.
不过，萨努特说，一遇重大危急之时，众男爵也会自愿出兵相助：decentem comitivam militum juxta statum suum（“各按其身份带来一支相称的骑士队伍”）。
128 ↩
William of Tyre (l. xviii. c. 3, 4, 5) relates the ignoble origin and early insolence of the Hospitallers, who soon deserted their humble patron, St. John the Eleemosynary, for the more august character of St. John the Baptist, (see the ineffectual struggles of Pagi, Critica, A. D 1099, No. 14-18.) They assumed the profession of arms about the year 1120; the Hospital was mater; the Temple filia; the Teutonic order was founded A.D. 1190, at the siege of Acre, (Mosheim Institut p. 389, 390.)
提尔的威廉（l. xviii. c. 3, 4, 5）讲述了医院骑士团出身之卑微与早年之骄横：他们不久便抛弃了自己那位卑微的主保施赈者圣约翰，转而奉更为尊崇的施洗者圣约翰为主保（帕吉曾徒劳地力辩此事，见 Critica, A.D. 1099, No. 14-18）。他们大约在公元 1120 年前后开始以武事为业。医院骑士团是“母”，圣殿骑士团是“女”；条顿骑士团则于公元 1190 年在阿卡的围城中创立（Mosheim Institut. p. 389, 390）。
129 ↩
See St. Bernard de Laude Novae Militiae Templi, composed A.D. 1132-1136, in Opp. tom. i. p. ii. p. 547-563, edit. Mabillon, Venet. 1750. Such an encomium, which is thrown away on the dead Templars, would be highly valued by the historians of Malta.
参见圣伯纳德《新军颂——为圣殿骑士团而作》（de Laude Novae Militiae Templi），作于公元 1132 至 1136 年，收入其文集 Opp. tom. i. p. ii. p. 547-563，马比荣校订本，威尼斯 1750 年版。这样一篇颂词，施于早已作古的圣殿骑士身上未免白费；若落到马耳他骑士团的史家手里，倒会被奉若至宝。
130 ↩
Matthew Paris, Hist. Major, p. 544. He assigns to the Hospitallers 19,000, to the Templars 9,000 maneria, word of much higher import (as Ducange has rightly observed) in the English than in the French idiom. Manor is a lordship, manoir a dwelling.
见马修·帕里斯《大编年史》（Hist. Major），p. 544。他给医院骑士团派了一万九千处、给圣殿骑士团派了九千处 maneria（庄园）——正如杜康热确当地指出的，这个词在英语中的分量远比在法语中为重：manor 指一片领地，manoir 则只是一处住宅。
131 ↩
In the three first books of the Histoire de Chevaliers de Malthe par l’Abbe de Vertot, the reader may amuse himself with a fair, and sometimes flattering, picture of the order, while it was employed for the defence of Palestine. The subsequent books pursue their emigration to Rhodes and Malta.
在韦尔托神父《马耳他骑士史》（Histoire des Chevaliers de Malthe）的前三卷里，读者尽可欣赏一幅公允、有时甚至溢美的图景，描绘这一骑士团效力于巴勒斯坦防务的岁月。其后各卷则追述他们如何辗转迁往罗得岛与马耳他。
132 ↩
The Assises de Jerusalem, in old law French, were printed with Beaumanoir’s Coutumes de Beauvoisis, (Bourges and Paris, 1690, in folio,) and illustrated by Gaspard Thaumas de la Thaumassiere, with a comment and glossary. An Italian version had been published in 1534, at Venice, for the use of the kingdom of Cyprus. * Note: See Wilken, vol. i. p. 17, &c.,—M.
《耶路撒冷条例》以古法律法语写成，与博马努瓦的《博韦习惯法》（Coutumes de Beauvoisis）一同刊行（布尔日与巴黎，1690 年，对开本），并由加斯帕尔·托马·德拉托马西埃尔加注疏与词表以为诠释。早在 1534 年，威尼斯便出过一个意大利文译本，供塞浦路斯王国之用。＊按：参见维尔肯，vol. i. p. 17，等等。—M
133 ↩
A la terre perdue, tout fut perdu, is the vigorous expression of the Assise, (c. 281.) Yet Jerusalem capitulated with Saladin; the queen and the principal Christians departed in peace; and a code so precious and so portable could not provoke the avarice of the conquerors. I have sometimes suspected the existence of this original copy of the Holy Sepulchre, which might be invented to sanctify and authenticate the traditionary customs of the French in Palestine.
“A la terre perdue, tout fut perdu”（“土地一失，万事皆失”）——这是《条例》铿锵有力的说法（c. 281）。然而，耶路撒冷是与萨拉丁议定条件后开城的：王后与主要的基督徒都得以平安离去；而这样一部既珍贵又便于携带的法典，断不至于勾起征服者的贪欲。我有时不免怀疑，圣墓中那份所谓的原本是否真的存在过——它或许纯属杜撰，用以给法兰西人在巴勒斯坦相传的习俗披上神圣而可信的外衣。
134 ↩
A noble lawyer, Raoul de Tabarie, denied the prayer of King Amauri, (A.D. 1195-1205,) that he would commit his knowledged to writing, and frankly declared, que de ce qu’il savoit ne feroit-il ja nul borjois son pareill, ne null sage homme lettre, (c. 281.)
一位出身高贵的法学家拉乌尔·德塔巴里，回绝了阿马尔里克王（在位于公元 1195 至 1205 年）的请求——王要他把自己的学识笔录成书；他直言相告：que de ce qu'il savoit ne feroit-il ja nul borjois son pareil, ne nul sage homme lettré（“就他所知的这些学问，他绝不肯让哪个市民与自己比肩，也绝不肯造就出哪个博学的文士”，c. 281）。
135 ↩
The compiler of this work, Jean d’Ibelin, was count of Jaffa and Ascalon, lord of Baruth (Berytus) and Rames, and died A.D. 1266, (Sanut, l. iii. p. ii. c. 5, 8.) The family of Ibelin, which descended from a younger brother of a count of Chartres in France, long flourished in Palestine and Cyprus, (see the Lignages de deca Mer, or d’Outremer, c. 6, at the end of the Assises de Jerusalem, an original book, which records the pedigrees of the French adventurers.)
这部著作的编纂者伊贝林的约翰，身兼雅法与阿斯卡隆伯爵、贝鲁图斯（即 Berytus）与拉梅两地领主，卒于公元 1266 年（Sanut, l. iii. p. ii. c. 5, 8）。伊贝林家族源出法国一位沙特尔伯爵的幼弟，在巴勒斯坦与塞浦路斯久盛不衰（参见《海外世系谱》（Lignages de deça Mer，又作 d'Outremer），c. 6，附于《耶路撒冷条例》卷末——那是一部原始典籍，记载着这些法兰西冒险家的谱系）。
136 ↩
By sixteen commissioners chosen in the states of the island: the work was finished the 3d of November, 1369, sealed with four seals and deposited in the cathedral of Nicosia, (see the preface to the Assises.)
由岛上三级会议推选出的十六位专员来主持，这项工作于 1369 年 11 月 3 日完成，加盖四方印玺，存放在尼科西亚的主教座堂里（见《条例》序言）。
137 ↩
The cautious John D’Ibelin argues, rather than affirms, that Tripoli is the fourth barony, and expresses some doubt concerning the right or pretension of the constable and marshal, (c. 323.)
谨慎的伊贝林的约翰对“的黎波里为第四男爵领”一说，只是加以论证，而不敢断言；他对统帅与元帅的权利或其僭称也表示了几分疑虑（c. 323）。
138 ↩
Entre seignor et homme ne n’a que la foi;.... mais tant que l’homme doit a son seignor reverence en toutes choses, (c. 206.) Tous les hommes dudit royaume sont par ladite Assise tenus les uns as autres.... et en celle maniere que le seignor mette main ou face mettre au cors ou au fie d’aucun d’yaus sans esgard et sans connoissans de court, que tous les autres doivent venir devant le seignor, &c., (212.) The form of their remonstrances is conceived with the noble simplicity of freedom.
Entre seignor et homme ne n'a que la foi;... mais tant que l'homme doit a son seignor reverence en toutes choses（“领主与臣属之间，所系者唯有忠信……然臣属对其领主，凡事皆当敬重”，c. 206）。Tous les hommes dudit royaume sont par ladite Assise tenus les uns as autres... et en celle maniere que le seignor mette main ou face mettre au cors ou au fie d'aucun d'yaus sans esgard et sans connoissans de court, que tous les autres doivent venir devant le seignor, &c.（“依该《条例》，此王国的一切臣属彼此互负义务……凡领主未经法庭审断，便对其中某人的人身或采邑动手、或指使他人动手，其余众人便都当挺身来到领主面前论理”，c. 212）。他们提出抗辩的方式，构想中透着自由那种高贵的质朴。
139 ↩
See l’Esprit des Loix, l. xxviii. In the forty years since its publication, no work has been more read and criticized; and the spirit of inquiry which it has excited is not the least of our obligations to the author.
参见《论法的精神》（l'Esprit des Loix），l. xxviii。自问世以来的四十年间，再没有哪部著作比它读者更众、评说更多；它所激起的那股探究精神，也是我们对其作者感念不尽的恩泽之一。
140 ↩
For the intelligence of this obscure and obsolete jurisprudence (c. 80-111) I am deeply indebted to the friendship of a learned lord, who, with an accurate and discerning eye, has surveyed the philosophic history of law. By his studies, posterity might be enriched: the merit of the orator and the judge can be felt only by his contemporaries.
为读懂这套晦涩而早已废弃的法理（c. 80-111），我深深得益于一位博学勋爵的情谊——他以精准而独到的眼光，审视过法律那部富于哲思的历史。他的研究本可惠泽后世；只可惜，一位雄辩之士与法官的才具，唯有与他同时代的人才领略得到。
141 ↩
Louis le Gros, who is considered as the father of this institution in France, did not begin his reign till nine years (A.D. 1108) after Godfrey of Bouillon, (Assises, c. 2, 324.) For its origin and effects, see the judicious remarks of Dr. Robertson, (History of Charles V. vol. i. p. 30-36, 251-265, quarto edition.)
胖子路易在法国被视为这一制度之父，可他即位（公元 1108 年）比布永的戈弗雷还晚了九年（Assises, c. 2, 324）。至于这一制度的由来与影响，参见罗伯逊博士精当的评述（《查理五世统治史》（History of Charles V），vol. i. p. 30-36, 251-265，四开本）。
142 ↩
Every reader conversant with the historians of the crusades will understand by the peuple des Suriens, the Oriental Christians, Melchites, Jacobites, or Nestorians, who had all adopted the use of the Arabic language, (vol. iv. p. 593.)
凡熟悉十字军诸史家的读者，一见“peuple des Suriens”（叙利亚人）一语，便都明白指的是东方的基督徒——麦尔基派、雅各派或聂斯脱利派，他们全都改用了阿拉伯语（vol. iv. p. 593）。
143 ↩
See the Assises de Jerusalem, (310, 311, 312.) These laws were enacted as late as the year 1350, in the kingdom of Cyprus. In the same century, in the reign of Edward I., I understand, from a late publication, (of his Book of Account,) that the price of a war-horse was not less exorbitant in England.
参见《耶路撒冷条例》（310, 311, 312）。这些法律迟至 1350 年才在塞浦路斯王国颁行。据一部晚近的出版物（爱德华一世的《账簿》）所载，我得知：在同一世纪、爱德华一世在位期间，英格兰一匹战马的价钱也贵得同样离谱。