Chapter LVIII: The First Crusade.—Part IV. 第五十八章 第一次十字军东征——第四节
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I have expiated with pleasure on the first steps of the crusaders, as they paint the manners and character of Europe: but I shall abridge the tedious and uniform narrative of their blind achievements, which were performed by strength and are described by ignorance. From their first station in the neighborhood of Nicomedia, they advanced in successive divisions; passed the contracted limit of the Greek empire; opened a road through the hills, and commenced, by the siege of his capital, their pious warfare against the Turkish sultan. His kingdom of Roum extended from the Hellespont to the confines of Syria, and barred the pilgrimage of Jerusalem, his name was Kilidge-Arslan, or Soliman, 80 of the race of Seljuk, and son of the first conqueror; and in the defence of a land which the Turks considered as their own, he deserved the praise of his enemies, by whom alone he is known to posterity. Yielding to the first impulse of the torrent, he deposited his family and treasure in Nice; retired to the mountains with fifty thousand horse; and twice descended to assault the camps or quarters of the Christian besiegers, which formed an imperfect circle of above six miles. The lofty and solid walls of Nice were covered by a deep ditch, and flanked by three hundred and seventy towers; and on the verge of Christendom, the Moslems were trained in arms, and inflamed by religion. Before this city, the French princes occupied their stations, and prosecuted their attacks without correspondence or subordination: emulation prompted their valor; but their valor was sullied by cruelty, and their emulation degenerated into envy and civil discord. In the siege of Nice, the arts and engines of antiquity were employed by the Latins; the mine and the battering-ram, the tortoise, and the belfrey or movable turret, artificial fire, and the catapult and balist, the sling, and the crossbow for the casting of stones and darts. 81 In the space of seven weeks much labor and blood were expended, and some progress, especially by Count Raymond, was made on the side of the besiegers. But the Turks could protract their resistance and secure their escape, as long as they were masters of the Lake 82 Ascanius, which stretches several miles to the westward of the city. The means of conquest were supplied by the prudence and industry of Alexius; a great number of boats was transported on sledges from the sea to the lake; they were filled with the most dexterous of his archers; the flight of the sultana was intercepted; Nice was invested by land and water; and a Greek emissary persuaded the inhabitants to accept his master’s protection, and to save themselves, by a timely surrender, from the rage of the savages of Europe. In the moment of victory, or at least of hope, the crusaders, thirsting for blood and plunder, were awed by the Imperial banner that streamed from the citadel; 821 and Alexius guarded with jealous vigilance this important conquest. The murmurs of the chiefs were stifled by honor or interest; and after a halt of nine days, they directed their march towards Phrygia under the guidance of a Greek general, whom they suspected of a secret connivance with the sultan. The consort and the principal servants of Soliman had been honorably restored without ransom; and the emperor’s generosity to the miscreants 83 was interpreted as treason to the Christian cause.
十字军最初的行程,颇能映现欧洲的风习与性情,故我不惜笔墨、津津乐道;然而此后种种,无非凭一股蛮力建功、又由无知者记录下来,叙述冗长而千篇一律,我便只好从简了。他们最初驻扎在尼科米底亚一带,随后分作数队,先后开拔,越过希腊帝国那道狭促的边界,在群山间辟出一条通路,随即围攻土耳其苏丹的都城,就此揭开了对他的这场虔诚征战。这位苏丹的鲁姆王国,自赫勒斯滂一直延伸到叙利亚边境,横亘在通往耶路撒冷的朝圣之路上。他名叫基利杰·阿尔斯兰,又称苏莱曼80,出自塞尔柱一族,乃是当年首位征服者之子。土耳其人早已把这片土地视为己有,而他为守土而战,竟赢得了敌人的称誉——后世之所以还知道他的名字,也全靠这些敌人。洪流初起,来势难当,他暂且退让:先把家眷与财宝安置在尼西亚,自己则率五万骑退入山中,又两度下山,袭击基督徒围城者的营垒——那道围城的圈子并不完整,周长六英里有余。尼西亚城墙高峻坚固,外绕深壕,两翼列有三百七十座塔楼;此地正处基督教世界的边缘,城中的穆斯林久经武事,又为宗教所激励。法兰西诸侯在城下各据一方,攻城时既不彼此照应,也无统一号令:争强好胜固然激起了他们的勇武,可这勇武偏又沾染着残暴,那份争强好胜也终于堕落为彼此的嫉妒与内讧。围攻尼西亚时,拉丁人搬出了古人的种种技艺与器械:坑道与攻城槌,龟甲盾车,还有称作“钟楼”的活动望楼,以及人造火、弩炮与投石机、投石带和用来发射石弹与箭矢的十字弓81。前后七个星期里,围城一方耗费了大量人力与鲜血,也算取得了些许进展,尤以雷蒙德伯爵那一路为著。但只要阿斯卡尼乌斯湖82仍在土耳其人手中,他们便能拖延抵抗、保住退路——这湖泊自城西向外延伸数英里。攻克之策,终赖阿历克塞的深谋与勤勉:大批船只用雪橇从海边拖运到湖上,船中满载他麾下最精练的弓手;苏丹后妃的出逃被半途截住;尼西亚遂遭水陆合围。随后一名希腊使者说服城中居民接受他主上的庇护,趁早献城,以免遭那帮欧洲蛮人的狂暴之祸。就在胜利在望、至少也是希望在握的一刻,正渴血图财的十字军,却被城堡上飘扬起来的帝国旗帜镇住了821;阿历克塞以猜忌的警觉,牢牢守护着这一重要的战果。众首领虽有怨言,却或碍于体面、或迫于利害而咽了回去;停留九日之后,他们在一名希腊将领的引导下向弗里吉亚进发——尽管疑心此人暗中与苏丹勾结。苏莱曼的后妃与主要侍从,都未索赎金便体面地归还了;皇帝对这些“异信者”83如此宽厚,遂被视为对基督教事业的背叛。
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Soliman was rather provoked than dismayed by the loss of his capital: he admonished his subjects and allies of this strange invasion of the Western Barbarians; the Turkish emirs obeyed the call of loyalty or religion; the Turkman hordes encamped round his standard; and his whole force is loosely stated by the Christians at two hundred, or even three hundred and sixty thousand horse. Yet he patiently waited till they had left behind them the sea and the Greek frontier; and hovering on the flanks, observed their careless and confident progress in two columns beyond the view of each other. Some miles before they could reach Dorylaeum in Phrygia, the left, and least numerous, division was surprised, and attacked, and almost oppressed, by the Turkish cavalry. 84 The heat of the weather, the clouds of arrows, and the barbarous onset, overwhelmed the crusaders; they lost their order and confidence, and the fainting fight was sustained by the personal valor, rather than by the military conduct, of Bohemond, Tancred, and Robert of Normandy. They were revived by the welcome banners of Duke Godfrey, who flew to their succor, with the count of Vermandois, and sixty thousand horse; and was followed by Raymond of Tholouse, the bishop of Puy, and the remainder of the sacred army. Without a moment’s pause, they formed in new order, and advanced to a second battle. They were received with equal resolution; and, in their common disdain for the unwarlike people of Greece and Asia, it was confessed on both sides, that the Turks and the Franks were the only nations entitled to the appellation of soldiers. 85 Their encounter was varied, and balanced by the contrast of arms and discipline; of the direct charge, and wheeling evolutions; of the couched lance, and the brandished javelin; of a weighty broadsword, and a crooked sabre; of cumbrous armor, and thin flowing robes; and of the long Tartar bow, and the arbalist or crossbow, a deadly weapon, yet unknown to the Orientals. 86 As long as the horses were fresh, and the quivers full, Soliman maintained the advantage of the day; and four thousand Christians were pierced by the Turkish arrows. In the evening, swiftness yielded to strength: on either side, the numbers were equal or at least as great as any ground could hold, or any generals could manage; but in turning the hills, the last division of Raymond and his provincials was led, perhaps without design on the rear of an exhausted enemy; and the long contest was determined. Besides a nameless and unaccounted multitude, three thousand Pagan knights were slain in the battle and pursuit; the camp of Soliman was pillaged; and in the variety of precious spoil, the curiosity of the Latins was amused with foreign arms and apparel, and the new aspect of dromedaries and camels. The importance of the victory was proved by the hasty retreat of the sultan: reserving ten thousand guards of the relics of his army, Soliman evacuated the kingdom of Roum, and hastened to implore the aid, and kindle the resentment, of his Eastern brethren. In a march of five hundred miles, the crusaders traversed the Lesser Asia, through a wasted land and deserted towns, without finding either a friend or an enemy. The geographer 87 may trace the position of Dorylaeum, Antioch of Pisidia, Iconium, Archelais, and Germanicia, and may compare those classic appellations with the modern names of Eskishehr the old city, Akshehr the white city, Cogni, Erekli, and Marash. As the pilgrims passed over a desert, where a draught of water is exchanged for silver, they were tormented by intolerable thirst; and on the banks of the first rivulet, their haste and intemperance were still more pernicious to the disorderly throng. They climbed with toil and danger the steep and slippery sides of Mount Taurus; many of the soldiers cast away their arms to secure their footsteps; and had not terror preceded their van, the long and trembling file might have been driven down the precipice by a handful of resolute enemies. Two of their most respectable chiefs, the duke of Lorraine and the count of Tholouse, were carried in litters: Raymond was raised, as it is said by miracle, from a hopeless malady; and Godfrey had been torn by a bear, as he pursued that rough and perilous chase in the mountains of Pisidia.
都城陷落,苏莱曼与其说是丧胆,不如说是被激怒了:他警示治下臣民与盟友,谓西方蛮族此番来犯,实属怪异;土耳其众埃米尔或出于效忠、或出于宗教,纷纷应召而至;土库曼各部也环绕他的军旗扎下营来。基督徒对他全军兵力言之含糊,只笼统说有骑兵二十万,甚至多达三十六万。然而他耐心等候,直到对方把海洋与希腊边界都抛在身后;他在侧翼游弋逡巡,冷眼看着这两路纵队各自为阵、互不相望,一味大意而自负地向前推进。在离弗里吉亚的多里莱乌姆还有几英里的地方,左路那支人数最少的队伍猝遭土耳其骑兵袭击,几乎招架不住84。天气酷热,箭如乌云,蛮人猛冲而来,十字军一时被压得抬不起头,阵脚与信心尽失;这场眼看要垮下去的战斗,全靠博希蒙德、坦克雷德与诺曼底的罗伯特几人以血气之勇苦撑,而非靠什么调度之术。正在此时,戈弗雷公爵的旗帜出现了,令人精神一振:他偕韦尔芒杜瓦伯爵,率六万骑飞驰来援;图卢兹的雷蒙德、勒皮主教以及这支神圣大军的其余人马,也随后赶到。他们片刻不歇,重新列阵,投入第二场厮杀。敌方也以同样的决绝相迎;双方都瞧不起希腊与亚洲那些不习兵戈的民族,倒是彼此承认:唯有土耳其人与法兰克人,才配得上“军人”这个称号85。这一场交锋变化多端,双方在兵器与战法上恰成对照,势均力敌:一方径直冲锋,一方回旋盘绕;一方端平长枪,一方挥舞标枪;一方是沉重的阔身大刀,一方是弯曲的马刀;一方披着累赘的重甲,一方裹着轻薄的飘袍;一方使长长的鞑靼弓,一方使弩机——也就是十字弓,那是一种致命的兵器,东方人却还闻所未闻86。只要战马未疲、箭壶未空,苏莱曼便一直占着上风;这一天,就有四千名基督徒死于土耳其人的箭下。入夜时分,迅捷终于让位于力量:双方人数相当,或至少已多到任何一片战场都容纳不下、任何一位将领都调度不了的地步。就在绕山而行之际,雷蒙德率领的最后一支普罗旺斯队伍,或许并非有意,却正好绕到了疲惫之敌的背后;这场旷日的鏖战,胜负遂定。除去无数不知其名、无从计数的兵卒,还有三千名异教骑士在此役与追击中丧命;苏莱曼的营地遭到洗劫;在缴获的种种珍宝里,异邦的兵器与服饰,还有单峰驼和骆驼那副新奇模样,都惹得拉丁人啧啧称奇。苏丹仓皇撤退,正说明了这场胜利的分量:苏莱曼从残部中留下一万人作卫队,弃守鲁姆王国,急忙赶去恳求东方的教友援手,并煽起他们的义愤。十字军行军五百英里,穿越小亚细亚,一路是荒芜的土地与人去楼空的城镇,既遇不到一个朋友,也碰不上一个敌人。地理学家87或可考订出多里莱乌姆、皮西迪亚的安条克、伊科尼乌姆、阿尔凯莱斯与革马尼基亚诸地的方位,并把这些古典名称同今日的地名一一对照:意为“旧城”的埃斯基谢希尔、意为“白城”的阿克谢希尔,以及科尼亚、埃雷利和马拉什。朝圣者穿越一片沙漠,那里一口水也得拿银子来换,人人饱受难耐的干渴煎熬;及至走到头一条小溪边,他们的争抢与无度,反倒给这乱哄哄的人群带来了更大的祸害。他们历尽艰险,攀上托罗斯山那陡峭而湿滑的山坡;许多士兵为了站稳脚跟,索性抛掉了兵器;倘不是恐惧早已在前头替他们开了路,那支绵长而颤巍巍的队伍,只消一小撮意志坚决的敌人,便足以把他们尽数逼下悬崖。他们中两位最德高望重的首领——洛林公爵与图卢兹伯爵——都是坐在担架上抬着走的:雷蒙德本已身染绝症,据说竟靠奇迹得以康复;戈弗雷则是在皮西迪亚山中追逐野兽、投身那场艰险的围猎时,被一头熊抓伤的。
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To improve the general consternation, the cousin of Bohemond and the brother of Godfrey were detached from the main army with their respective squadrons of five, and of seven, hundred knights. They overran in a rapid career the hills and sea-coast of Cilicia, from Cogni to the Syrian gates: the Norman standard was first planted on the walls of Tarsus and Malmistra; but the proud injustice of Baldwin at length provoked the patient and generous Italian; and they turned their consecrated swords against each other in a private and profane quarrel. Honor was the motive, and fame the reward, of Tancred; but fortune smiled on the more selfish enterprise of his rival. 88 He was called to the assistance of a Greek or Armenian tyrant, who had been suffered under the Turkish yoke to reign over the Christians of Edessa. Baldwin accepted the character of his son and champion: but no sooner was he introduced into the city, than he inflamed the people to the massacre of his father, occupied the throne and treasure, extended his conquests over the hills of Armenia and the plain of Mesopotamia, and founded the first principality of the Franks or Latins, which subsisted fifty-four years beyond the Euphrates. 89
为了趁着敌方普遍的惊恐扩大战果,博希蒙德的表亲与戈弗雷的兄弟各领一队骑兵,从主力中分了出来,一队五百骑,一队七百骑。他们纵马疾驰,横扫奇里乞亚的山地与海岸,从科尼亚一直打到叙利亚门户:诺曼人的旗帜最先插上了塔尔苏斯与马米斯特拉的城头;然而鲍德温骄横无理,终于把一向隐忍而慷慨的这位意大利人惹恼了;于是二人竟为一桩私怨,掉转那本应奉献于圣战的刀剑,自相残杀,实属亵渎。坦克雷德所求者为荣誉,所得者为声名;命运却对他那位私心更重的对手报以微笑88。一位希腊或亚美尼亚的僭主,本在土耳其人的辖制下获准治理埃德萨的基督徒,此刻召鲍德温前去相助。鲍德温答应做那僭主的义子兼护卫;可他一进城,便煽动民众杀害了这位义父,自据其王位与府库,又把征服的疆域拓展到亚美尼亚山地与美索不达米亚平原,就此在幼发拉底河彼岸创建了法兰克人(或曰拉丁人)的第一个公国——这公国竟延续了五十四年89。
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Before the Franks could enter Syria, the summer, and even the autumn, were completely wasted: the siege of Antioch, or the separation and repose of the army during the winter season, was strongly debated in their council: the love of arms and the holy sepulchre urged them to advance; and reason perhaps was on the side of resolution, since every hour of delay abates the fame and force of the invader, and multiplies the resources of defensive war. The capital of Syria was protected by the River Orontes; and the iron bridge, 891 of nine arches, derives its name from the massy gates of the two towers which are constructed at either end. They were opened by the sword of the duke of Normandy: his victory gave entrance to three hundred thousand crusaders, an account which may allow some scope for losses and desertion, but which clearly detects much exaggeration in the review of Nice. In the description of Antioch, 90 it is not easy to define a middle term between her ancient magnificence, under the successors of Alexander and Augustus, and the modern aspect of Turkish desolation. The Tetrapolis, or four cities, if they retained their name and position, must have left a large vacuity in a circumference of twelve miles; and that measure, as well as the number of four hundred towers, are not perfectly consistent with the five gates, so often mentioned in the history of the siege. Yet Antioch must have still flourished as a great and populous capital. At the head of the Turkish emirs, Baghisian, a veteran chief, commanded in the place: his garrison was composed of six or seven thousand horse, and fifteen or twenty thousand foot: one hundred thousand Moslems are said to have fallen by the sword; and their numbers were probably inferior to the Greeks, Armenians, and Syrians, who had been no more than fourteen years the slaves of the house of Seljuk. From the remains of a solid and stately wall, it appears to have arisen to the height of threescore feet in the valleys; and wherever less art and labor had been applied, the ground was supposed to be defended by the river, the morass, and the mountains. Notwithstanding these fortifications, the city had been repeatedly taken by the Persians, the Arabs, the Greeks, and the Turks; so large a circuit must have yielded many pervious points of attack; and in a siege that was formed about the middle of October, the vigor of the execution could alone justify the boldness of the attempt. Whatever strength and valor could perform in the field was abundantly discharged by the champions of the cross: in the frequent occasions of sallies, of forage, of the attack and defence of convoys, they were often victorious; and we can only complain, that their exploits are sometimes enlarged beyond the scale of probability and truth. The sword of Godfrey 91 divided a Turk from the shoulder to the haunch; and one half of the infidel fell to the ground, while the other was transported by his horse to the city gate. As Robert of Normandy rode against his antagonist, “I devote thy head,” he piously exclaimed, “to the daemons of hell;” and that head was instantly cloven to the breast by the resistless stroke of his descending falchion. But the reality or the report of such gigantic prowess 92 must have taught the Moslems to keep within their walls: and against those walls of earth or stone, the sword and the lance were unavailing weapons. In the slow and successive labors of a siege, the crusaders were supine and ignorant, without skill to contrive, or money to purchase, or industry to use, the artificial engines and implements of assault. In the conquest of Nice, they had been powerfully assisted by the wealth and knowledge of the Greek emperor: his absence was poorly supplied by some Genoese and Pisan vessels, that were attracted by religion or trade to the coast of Syria: the stores were scanty, the return precarious, and the communication difficult and dangerous. Indolence or weakness had prevented the Franks from investing the entire circuit; and the perpetual freedom of two gates relieved the wants and recruited the garrison of the city. At the end of seven months, after the ruin of their cavalry, and an enormous loss by famine, desertion and fatigue, the progress of the crusaders was imperceptible, and their success remote, if the Latin Ulysses, the artful and ambitious Bohemond, had not employed the arms of cunning and deceit. The Christians of Antioch were numerous and discontented: Phirouz, a Syrian renegado, had acquired the favor of the emir and the command of three towers; and the merit of his repentance disguised to the Latins, and perhaps to himself, the foul design of perfidy and treason. A secret correspondence, for their mutual interest, was soon established between Phirouz and the prince of Tarento; and Bohemond declared in the council of the chiefs, that he could deliver the city into their hands. 921 But he claimed the sovereignty of Antioch as the reward of his service; and the proposal which had been rejected by the envy, was at length extorted from the distress, of his equals. The nocturnal surprise was executed by the French and Norman princes, who ascended in person the scaling-ladders that were thrown from the walls: their new proselyte, after the murder of his too scrupulous brother, embraced and introduced the servants of Christ; the army rushed through the gates; and the Moslems soon found, that although mercy was hopeless, resistance was impotent.
法兰克人还未及踏入叙利亚,整个夏天,连同秋天,便都白白耗掉了:是即刻围攻安条克,还是让大军分散过冬、就地休整,在他们的军议上争执不下。对武功与圣墓的热望催促他们前进;而道理或许也站在果决进兵这一边——因为每拖延一个时辰,进攻方的声威与实力便消减一分,守御方的资源反倒增添一分。叙利亚的这座都城,有奥龙特斯河为其屏障;那座九孔的铁桥891,之所以得名,是因为桥两端各筑一塔,塔上装着沉重的铁闸门。这些闸门,由诺曼底公爵的刀剑劈开:他这一胜,放进了三十万十字军——这个数目即便把伤亡与逃亡都算作余地,也分明暴露出当初尼西亚城下那次点阅里,水分实在太多。要描摹安条克90,实在不易在两个极端之间拿捏出一个折中:一端是她昔日的壮丽——在亚历山大与奥古斯都的后继者治下;另一端则是今日土耳其治下那副荒凉破败的面貌。这“四城之都”(Tetrapolis),倘若四城仍各存其名、各守其位,那么在周长十二英里的城垣之内,必定留有大片空地;而这十二英里之数,连同那四百座塔楼之说,都与围城史上屡屡提到的五座城门,不甚吻合。尽管如此,安条克想必仍不失为一座繁华兴盛、人烟稠密的大都会。统率土耳其众埃米尔、坐镇此城的,是老将巴吉西安:他的守军由六七千骑兵与一万五到两万步兵组成;据说有十万穆斯林死于刀下;而穆斯林的人数,大概还比不上城中的希腊人、亚美尼亚人与叙利亚人——后者沦为塞尔柱王室的奴隶,至此也不过十四个年头。从那道坚实雄伟的城墙残迹来看,它在谷地处约莫高达六十英尺;至于工力用得较少之处,想来是仗着河流、沼泽与山峦为其天险。尽管有这般工事,此城仍屡屡被波斯人、阿拉伯人、希腊人和土耳其人攻陷;城垣如此之长,可供进攻的薄弱缺口自然不少。这场围城约在十月中旬摆开阵势,其发动之大胆,也唯有靠执行之勇猛,方能说得过去。凡是勇力在战场上所能成就的,十字架的斗士们都淋漓尽致地施展了出来:无论是频繁的出击、征粮,还是护送与劫夺辎重的攻防,他们往往得胜。我们所能挑剔的,无非是他们的功绩有时被夸大,超出了情理与事实的分寸。戈弗雷一剑91,把一个土耳其人从肩头劈到胯部;这异教徒半边身子落地,另半边却由他的坐骑驮着,一直带到了城门口。诺曼底的罗伯特纵马冲向对手时,虔诚地高呼:“我把你这颗脑袋,献给地狱的恶鬼!”话音刚落,他的弯刀劈将下来,势不可挡,那颗头颅顷刻间就被劈到了胸口。但如此惊人的武勇92,不管是确有其事还是仅凭传闻,想必都足以教穆斯林学乖,缩在城墙里不出来了:而面对那些夯土或砌石的城墙,刀与枪都成了派不上用场的兵器。围城本是缓慢而层层递进的苦役,十字军对此却既怠惰又外行:他们没有巧思去设计攻城的器械与工具,没有银钱去购置,也没有那份勤勉去运用。当初攻取尼西亚时,希腊皇帝的财力与学识曾给了他们有力的援助;如今皇帝不在,前来叙利亚海岸的几艘热那亚与比萨船只——或为宗教、或为通商而来——却远远填补不上这个空缺:补给稀少,往返无常,音讯的传递既艰难又凶险。法兰克人或因懒散、或因兵力不足,始终未能把整圈城墙都围死;有两座城门自始至终畅通无阻,城里的守军便得以补给不匮、兵源不绝。七个月过去,骑兵已折损殆尽,又因饥荒、逃亡与劳顿而损失惨重,十字军的进展仍微乎其微,胜利遥遥无期——倘若不是那位“拉丁人的奥德修斯”、诡谲而野心勃勃的博希蒙德,搬出了狡诈与欺骗这套手段的话。安条克的基督徒既众多又心怀不满:有个叫菲鲁兹的叙利亚叛教者,博得了埃米尔的宠信,受命把守三座塔楼;他佯装痛悔前非,这份“功德”便把一桩背信弃义的卑劣图谋,遮掩了过去——不但瞒过了拉丁人,或许连他自己也一并瞒了。为着彼此的利益,菲鲁兹很快与塔兰托亲王暗通款曲;博希蒙德随即在众首领的军议上宣称,他能把这座城拱手交到大家手里921。但他索要安条克的主权作为酬劳;这个提议起先因同侪的嫉妒而遭否决,最终却被他们的困窘逼得不得不答应。这场夜袭由法兰西与诺曼诸侯亲自执行,他们攀着从城头抛下的云梯登城;那位新近归附的菲鲁兹,先杀了自己那位过于顾忌的兄弟,便拥抱并迎入了基督的仆人;大军涌过城门;穆斯林很快便明白:想求饶已是绝望,想抵抗却又无力。
¶
But the citadel still refused to surrender; and the victims themselves were speedily encompassed and besieged by the innumerable forces of Kerboga, prince of Mosul, who, with twenty-eight Turkish emirs, advanced to the deliverance of Antioch. Five-and-twenty days the Christians spent on the verge of destruction; and the proud lieutenant of the caliph and the sultan left them only the choice of servitude or death. 93 In this extremity they collected the relics of their strength, sallied from the town, and in a single memorable day, annihilated or dispersed the host of Turks and Arabians, which they might safely report to have consisted of six hundred thousand men. 94 Their supernatural allies I shall proceed to consider: the human causes of the victory of Antioch were the fearless despair of the Franks; and the surprise, the discord, perhaps the errors, of their unskilful and presumptuous adversaries. The battle is described with as much disorder as it was fought; but we may observe the tent of Kerboga, a movable and spacious palace, enriched with the luxury of Asia, and capable of holding above two thousand persons; we may distinguish his three thousand guards, who were cased, the horse as well as the men, in complete steel.
但城堡仍拒不投降;而这些刚破城得手的人,转眼之间自己反被摩苏尔亲王克尔波加那多如牛毛的大军团团围住——此人偕二十八名土耳其埃米尔,正是奔着解安条克之围而来。基督徒在覆灭的边缘熬了整整二十五天;这位哈里发与苏丹麾下骄横的将帅,只留给他们两条路可选:要么为奴,要么送死93。绝境之中,他们收拢起残余的兵力,倾城而出,在值得铭记的一天之内,把那支土耳其与阿拉伯联军杀得非死即散——据他们自己所报,这支大军足有六十万之众,倒也无人能来驳斥94。至于他们那些超自然的盟友,容我稍后再论:安条克这场胜利,就人事而言,其因在于法兰克人那种无所畏惧的绝望,也在于对手——那帮既无战技又狂妄自大之辈——的猝不及防、内部不和,或许还有若干失误。这场战斗打得有多混乱,记载便有多杂乱;不过我们至少还能看清克尔波加的营帐——那是一座宽敞可移的宫殿,尽极亚洲的奢华,足以容纳两千余人;也还能辨认出他那三千名卫士——连人带马,都裹在整副的钢甲之中。
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In the eventful period of the siege and defence of Antioch, the crusaders were alternately exalted by victory or sunk in despair; either swelled with plenty or emaciated with hunger. A speculative reasoner might suppose, that their faith had a strong and serious influence on their practice; and that the soldiers of the cross, the deliverers of the holy sepulchre, prepared themselves by a sober and virtuous life for the daily contemplation of martyrdom. Experience blows away this charitable illusion; and seldom does the history of profane war display such scenes of intemperance and prostitution as were exhibited under the walls of Antioch. The grove of Daphne no longer flourished; but the Syrian air was still impregnated with the same vices; the Christians were seduced by every temptation 95 that nature either prompts or reprobates; the authority of the chiefs was despised; and sermons and edicts were alike fruitless against those scandalous disorders, not less pernicious to military discipline, than repugnant to evangelic purity. In the first days of the siege and the possession of Antioch, the Franks consumed with wanton and thoughtless prodigality the frugal subsistence of weeks and months: the desolate country no longer yielded a supply; and from that country they were at length excluded by the arms of the besieging Turks. Disease, the faithful companion of want, was envenomed by the rains of the winter, the summer heats, unwholesome food, and the close imprisonment of multitudes. The pictures of famine and pestilence are always the same, and always disgustful; and our imagination may suggest the nature of their sufferings and their resources. The remains of treasure or spoil were eagerly lavished in the purchase of the vilest nourishment; and dreadful must have been the calamities of the poor, since, after paying three marks of silver for a goat and fifteen for a lean camel, 96 the count of Flanders was reduced to beg a dinner, and Duke Godfrey to borrow a horse. Sixty thousand horse had been reviewed in the camp: before the end of the siege they were diminished to two thousand, and scarcely two hundred fit for service could be mustered on the day of battle. Weakness of body and terror of mind extinguished the ardent enthusiasm of the pilgrims; and every motive of honor and religion was subdued by the desire of life. 97 Among the chiefs, three heroes may be found without fear or reproach: Godfrey of Bouillon was supported by his magnanimous piety; Bohemond by ambition and interest; and Tancred declared, in the true spirit of chivalry, that as long as he was at the head of forty knights, he would never relinquish the enterprise of Palestine. But the count of Tholouse and Provence was suspected of a voluntary indisposition; the duke of Normandy was recalled from the sea-shore by the censures of the church: Hugh the Great, though he led the vanguard of the battle, embraced an ambiguous opportunity of returning to France and Stephen, count of Chartres, basely deserted the standard which he bore, and the council in which he presided. The soldiers were discouraged by the flight of William, viscount of Melun, surnamed the Carpenter, from the weighty strokes of his axe; and the saints were scandalized by the fall 971 of Peter the Hermit, who, after arming Europe against Asia, attempted to escape from the penance of a necessary fast. Of the multitude of recreant warriors, the names (says an historian) are blotted from the book of life; and the opprobrious epithet of the rope-dancers was applied to the deserters who dropped in the night from the walls of Antioch. The emperor Alexius, 98 who seemed to advance to the succor of the Latins, was dismayed by the assurance of their hopeless condition. They expected their fate in silent despair; oaths and punishments were tried without effect; and to rouse the soldiers to the defence of the walls, it was found necessary to set fire to their quarters.
在围攻与守卫安条克那段跌宕起伏的日子里,十字军时而因胜利而振奋,时而因绝望而消沉;不是被丰足撑得腹满,就是被饥馑磨得形销骨立。好作玄想的人或许会以为,他们的信仰对其行止定有一种强烈而庄重的约束;会以为这些十字架的战士、圣墓的解放者,必是过着清醒而端正的生活,日日以殉道为念,为之做着准备。事实却把这厢情愿的幻想吹得烟消云散;即便翻遍世俗战争的历史,也罕见有哪一幕的纵欲与淫乱,能与安条克城下所上演的相比。达佛涅的树林早已不复当年繁盛,然而叙利亚的空气里,仍浸透着同样的恶习;凡是人性或引以为乐、或斥为可耻的种种诱惑95,都把基督徒勾引了过去;首领的权威被人蔑视;无论布道还是禁令,对那些伤风败俗的乱象都同样无济于事——这些乱象既有害于军纪,又有违于福音的圣洁。无论是围城之初,还是刚刚占据安条克那些日子,法兰克人都恣意挥霍、毫不思量,一下子就把本可支撑数周乃至数月的口粮吃了个精光:荒凉的乡野再也供不出什么给养;到头来,围城的土耳其人又以武力把他们同那片乡野隔绝开来。疾病本是匮乏忠实的伴侣,如今更因冬日的霪雨、夏日的酷暑、不洁的食物,以及众人被困一隅的拥挤而愈发凶险。饥荒与瘟疫的景象向来千篇一律,也向来令人作呕;他们受了怎样的苦、又靠什么苟活,读者尽可凭想象去补足。残存的财宝与战利品,都被人急切地挥霍出去,只为换取最粗劣的吃食;穷苦人所遭的祸殃想必惨不忍睹——要知道,连佛兰德伯爵在花了三马克银子买一只山羊、十五马克买一头瘦骆驼96之后,也落到了讨一顿饭的地步,戈弗雷公爵更是沦落到要去借一匹马。营中曾点阅过六万骑;到围城将尽时,只剩下两千,而到决战那天,能凑齐、堪用的竟不足两百。身体的孱弱与心中的恐惧,把朝圣者那股炽热的狂热浇灭了;求生之念一起,荣誉与宗教的种种驱策便全被压了下去97。众首领之中,倒有三位堪称无畏亦无可指摘的英雄:布永的戈弗雷,靠的是那份宽宏的虔敬;博希蒙德,靠的是野心与私利;坦克雷德则以真正的骑士气概宣称:只要手下还有四十名骑士,他就绝不放弃进军巴勒斯坦的大业。图卢兹兼普罗旺斯伯爵却被人怀疑是装病偷懒;诺曼底公爵一度跑到海边,被教会的谴责召了回来;大于格虽在此役中身先士卒,却也趁着一个含糊的机会溜回了法国;沙特尔伯爵斯蒂芬更是卑劣地丢下了他所擎的旗帜、他所主持的军议,一走了之。默伦子爵威廉——因斧头挥砍沉猛,绰号“木匠”——的出逃,令士兵们大为沮丧;而隐士彼得的堕落971,则叫诸圣蒙羞:此人当初鼓动整个欧洲兴兵讨伐亚洲,如今却想逃避一场势在必行的斋戒之苦。至于那一大批临阵变节的战士,其姓名(某史家如是说)已从生命册上被抹去;而那些趁夜缒下安条克城墙的逃兵,则得了“走绳者”这么个耻辱的绰号。皇帝阿历克塞98本似要前来解救拉丁人,一听说他们已陷入绝境、断无生望,便丧了胆。他们默默绝望地等待着自己的命运;无论是誓言还是刑罚,都试过了却不见效;到最后,为把士兵驱赶上城头守御,竟不得不放火烧了他们的营房。
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For their salvation and victory, they were indebted to the same fanaticism which had led them to the brink of ruin. In such a cause, and in such an army, visions, prophecies, and miracles, were frequent and familiar. In the distress of Antioch, they were repeated with unusual energy and success: St. Ambrose had assured a pious ecclesiastic, that two years of trial must precede the season of deliverance and grace; the deserters were stopped by the presence and reproaches of Christ himself; the dead had promised to arise and combat with their brethren; the Virgin had obtained the pardon of their sins; and their confidence was revived by a visible sign, the seasonable and splendid discovery of the Holy Lance. The policy of their chiefs has on this occasion been admired, and might surely be excused; but a pious fraud is seldom produced by the cool conspiracy of many persons; and a voluntary impostor might depend on the support of the wise and the credulity of the people. Of the diocese of Marseilles, there was a priest of low cunning and loose manners, and his name was Peter Bartholemy. He presented himself at the door of the council-chamber, to disclose an apparition of St. Andrew, which had been thrice reiterated in his sleep with a dreadful menace, if he presumed to suppress the commands of Heaven. “At Antioch,” said the apostle, “in the church of my brother St. Peter, near the high altar, is concealed the steel head of the lance that pierced the side of our Redeemer. In three days that instrument of eternal, and now of temporal, salvation, will be manifested to his disciples. Search, and ye shall find: bear it aloft in battle; and that mystic weapon shall penetrate the souls of the miscreants.” The pope’s legate, the bishop of Puy, affected to listen with coldness and distrust; but the revelation was eagerly accepted by Count Raymond, whom his faithful subject, in the name of the apostle, had chosen for the guardian of the holy lance. The experiment was resolved; and on the third day after a due preparation of prayer and fasting, the priest of Marseilles introduced twelve trusty spectators, among whom were the count and his chaplain; and the church doors were barred against the impetuous multitude. The ground was opened in the appointed place; but the workmen, who relieved each other, dug to the depth of twelve feet without discovering the object of their search. In the evening, when Count Raymond had withdrawn to his post, and the weary assistants began to murmur, Bartholemy, in his shirt, and without his shoes, boldly descended into the pit; the darkness of the hour and of the place enabled him to secrete and deposit the head of a Saracen lance; and the first sound, the first gleam, of the steel was saluted with a devout rapture. The holy lance was drawn from its recess, wrapped in a veil of silk and gold, and exposed to the veneration of the crusaders; their anxious suspense burst forth in a general shout of joy and hope, and the desponding troops were again inflamed with the enthusiasm of valor. Whatever had been the arts, and whatever might be the sentiments of the chiefs, they skilfully improved this fortunate revolution by every aid that discipline and devotion could afford. The soldiers were dismissed to their quarters with an injunction to fortify their minds and bodies for the approaching conflict, freely to bestow their last pittance on themselves and their horses, and to expect with the dawn of day the signal of victory. On the festival of St. Peter and St. Paul, the gates of Antioch were thrown open: a martial psalm, “Let the Lord arise, and let his enemies be scattered!” was chanted by a procession of priests and monks; the battle array was marshalled in twelve divisions, in honor of the twelve apostles; and the holy lance, in the absence of Raymond, was intrusted to the hands of his chaplain. The influence of his relic or trophy, was felt by the servants, and perhaps by the enemies, of Christ; 99 and its potent energy was heightened by an accident, a stratagem, or a rumor, of a miraculous complexion. Three knights, in white garments and resplendent arms, either issued, or seemed to issue, from the hills: the voice of Adhemar, the pope’s legate, proclaimed them as the martyrs St. George, St. Theodore, and St. Maurice: the tumult of battle allowed no time for doubt or scrutiny; and the welcome apparition dazzled the eyes or the imagination of a fanatic army. 991 In the season of danger and triumph, the revelation of Bartholemy of Marseilles was unanimously asserted; but as soon as the temporary service was accomplished, the personal dignity and liberal arms which the count of Tholouse derived from the custody of the holy lance, provoked the envy, and awakened the reason, of his rivals. A Norman clerk presumed to sift, with a philosophic spirit, the truth of the legend, the circumstances of the discovery, and the character of the prophet; and the pious Bohemond ascribed their deliverance to the merits and intercession of Christ alone. For a while, the Provincials defended their national palladium with clamors and arms and new visions condemned to death and hell the profane sceptics who presumed to scrutinize the truth and merit of the discovery. The prevalence of incredulity compelled the author to submit his life and veracity to the judgment of God. A pile of dry fagots, four feet high and fourteen long, was erected in the midst of the camp; the flames burnt fiercely to the elevation of thirty cubits; and a narrow path of twelve inches was left for the perilous trial. The unfortunate priest of Marseilles traversed the fire with dexterity and speed; but the thighs and belly were scorched by the intense heat; he expired the next day; 992 and the logic of believing minds will pay some regard to his dying protestations of innocence and truth. Some efforts were made by the Provincials to substitute a cross, a ring, or a tabernacle, in the place of the holy lance, which soon vanished in contempt and oblivion. 100 Yet the revelation of Antioch is gravely asserted by succeeding historians: and such is the progress of credulity, that miracles most doubtful on the spot, and at the moment, will be received with implicit faith at a convenient distance of time and space.
他们之得救、之取胜,所仰仗的,竟正是那把他们推到覆灭边缘的同一种狂热。在这样一桩事业里、这样一支军队中,异象、预言与神迹本是家常便饭,不足为奇。到了安条克危难之际,这类东西更以异乎寻常的劲头与成效接连上演:圣安布罗斯向一位虔诚的教士保证,须先历两年磨难,方能迎来解救与恩典之期;逃兵们被基督亲自现身、加以斥责而拦了下来;死者也允诺要复活起来,与生者并肩作战;童贞女已为他们求得了赦罪;而一个看得见的征兆——圣枪那番适逢其时、光彩夺目的现世——更使他们重拾信心。众首领在这件事上的权谋,一向为人所称道,也确乎情有可原;然而一桩虔诚的骗局,鲜有出自众人处心积虑合谋的:往往是某个自告奋勇的行骗者,料定聪明人乐得成全、愚民又轻信易欺,这才敢下手。马赛教区有个教士,为人狡黠猥琐、行止放荡,名叫彼得·巴托洛缪。他找到军议厅门前,声称要禀报圣安德烈的一次显灵:这异象曾三度在他睡梦中重现,并厉声恫吓——倘若他胆敢把上天的旨意隐瞒下来,必有大祸。这位使徒说道:“在安条克,我的弟兄圣彼得的教堂里,靠近大祭坛之处,藏着那杆刺穿我们救主肋旁的长枪的钢制枪头。三日之内,这件昔日成就永恒救赎、今日又将成就现世救赎的圣物,便会向他的门徒显现。你们寻找,就必寻见:临阵时高高擎起它,这件神秘的兵器,自会刺穿那些异信者的灵魂。”教宗的使节、勒皮主教,故作冷淡与怀疑之态,听着这番话;雷蒙德伯爵却对这启示深信不疑、喜不自胜——那忠心的属下正是假借使徒之名,把他选作了圣枪的守护者。这场“验证”就此定下;到了第三天,经过一番应有的祈祷与斋戒,这位马赛教士领进十二名可靠的见证人——伯爵及其随军神父也在其中;教堂大门则紧闭起来,把急欲涌入的人群挡在门外。众人在指定的地点掘开地面;工匠们轮番替换,一直挖到十二英尺深,却始终不见所寻之物。到了傍晚,雷蒙德伯爵已回岗位,疲惫的助手们也开始嘀咕起来,巴托洛缪便只穿一件衬衫、赤着双脚,大着胆子跳进坑中;此时天色已暗、坑内又黑,他趁机把一枚萨拉森长枪的枪头,偷偷藏好、埋了进去;那钢头初一发声、初一闪光,便引来一片虔诚的狂喜。圣枪从藏匿处取出,裹以金丝绸帕,供十字军瞻仰膜拜;众人焦灼的悬望,顷刻化作一片欢欣与希望的欢呼,本已灰心丧气的队伍,又重新燃起了奋勇的狂热。不论众首领耍过什么手腕、心里究竟作何感想,他们都巧妙地利用了这一有利的转机,把军纪与虔信所能提供的一切助力都调动了起来。士兵们被遣回营房,并奉命为即将到来的决战养精蓄锐、坚定意志:把最后一点口粮尽数留给自己和坐骑,只等天明时分那胜利的号令。圣彼得与圣保罗的瞻礼日,安条克的城门大开:一列教士与修士的队伍,高唱起一首战阵圣咏——“愿上帝兴起,使他的仇敌四散!”;大军列成十二阵,以纪念十二使徒;雷蒙德既不在场,圣枪便交托到他那随军神父的手中。这件圣物,或曰战利品,其感召之力,不但为基督的仆人所感受,或许连基督的敌人也一并感受到了99;而一桩带着神迹色彩的意外——也可能是一条计谋、一则谣传——更把它那强大的效力推向了顶点。三名身披白袍、甲胄辉煌的骑士,从山间冲出——或者说仿佛冲出:教宗使节阿德马尔高声宣告,说他们正是殉道者圣乔治、圣狄奥多尔与圣莫里斯;战场一片喧腾,容不得半点怀疑或细究;这令人欣喜的幻象,便把这支狂热大军的眼睛,或者说想象,晃得眼花缭乱991。值此危难与凯旋交织之际,马赛人巴托洛缪的启示,众口一词、无人不信;然而这桩权宜的差事一旦办妥,图卢兹伯爵却因掌管圣枪而平添了个人的尊荣与充裕的军资,这便惹动了对手们的嫉妒,也唤醒了他们的理性。一名诺曼教士竟敢本着思辨的精神,来细究这传说是否属实、发现的经过如何、那“先知”又是何等人品;虔诚的博希蒙德,则把他们的获救,全归于基督一己的功德与代祷。有那么一阵,普罗旺斯人又是鼓噪、又是操戈,誓死捍卫这件本乡的护国圣物;层出不穷的新异象,更把那些胆敢追究此番发现真伪与价值的亵渎怀疑者,一概判处死刑、打入地狱。怀疑之声愈演愈盛,终于逼得这桩骗局的始作俑者,不得不把自己的性命与诚信,交付上帝来裁断。营地正中,堆起一垛干柴,高四英尺、长十四英尺;烈焰腾腾,窜到三十腕尺之高;柴堆之间只留出一条十二英寸宽的窄道,充作这场凶险考验的通道。那倒霉的马赛教士,手脚麻利、飞快地穿火而过;然而烈火灼人,把他的大腿与小腹都烤焦了;次日他便一命呜呼992;至于他临终时那番自陈清白、力辩其真的申诉,笃信者的逻辑倒还肯给几分看重。普罗旺斯人也曾使过些力气,想拿一具十字架、一枚指环或一座圣龛来顶替圣枪的地位;然而这些东西不久便在世人的轻蔑与遗忘中销声匿迹了100。然而安条克这桩启示,后世的史家却煞有介事地信而录之:轻信之势,竟发展到如此地步——凡当地当时最可疑的神迹,一旦隔开一段方便的时空,反倒会被人不假思索地全盘接受。
¶
The prudence or fortune of the Franks had delayed their invasion till the decline of the Turkish empire. 101 Under the manly government of the three first sultans, the kingdoms of Asia were united in peace and justice; and the innumerable armies which they led in person were equal in courage, and superior in discipline, to the Barbarians of the West. But at the time of the crusade, the inheritance of Malek Shaw was disputed by his four sons; their private ambition was insensible of the public danger; and, in the vicissitudes of their fortune, the royal vassals were ignorant, or regardless, of the true object of their allegiance. The twenty-eight emirs who marched with the standard or Kerboga were his rivals or enemies: their hasty levies were drawn from the towns and tents of Mesopotamia and Syria; and the Turkish veterans were employed or consumed in the civil wars beyond the Tigris. The caliph of Egypt embraced this opportunity of weakness and discord to recover his ancient possessions; and his sultan Aphdal besieged Jerusalem and Tyre, expelled the children of Ortok, and restored in Palestine the civil and ecclesiastical authority of the Fatimites. 102 They heard with astonishment of the vast armies of Christians that had passed from Europe to Asia, and rejoiced in the sieges and battles which broke the power of the Turks, the adversaries of their sect and monarchy. But the same Christians were the enemies of the prophet; and from the overthrow of Nice and Antioch, the motive of their enterprise, which was gradually understood, would urge them forwards to the banks of the Jordan, or perhaps of the Nile.
法兰克人也算精明,或者说走运,把他们的入侵,恰好拖到了土耳其帝国衰落之时101。在头三位苏丹刚毅有为的治理下,亚洲诸国曾一统于太平与公道之中;他们亲自统率的无数大军,论勇气不逊于西方的蛮族,论纪律犹有过之。可到十字军东征之时,马利克·沙阿的遗业,正被他的四个儿子争夺不休;各人只顾一己的野心,对大局的危难浑然不觉;随着他们时运的起落,那些王室的封臣,也弄不清、或干脆不在乎自己究竟该效忠于谁。随克尔波加军旗出征的那二十八名埃米尔,原是他的对头或仇敌:他们仓促征集的兵员,来自美索不达米亚与叙利亚的城镇与帐落;至于土耳其的老兵,则或被牵制、或已消耗在底格里斯河彼岸的内战之中。埃及的哈里发趁着这场衰弱与内讧的良机,来收复自家旧有的领地;他麾下的苏丹阿夫达勒围攻耶路撒冷与提尔,赶走了奥尔托克的子嗣,在巴勒斯坦重建起法蒂玛王朝的政教权威102。他们听说基督徒的大军已浩浩荡荡从欧洲开进亚洲,无不惊愕;而那一场场攻城与鏖战竟摧垮了土耳其人的势力——土耳其人本是他们这一教派与王朝的死对头——他们又暗自庆幸。可这些基督徒,毕竟也是先知的敌人;从尼西亚与安条克的陷落来看,他们此番出征的用意,如今已渐渐为人所窥破——这用意必将驱使他们继续向前,直抵约旦河,乃至尼罗河之滨。
¶
An intercourse of epistles and embassies, which rose and fell with the events of war, was maintained between the throne of Cairo and the camp of the Latins; and their adverse pride was the result of ignorance and enthusiasm. The ministers of Egypt declared in a haughty, or insinuated in a milder, tone, that their sovereign, the true and lawful commander of the faithful, had rescued Jerusalem from the Turkish yoke; and that the pilgrims, if they would divide their numbers, and lay aside their arms, should find a safe and hospitable reception at the sepulchre of Jesus. In the belief of their lost condition, the caliph Mostali despised their arms and imprisoned their deputies: the conquest and victory of Antioch prompted him to solicit those formidable champions with gifts of horses and silk robes, of vases, and purses of gold and silver; and in his estimate of their merit or power, the first place was assigned to Bohemond, and the second to Godfrey. In either fortune, the answer of the crusaders was firm and uniform: they disdained to inquire into the private claims or possessions of the followers of Mahomet; whatsoever was his name or nation, the usurper of Jerusalem was their enemy; and instead of prescribing the mode and terms of their pilgrimage, it was only by a timely surrender of the city and province, their sacred right, that he could deserve their alliance, or deprecate their impending and irresistible attack. 103
开罗的王座与拉丁人的营地之间,书信与使节往来不绝,随战事起落而时冷时热;双方各执其傲,归根到底,都出于无知与狂热。埃及的大臣们,时而傲慢地宣称、时而委婉地暗示:他们的君主,才是众信士真正而合法的统帅,是他把耶路撒冷从土耳其人的枷锁下解救出来的;那些朝圣者,只要肯把队伍化整为零、放下武器,便能在耶稣的圣墓前,受到安全而殷勤的接待。哈里发穆斯塔利原以为他们已是穷途末路,便瞧不起他们的兵力,还把他们的使者关押起来;及至安条克一役,他们攻城获胜,他这才转而去笼络这些可畏的斗士,送上骏马、丝袍、瓶器,以及一囊囊的金银;而在他对众人才具或实力的掂量里,头一把交椅给了博希蒙德,第二把给了戈弗雷。无论境遇顺逆,十字军的答复都坚定如一、始终不改:他们不屑去过问穆罕默德那些信徒各自的名分或产业;无论此人叫什么名字、属哪个族裔,凡窃据耶路撒冷者,都是他们的敌人;他休想来规定他们朝圣的方式与条件——耶路撒冷城及其行省本是他们神圣的权利,唯有及时献出此地,他才配得上与他们结盟,或可指望他们那已迫在眉睫、势不可挡的攻势就此打消103。
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Yet this attack, when they were within the view and reach of their glorious prize, was suspended above ten months after the defeat of Kerboga. The zeal and courage of the crusaders were chilled in the moment of victory; and instead of marching to improve the consternation, they hastily dispersed to enjoy the luxury, of Syria. The causes of this strange delay may be found in the want of strength and subordination. In the painful and various service of Antioch, the cavalry was annihilated; many thousands of every rank had been lost by famine, sickness, and desertion: the same abuse of plenty had been productive of a third famine; and the alternative of intemperance and distress had generated a pestilence, which swept away above fifty thousand of the pilgrims. Few were able to command, and none were willing to obey; the domestic feuds, which had been stifled by common fear, were again renewed in acts, or at least in sentiments, of hostility; the fortune of Baldwin and Bohemond excited the envy of their companions; the bravest knights were enlisted for the defence of their new principalities; and Count Raymond exhausted his troops and treasures in an idle expedition into the heart of Syria. 1031 The winter was consumed in discord and disorder; a sense of honor and religion was rekindled in the spring; and the private soldiers, less susceptible of ambition and jealousy, awakened with angry clamors the indolence of their chiefs. In the month of May, the relics of this mighty host proceeded from Antioch to Laodicea: about forty thousand Latins, of whom no more than fifteen hundred horse, and twenty thousand foot, were capable of immediate service. Their easy march was continued between Mount Libanus and the sea-shore: their wants were liberally supplied by the coasting traders of Genoa and Pisa; and they drew large contributions from the emirs of Tripoli, Tyre, Sidon, Acre, and Caesarea, who granted a free passage, and promised to follow the example of Jerusalem. From Caesarea they advanced into the midland country; their clerks recognized the sacred geography of Lydda, Ramla, Emmaus, and Bethlem, 1032 and as soon as they descried the holy city, the crusaders forgot their toils and claimed their reward. 104
然而,尽管那令人神往的战利品已近在眼前、触手可及,这场攻势,在克尔波加战败之后,竟悬置了十个多月。十字军的热忱与勇气,偏在胜利的当口冷却下来;他们非但没有乘胜进军、扩大敌人的惊惶,反倒急急散去,各自享受叙利亚的安逸繁华去了。这场怪异拖延的缘由,可从兵力的匮乏与号令的涣散中去寻。在安条克那段艰苦而繁杂的征战里,骑兵已损失殆尽;上上下下各色人等,又因饥荒、疾病与逃亡而丧生数千;一样是那挥霍无度的老毛病,招来了第三度饥荒;而纵欲与困厄轮番交替,更酿成一场瘟疫,把五万多名朝圣者一扫而空。能发号施令者寥寥,肯俯首听命者更无一人;先前被共同的恐惧压下去的内讧,如今又死灰复燃——即便未见于行动,至少也见于彼此的敌意;鲍德温与博希蒙德的走运,惹得同侪们眼红;最骁勇的骑士,都被招募去守卫他们各自新得的公国;雷蒙德伯爵则在一次深入叙利亚腹地的无谓远征中,把自己的兵马与钱财耗了个精光1031。一整个冬天,就在纷争与混乱中虚耗过去;到了春天,荣誉感与宗教心才重新被点燃起来;普通士兵不那么容易被野心与嫉妒左右,便以愤怒的鼓噪,把他们那些首领的怠惰给唤醒了。五月里,这支昔日雄师的残部,从安条克开赴拉奥迪西亚:拉丁人共约四万,其中堪即刻投入战阵者,骑兵不过一千五百、步兵两万而已。他们一路轻松,行进在黎巴嫩山与海岸之间:热那亚和比萨往来沿海的商贾,慷慨地供应着他们的所需;而的黎波里、提尔、西顿、阿卡与凯撒里亚诸埃米尔,也被他们勒索去大笔贡赋——这些人放他们自由通行,还许诺唯耶路撒冷的先例是从。从凯撒里亚起,他们转入内陆;随军的教士们,一一辨认出吕大、拉姆拉、以马忤斯与伯利恒这些圣经地理上的圣地1032;而一望见那座圣城,十字军便把一路的辛劳尽数抛诸脑后,只待去领受他们应得的酬报了104。
Notes 注释
80
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His Mussulman appellation of Soliman is used by the Latins, and his character is highly embellished by Tasso. His Turkish name of Kilidge-Arslan (A. H. 485-500, A.D. 1192-1206. See De Guignes’s Tables, tom. i. p. 245) is employed by the Orientals, and with some corruption by the Greeks; but little more than his name can be found in the Mahometan writers, who are dry and sulky on the subject of the first crusade, (De Guignes, tom. iii. p. ii. p. 10-30.) * Note: See note, page 556. Soliman and Kilidge-Arslan were father and son—M.
穆斯林称他为苏莱曼,拉丁人沿用此名,塔索更把他的形象大加渲染。东方人则用他的土耳其名字基利杰·阿尔斯兰(回历485—500年,公元1192—1206年。参见德经《年表》,tom. i. p. 245),希腊人也用此名,只是拼写略有讹误;然而在穆斯林作家笔下,除了他的名字,便再无多少可寻——这些人一谈起第一次十字军,便干巴巴地满脸不情愿(De Guignes, tom. iii. p. ii. p. 10-30.)。* 按:见第556页注。苏莱曼与基利杰·阿尔斯兰实为父子。—M
81
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On the fortifications, engines, and sieges of the middle ages, see Muratori, (Antiquitat. Italiae, tom. ii. dissert. xxvi. p. 452-524.) The belfredus, from whence our belfrey, was the movable tower of the ancients, (Ducange, tom. i. p. 608.)
关于中世纪的工事、器械与围城之法,见穆拉托里(Antiquitat. Italiae, tom. ii. dissert. xxvi. p. 452-524)。belfredus 一词,即我们所谓的 belfrey(钟楼、活动望楼)的来源,本指古人的活动塔楼(Ducange, tom. i. p. 608)。
82
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I cannot forbear remarking the resemblance between the siege and lake of Nice, with the operations of Hernan Cortez before Mexico. See Dr. Robertson, History of America, l. v.
我不禁要指出:尼西亚的围城与湖泊,同埃尔南·科尔特斯在墨西哥城下的用兵,颇有几分相似之处。参见罗伯逊博士《美洲史》(History of America),l. v.。
821
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See Anna Comnena.—M.
参见安娜·科穆宁娜。—M
83
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Mecreant, a word invented by the French crusaders, and confined in that language to its primitive sense. It should seem, that the zeal of our ancestors boiled higher, and that they branded every unbeliever as a rascal. A similar prejudice still lurks in the minds of many who think themselves Christians.
Mecreant(异信者、恶徒)一词,是法兰西十字军生造出来的,在法语里始终局限于其本义。看来我们先辈的狂热更甚一筹,竟把每一个不信教的人都斥为无赖恶棍。时至今日,许多自命为基督徒的人,心里仍潜藏着类似的偏见。
84
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Baronius has produced a very doubtful letter to his brother Roger, (A.D. 1098, No. 15.) The enemies consisted of Medes, Persians, Chaldeans: be it so. The first attack was cum nostro incommodo; true and tender. But why Godfrey of Bouillon and Hugh brothers! Tancred is styled filius; of whom? Certainly not of Roger, nor of Bohemond.
巴罗尼乌斯抄录过一封颇为可疑的信,乃是写给(博希蒙德的)兄弟罗杰的(公元1098年,No. 15)。信中说敌军由米底人、波斯人、迦勒底人组成:姑且信之。头一次进攻是 cum nostro incommodo(“于我方不利”)——这倒真切动人。可为什么把布永的戈弗雷与于格称作兄弟呢!坦克雷德又被称为 filius(“某人之子”);究竟是谁之子?断然不会是罗杰的,也不会是博希蒙德的。
85
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Verumtamen dicunt se esse de Francorum generatione; et quia nullus homo naturaliter debet esse miles nisi Franci et Turci, (Gesta Francorum, p. 7.) The same community of blood and valor is attested by Archbishop Baldric, (p. 99.)
Verumtamen dicunt se esse de Francorum generatione; et quia nullus homo naturaliter debet esse miles nisi Franci et Turci(大意:不过他们自称出于法兰克人的血统;因为除了法兰克人与土耳其人,天生就没有别的族类配称武士)(Gesta Francorum, p. 7)。血统与勇武同出一源这一点,大主教巴尔德里克也曾加以证实(p. 99)。
86
↩
Balista, Balestra, Arbalestre. See Muratori, Antiq. tom. ii. p. 517-524. Ducange, Gloss. Latin. tom. i. p. 531, 532. In the time of Anna Comnena, this weapon, which she describes under the name of izangra, was unknown in the East, (l. x. p. 291.) By a humane inconsistency, the pope strove to prohibit it in Christian wars.
Balista、Balestra、Arbalestre(弩炮、弩、十字弓诸名)。参见 Muratori, Antiq. tom. ii. p. 517-524;Ducange, Gloss. Latin. tom. i. p. 531, 532。在安娜·科穆宁娜的时代,这种兵器——她称之为 izangra——在东方尚不为人所知(l. x. p. 291)。出于一种悲悯的自相矛盾,教宗曾力图禁止在基督徒之间的战争中使用它。
87
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The curious reader may compare the classic learning of Cellarius and the geographical science of D’Anville. William of Tyre is the only historian of the crusades who has any knowledge of antiquity; and M. Otter trod almost in the footsteps of the Franks from Constantinople to Antioch, (Voyage en Turquie et en Perse, tom. i. p. 35-88.) * Note: The journey of Col. Macdonald Kinneir in Asia Minor throws considerable light on the geography of this march of the crusaders.—M.
好奇的读者,不妨把切拉里乌斯渊博的古典学问,同当维尔精深的地理学问,两相参照。提尔的威廉,是十字军史家中唯一略通古代掌故的人;而奥特先生,几乎是踏着法兰克人的足迹,从君士坦丁堡一路走到安条克(Voyage en Turquie et en Perse, tom. i. p. 35-88)。* 按:麦克唐纳·基尼尔上校在小亚细亚的旅行,为十字军这段行程的地理考订提供了不少线索。—M
88
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This detached conquest of Edessa is best represented by Fulcherius Carnotensis, or of Chartres, (in the collections of Bongarsius Duchesne, and Martenne,) the valiant chaplain of Count Baldwin (Esprit des Croisades, tom. i. p. 13, 14.) In the disputes of that prince with Tancred, his partiality is encountered by the partiality of Radulphus Cadomensis, the soldier and historian of the gallant marquis.
埃德萨这场单独的征服,记述得最好的是沙特尔的富尔彻(Fulcherius Carnotensis,即沙特尔人;其文收于 Bongarsius、Duchesne、Martenne 诸家文集中),此人乃鲍德温伯爵麾下英勇的随军神父(Esprit des Croisades, tom. i. p. 13, 14)。至于鲍德温与坦克雷德之间的争执,富尔彻偏袒鲍德温,卡昂的拉杜尔夫则偏袒对方——拉杜尔夫是那位骁勇侯爵(即坦克雷德)帐下的士兵兼史家。
89
↩
See de Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p. 456.
参见德经,Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p. 456。
891
↩
This bridge was over the Ifrin, not the Orontes, at a distance of three leagues from Antioch. See Wilken, vol. i. p. 172.—M.
这座桥架在阿夫林河上,而非奥龙特斯河,距安条克三里格(leagues)。参见维尔肯(Wilken),vol. i. p. 172。—M
90
↩
For Antioch, see Pocock, (Description of the East, vol. ii. p. i. p. 188-193,) Otter, (Voyage en Turquie, &c., tom. i. p. 81, &c.,) the Turkish geographer, (in Otter’s notes,) the Index Geographicus of Schultens, (ad calcem Bohadin. Vit. Saladin.,) and Abulfeda, (Tabula Syriae, p. 115, 116, vers. Reiske.)
关于安条克,见波科克(Description of the East, vol. ii. p. i. p. 188-193)、奥特(Voyage en Turquie, &c., tom. i. p. 81, &c.)、那位土耳其地理学家(见奥特的注释)、舒尔滕斯的 Index Geographicus(ad calcem Bohadin. Vit. Saladin.),以及阿布尔费达(Tabula Syriae, p. 115, 116, vers. Reiske)。
91
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Ensem elevat, eumque a sinistra parte scapularum, tanta virtute intorsit, ut quod pectus medium disjunxit spinam et vitalia interrupit; et sic lubricus ensis super crus dextrum integer exivit: sicque caput integrum cum dextra parte corporis immersit gurgite, partemque quae equo praesidebat remisit civitati, (Robert. Mon. p. 50.) Cujus ense trajectus, Turcus duo factus est Turci: ut inferior alter in urbem equitaret, alter arcitenens in flumine nataret, (Radulph. Cadom. c. 53, p. 304.) Yet he justifies the deed by the stupendis viribus of Godfrey; and William of Tyre covers it by obstupuit populus facti novitate .... mirabilis, (l. v. c. 6, p. 701.) Yet it must not have appeared incredible to the knights of that age.
Ensem elevat, eumque a sinistra parte scapularum, tanta virtute intorsit, ut quod pectus medium disjunxit spinam et vitalia interrupit; et sic lubricus ensis super crus dextrum integer exivit: sicque caput integrum cum dextra parte corporis immersit gurgite, partemque quae equo praesidebat remisit civitati(大意:他举剑,自那人左肩用力猛劈,剑锋从胸口正中劈下,断脊骨、断脏腑;利刃复顺右腿完好滑出:于是那人整颗头颅连同右半身沉入河中,坐在马上的另半身却被战马带回了城里)(Robert. Mon. p. 50)。Cujus ense trajectus, Turcus duo factus est Turci: ut inferior alter in urbem equitaret, alter arcitenens in flumine nataret(大意:一剑穿过,一个土耳其人竟成了两个:下半身骑马入城,上半身持弓浮于河中)(Radulph. Cadom. c. 53, p. 304)。不过他把此举归因于戈弗雷那 stupendis viribus(“惊人的膂力”);提尔的威廉则以一句 obstupuit populus facti novitate .... mirabilis(“众人无不惊叹于此事之新奇……骇人”)来为它遮掩(l. v. c. 6, p. 701)。然而在那个时代的骑士看来,这想必并非什么不可置信之事。
92
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See the exploits of Robert, Raymond, and the modest Tancred who imposed silence on his squire, (Randulph. Cadom. c. 53.)
罗伯特、雷蒙德以及谦逊的坦克雷德的种种功绩,均可参看——坦克雷德还曾喝止自己的侍从,不许张扬(Randulph. Cadom. c. 53)。
921
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See the interesting extract from Kemaleddin’s History of Aleppo in Wilken, preface to vol. ii. p. 36. Phirouz, or Azzerrad, the breastplate maker, had been pillaged and put to the torture by Bagi Sejan, the prince of Antioch.—M.
卡玛尔丁《阿勒颇史》中有一段有趣的摘录,见维尔肯(Wilken)vol. ii 的序言,p. 36。菲鲁兹(又名阿泽拉德)本是个制胸甲的工匠,曾遭安条克君主巴吉·塞占劫掠并施以酷刑。—M
93
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After mentioning the distress and humble petition of the Franks, Abulpharagius adds the haughty reply of Codbuka, or Kerboga, “Non evasuri estis nisi per gladium,” (Dynast. p. 242.)
阿布·法拉杰在提及法兰克人的窘迫与卑辞乞和之后,又添上了科德布卡(即克尔波加)那句傲慢的答复:“Non evasuri estis nisi per gladium”(“除了刀剑,你们别无生路”)(Dynast. p. 242)。
94
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In describing the host of Kerboga, most of the Latin historians, the author of the Gesta, (p. 17,) Robert Monachus, (p. 56,) Baldric, (p. 111,) Fulcherius Carnotensis, (p. 392,) Guibert, (p. 512,) William of Tyre, (l. vi. c. 3, p. 714,) Bernard Thesaurarius, (c. 39, p. 695,) are content with the vague expressions of infinita multitudo, immensum agmen, innumerae copiae or gentes, which correspond with Anna Comnena, (Alexias, l. xi. p. 318-320.) The numbers of the Turks are fixed by Albert Aquensis at 200,000, (l. iv. c. 10, p. 242,) and by Radulphus Cadomensis at 400,000 horse, (c. 72, p. 309.)
在描述克尔波加的大军时,大多数拉丁史家——《法兰克人史》的作者(p. 17)、修士罗贝尔(p. 56)、巴尔德里克(p. 111)、沙特尔的富尔彻(p. 392)、吉贝尔(p. 512)、提尔的威廉(l. vi. c. 3, p. 714)、司库贝尔纳(c. 39, p. 695)——都满足于 infinita multitudo、immensum agmen、innumerae copiae 或 gentes(“无数之众”“浩荡之师”“不可胜数的兵力或人群”)这类含糊其辞的说法,与安娜·科穆宁娜(Alexias, l. xi. p. 318-320)所记相合。至于土耳其人的数目,亚琛的阿尔贝特断为二十万(l. iv. c. 10, p. 242),卡昂的拉杜尔夫则断为骑兵四十万(c. 72, p. 309)。
95
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See the tragic and scandalous fate of an archdeacon of royal birth, who was slain by the Turks as he reposed in an orchard, playing at dice with a Syrian concubine.
有位出身王室的副主祭,其下场既悲惨又不堪:他正在一处果园里歇息,与一名叙利亚姬妾掷骰子取乐,便被土耳其人杀死了。
96
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The value of an ox rose from five solidi, (fifteen shillings,) at Christmas to two marks, (four pounds,) and afterwards much higher; a kid or lamb, from one shilling to eighteen of our present money: in the second famine, a loaf of bread, or the head of an animal, sold for a piece of gold. More examples might be produced; but it is the ordinary, not the extraordinary, prices, that deserve the notice of the philosopher.
一头牛的价钱,从圣诞节时的五索里迪(合十五先令),涨到两马克(合四英镑),此后更高得多;一只小山羊或羊羔,则从一先令涨到合今币十八(先令):到第二度饥荒时,一个面包,或一头牲畜的头颅,竟卖到一枚金币。这类例子还能再举出许多;然而值得哲人留意的,是寻常的物价,而非这些非常之价。
97
↩
Alli multi, quorum nomina non tenemus; quia, deleta de libro vitae, praesenti operi non sunt inserenda, (Will. Tyr. l. vi. c. 5, p. 715.) Guibert (p. 518, 523) attempts to excuse Hugh the Great, and even Stephen of Chartres.
Alli multi, quorum nomina non tenemus; quia, deleta de libro vitae, praesenti operi non sunt inserenda(大意:另有许多人,其姓名我们不予记录;因为这些名字既已从生命册上抹去,便不该再写进本书)(Will. Tyr. l. vi. c. 5, p. 715)。吉贝尔(p. 518, 523)则试图为大于格开脱,甚至也为沙特尔的斯蒂芬辩护。
971
↩
Peter fell during the siege: he went afterwards on an embassy to Kerboga Wilken. vol. i. p. 217.—M.
彼得是在围城期间失足堕落的:他后来还作为使者去见过克尔波加。维尔肯(Wilken),vol. i. p. 217。—M
98
↩
See the progress of the crusade, the retreat of Alexius, the victory of Antioch, and the conquest of Jerusalem, in the Alexiad, l. xi. p. 317-327. Anna was so prone to exaggeration, that she magnifies the exploits of the Latins.
十字军的进军、阿历克塞的撤退、安条克之捷,以及耶路撒冷的征服,均见《阿莱克修斯传》(Alexiad),l. xi. p. 317-327。安娜极好夸张,竟把拉丁人的功绩也一味放大。
99
↩
The Mahometan Aboulmahasen (apud De Guignes, tom. ii. p. ii. p. 95) is more correct in his account of the holy lance than the Christians, Anna Comnena and Abulpharagius: the Greek princess confounds it with the nail of the cross, (l. xi. p. 326;) the Jacobite primate, with St. Peter’s staff, (p. 242.)
穆斯林作家阿布尔马哈辛(apud De Guignes, tom. ii. p. ii. p. 95)对圣枪的记述,反比基督徒安娜·科穆宁娜与阿布·法拉杰更为准确:这位希腊公主把它与十字架上的钉子混为一谈(l. xi. p. 326),那位雅各派首席主教则把它误作圣彼得的手杖(p. 242)。
991
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The real cause of this victory appears to have been the feud in Kerboga’s army Wilken, vol. ii. p. 40.—M.
此役获胜的真正缘由,看来是克尔波加军中的内讧。维尔肯(Wilken),vol. ii. p. 40。—M
992
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The twelfth day after. He was much injured, and his flesh torn off, from the ardor of pious congratulation with which he was assailed by those who witnessed his escape, unhurt, as it was first supposed. Wilken vol. i p. 263—M.
是在此后第十二天。他伤势极重,皮肉都被扯落——起初众人以为他毫发无伤,便怀着虔诚的狂喜一拥而上向他道贺,反把他弄成这般模样。维尔肯(Wilken),vol. i. p. 263。—M
100
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The two antagonists who express the most intimate knowledge and the strongest conviction of the miracle, and of the fraud, are Raymond des Agiles, and Radulphus Cadomensis, the one attached to the count of Tholouse, the other to the Norman prince. Fulcherius Carnotensis presumes to say, Audite fraudem et non fraudem! and afterwards, Invenit lanceam, fallaciter occultatam forsitan. The rest of the herd are loud and strenuous.
对这桩神迹、亦即这桩骗局,了解最深、断言最力的两位对立者,是阿吉尔的雷蒙德与卡昂的拉杜尔夫:前者依附图卢兹伯爵,后者依附诺曼亲王。沙特尔的富尔彻则大胆写道:Audite fraudem et non fraudem!(“且听这骗局——又不算骗局!”)随后又说:Invenit lanceam, fallaciter occultatam forsitan(“他找到了那杆长枪——也许是有人诡诈地预先藏好的”)。其余那一群人,则一味喧嚷,言之凿凿。
101
↩
See M. De Guignes, tom. ii. p. ii. p. 223, &c.; and the articles of Barkidrok, Mohammed, Sangiar, in D’Herbelot.
参见德经,tom. ii. p. ii. p. 223 等;并见埃尔布洛(《东方文库》)中 Barkidrok、Mohammed、Sangiar 诸条。
102
↩
The emir, or sultan, Aphdal, recovered Jerusalem and Tyre, A. H. 489, (Renaudot, Hist. Patriarch. Alexandrin. p. 478. De Guignes, tom. i. p. 249, from Abulfeda and Ben Schounah.) Jerusalem ante adventum vestrum recuperavimus, Turcos ejecimus, say the Fatimite ambassadors
埃米尔(或曰苏丹)阿夫达勒于回历489年收复了耶路撒冷与提尔(Renaudot, Hist. Patriarch. Alexandrin. p. 478;De Guignes, tom. i. p. 249,据阿布尔费达与本·舒纳)。法蒂玛王朝的使节说:Jerusalem ante adventum vestrum recuperavimus, Turcos ejecimus(“早在你们到来之前,我们已收复耶路撒冷,赶走了土耳其人”)。
103
↩
See the transactions between the caliph of Egypt and the crusaders in William of Tyre (l. iv. c. 24, l. vi. c. 19) and Albert Aquensis, (l. iii. c. 59,) who are more sensible of their importance than the contemporary writers.
埃及哈里发与十字军之间的种种交涉,见提尔的威廉(l. iv. c. 24, l. vi. c. 19)与亚琛的阿尔贝特(l. iii. c. 59)——比起同时代的作家,这两人更能体会此事的分量。
1031
↩
This is not quite correct: he took Marra on his road. His excursions were partly to obtain provisions for the army and fodder for the horses Wilken, vol. i. p. 226.—M.
这说法不尽确切:他途中攻取了马拉。他的几次出击,部分是为了替军队筹粮、替马匹备草料。维尔肯(Wilken),vol. i. p. 226。—M
1032
↩
Scarcely of Bethlehem, to the south of Jerusalem.— M.
至于伯利恒,只怕未必——它位于耶路撒冷以南。—M
104
↩
The greatest part of the march of the Franks is traced, and most accurately traced, in Maundrell’s Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, (p. 11-67;) un des meilleurs morceaux, sans contredit qu’on ait dans ce genre, (D’Anville, Memoire sur Jerusalem, p. 27.)
法兰克人这段行程,绝大部分都在蒙德雷尔《自阿勒颇至耶路撒冷纪行》(Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, p. 11-67)中有所勾勒,而且勾勒得极为精确;这部书 un des meilleurs morceaux, sans contredit qu’on ait dans ce genre(“无疑是此类著作中最出色的篇章之一”)(D’Anville, Memoire sur Jerusalem, p. 27)。