Chapter LII: More Conquests By The Arabs.—Part II. 第五十二章 阿拉伯人的进一步征服——第二节
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Constantinople and the Greek fire might exclude the Arabs from the eastern entrance of Europe; but in the West, on the side of the Pyrenees, the provinces of Gaul were threatened and invaded by the conquerors of Spain. 25 The decline of the French monarchy invited the attack of these insatiate fanatics. The descendants of Clovis had lost the inheritance of his martial and ferocious spirit; and their misfortune or demerit has affixed the epithet of lazy to the last kings of the Merovingian race. 26 They ascended the throne without power, and sunk into the grave without a name. A country palace, in the neighborhood of Compiegne 27 was allotted for their residence or prison: but each year, in the month of March or May, they were conducted in a wagon drawn by oxen to the assembly of the Franks, to give audience to foreign ambassadors, and to ratify the acts of the mayor of the palace. That domestic officer was become the minister of the nation and the master of the prince. A public employment was converted into the patrimony of a private family: the elder Pepin left a king of mature years under the guardianship of his own widow and her child; and these feeble regents were forcibly dispossessed by the most active of his bastards. A government, half savage and half corrupt, was almost dissolved; and the tributary dukes, and provincial counts, and the territorial lords, were tempted to despise the weakness of the monarch, and to imitate the ambition of the mayor. Among these independent chiefs, one of the boldest and most successful was Eudes, duke of Aquitain, who in the southern provinces of Gaul usurped the authority, and even the title of king. The Goths, the Gascons, and the Franks, assembled under the standard of this Christian hero: he repelled the first invasion of the Saracens; and Zama, lieutenant of the caliph, lost his army and his life under the walls of Thoulouse. The ambition of his successors was stimulated by revenge; they repassed the Pyrenees with the means and the resolution of conquest. The advantageous situation which had recommended Narbonne 28 as the first Roman colony, was again chosen by the Moslems: they claimed the province of Septimania or Languedoc as a just dependence of the Spanish monarchy: the vineyards of Gascony and the city of Bourdeaux were possessed by the sovereign of Damascus and Samarcand; and the south of France, from the mouth of the Garonne to that of the Rhone, assumed the manners and religion of Arabia.
君士坦丁堡与希腊火,或许能把阿拉伯人挡在欧洲的东大门之外;可是在西方、在比利牛斯山一侧,征服了西班牙的那些人却兵临高卢诸行省,肆行侵扰。25法兰克王国日渐衰微,正给了这群贪得无厌的狂信之徒可乘之机。克洛维的子孙,早已丧失了他那尚武而剽悍的血性;无论是命途不济,还是自身无能,墨洛温王朝末代诸王终究落得个“懒王”的绰号。26他们登基时手无实权,入土时寂寂无名。朝廷在贡比涅27附近拨了一座乡间宫室,充作他们的居所,其实无异于牢笼;每年三月或五月,才有人用牛车把他们拉到法兰克人的大会上,去接见外邦使节,追认宫相所定的政令。这个本属内廷的官职,如今竟成了执掌国政的大臣、号令君主的主人。一份公职,就这样变作一姓私门的世袭产业:老丕平临终时,把一位已然成年的国王托付给自己的遗孀及其幼子监护;可这对孱弱的摄政母子,很快便被他一个最为精干的私生子强行夺了权。这样一个半是蛮野、半是腐朽的政权,几乎已名存实亡;于是纳贡的公爵、各省的伯爵、据地的领主,无不看轻君主的软弱,转而效法宫相的野心。在这些各自为政的首领中,最为大胆、也最为得手的一个,是阿基坦公爵厄德;他在高卢南部诸省僭夺了权柄,甚至连王的名号也一并窃据。哥特人、加斯科涅人与法兰克人,齐聚于这位基督教英雄的旗下:他击退了萨拉森人的第一次入侵,哈里发的副将扎马,连人带军都葬送在图卢兹城下。扎马的继任者们既怀野心,又图复仇,遂重整兵力,抱定征服之志,再度翻越比利牛斯山。当年使纳博讷28得以成为罗马第一座殖民地的那处形胜之地,如今又被穆斯林相中:他们宣称塞普提马尼亚(即朗格多克)一省理应隶属西班牙王国;加斯科涅的葡萄园、波尔多城,皆归大马士革与撒马尔罕之主所有;自加龙河口直到罗讷河口,法兰克南部一带,也染上了阿拉伯的风习与宗教。
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But these narrow limits were scorned by the spirit of Abdalraman, or Abderame, who had been restored by the caliph Hashem to the wishes of the soldiers and people of Spain. That veteran and daring commander adjudged to the obedience of the prophet whatever yet remained of France or of Europe; and prepared to execute the sentence, at the head of a formidable host, in the full confidence of surmounting all opposition either of nature or of man. His first care was to suppress a domestic rebel, who commanded the most important passes of the Pyrenees: Manuza, a Moorish chief, had accepted the alliance of the duke of Aquitain; and Eudes, from a motive of private or public interest, devoted his beauteous daughter to the embraces of the African misbeliever. But the strongest fortresses of Cerdagne were invested by a superior force; the rebel was overtaken and slain in the mountains; and his widow was sent a captive to Damascus, to gratify the desires, or more probably the vanity, of the commander of the faithful. From the Pyrenees, Abderame proceeded without delay to the passage of the Rhone and the siege of Arles.
然而,如此狭小的疆界,却远不能餍足阿卜杜勒·拉赫曼(Abdalraman,一作 Abderame)的雄心。哈里发希沙姆顺应西班牙军民之愿,重新起用了他。这位身经百战、勇毅果决的统帅断定:法兰克乃至整个欧洲,凡尚未归附之地,都当臣服于先知;于是他亲率一支劲旅,准备执行这道判决,深信无论天险人阻,都无一能挡。他首先要收拾的,是一名扼守比利牛斯山各处要隘的内部叛将:摩尔人首领穆努扎,先前已与阿基坦公爵结盟;厄德或出于私利、或为了公义,竟把自己貌美的女儿送去,任这个非洲的异教徒拥她入怀。可是,塞尔达涅最坚固的几座堡垒,终被优势兵力团团围住;叛将本人也在山中被追上斩杀;他的遗孀则被掳往大马士革,去满足信士的统帅的私欲——更可能只是满足他的虚荣。随后,阿卜杜勒·拉赫曼毫不停留,从比利牛斯山径直进逼罗讷河渡口,围攻阿尔勒。
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An army of Christians attempted the relief of the city: the tombs of their leaders were yet visible in the thirteenth century; and many thousands of their dead bodies were carried down the rapid stream into the Mediterranean Sea. The arms of Abderame were not less successful on the side of the ocean. He passed without opposition the Garonne and Dordogne, which unite their waters in the Gulf of Bourdeaux; but he found, beyond those rivers, the camp of the intrepid Eudes, who had formed a second army and sustained a second defeat, so fatal to the Christians, that, according to their sad confession, God alone could reckon the number of the slain. The victorious Saracen overran the provinces of Aquitain, whose Gallic names are disguised, rather than lost, in the modern appellations of Perigord, Saintonge, and Poitou: his standards were planted on the walls, or at least before the gates, of Tours and of Sens; and his detachments overspread the kingdom of Burgundy as far as the well-known cities of Lyons and Besançon. The memory of these devastations (for Abderame did not spare the country or the people) was long preserved by tradition; and the invasion of France by the Moors or Mahometans affords the groundwork of those fables, which have been so wildly disfigured in the romances of chivalry, and so elegantly adorned by the Italian muse. In the decline of society and art, the deserted cities could supply a slender booty to the Saracens; their richest spoil was found in the churches and monasteries, which they stripped of their ornaments and delivered to the flames: and the tutelar saints, both Hilary of Poitiers and Martin of Tours, forgot their miraculous powers in the defence of their own sepulchres. 29 A victorious line of march had been prolonged above a thousand miles from the rock of Gibraltar to the banks of the Loire; the repetition of an equal space would have carried the Saracens to the confines of Poland and the Highlands of Scotland; the Rhine is not more impassable than the Nile or Euphrates, and the Arabian fleet might have sailed without a naval combat into the mouth of the Thames. Perhaps the interpretation of the Koran would now be taught in the schools of Oxford, and her pulpits might demonstrate to a circumcised people the sanctity and truth of the revelation of Mahomet. 30
一支基督徒军队曾试图解阿尔勒之围:直到十三世纪,他们几位将领的坟墓仍历历可见;湍急的河水,则把成千上万具尸体冲进了地中海。阿卜杜勒·拉赫曼在大洋一侧的用兵,同样所向披靡。他不费一兵,便渡过了在波尔多湾汇流的加龙河与多尔多涅河;可两河之外,无所畏惧的厄德早已扎营以待。厄德已重整旗鼓,第二度组军,却又第二度惨败;这一仗对基督徒之惨烈,据他们自己伤心地承认,唯有上帝才数得清阵亡者的数目。得胜的萨拉森人席卷阿基坦诸省;这些地方古老的高卢名称其实并未湮没,只是掩藏在了佩里格、圣东日、普瓦图这些今名之下。他的军旗,插上了图尔与桑斯的城墙,至少也竖到了这两城的门前;他的支队更漫入勃艮第王国,一直抵达里昂、贝桑松这样的名城。这一场浩劫(阿卜杜勒·拉赫曼对土地和民众都不曾手软),长久留存于后人的口耳相传之中;摩尔人(即穆斯林)入侵法兰克一事,也成了日后种种传说的底本——这些传说,经骑士传奇离奇地改头换面,又经意大利诗神之手增色不少。其时世风与工艺俱已衰颓,那些荒废的城市,能供萨拉森人劫掠的财货所剩无几;他们所获最丰的战利品,尽出自教堂与修道院——他们剥走其中的珍饰,再将其付之一炬;而两位守护圣徒——普瓦捷的希拉里与图尔的马丁——竟也把往日的神迹忘得一干二净,连自己的圣墓都护不住了。29这一路乘胜进军的行程,自直布罗陀巨岩延展到卢瓦尔河畔,已逾一千英里;倘若再走上同样一段路程,萨拉森人便可直抵波兰边境与苏格兰高地;莱茵河并不比尼罗河或幼发拉底河更难逾越,而阿拉伯人的舰队,本可不经一场海战便驶入泰晤士河口。说不定,今日牛津的学堂里讲授的,便是《古兰经》的义理;牛津的讲坛上,也会有人向一群受过割礼的听众,申说穆罕默德所受的启示何等神圣、何等真确。30
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From such calamities was Christendom delivered by the genius and fortune of one man. Charles, the illegitimate son of the elder Pepin, was content with the titles of mayor or duke of the Franks; but he deserved to become the father of a line of kings. In a laborious administration of twenty-four years, he restored and supported the dignity of the throne, and the rebels of Germany and Gaul were successively crushed by the activity of a warrior, who, in the same campaign, could display his banner on the Elbe, the Rhone, and the shores of the ocean. In the public danger he was summoned by the voice of his country; and his rival, the duke of Aquitain, was reduced to appear among the fugitives and suppliants. “Alas!” exclaimed the Franks, “what a misfortune! what an indignity! We have long heard of the name and conquests of the Arabs: we were apprehensive of their attack from the East; they have now conquered Spain, and invade our country on the side of the West. Yet their numbers, and (since they have no buckler) their arms, are inferior to our own.” “If you follow my advice,” replied the prudent mayor of the palace, “you will not interrupt their march, nor precipitate your attack. They are like a torrent, which it is dangerous to stem in its career. The thirst of riches, and the consciousness of success, redouble their valor, and valor is of more avail than arms or numbers. Be patient till they have loaded themselves with the encumbrance of wealth. The possession of wealth will divide their councils and assure your victory.” This subtile policy is perhaps a refinement of the Arabian writers; and the situation of Charles will suggest a more narrow and selfish motive of procrastination—the secret desire of humbling the pride and wasting the provinces of the rebel duke of Aquitain. It is yet more probable, that the delays of Charles were inevitable and reluctant. A standing army was unknown under the first and second race; more than half the kingdom was now in the hands of the Saracens: according to their respective situation, the Franks of Neustria and Austrasia were to conscious or too careless of the impending danger; and the voluntary aids of the Gepidae and Germans were separated by a long interval from the standard of the Christian general. No sooner had he collected his forces, than he sought and found the enemy in the centre of France, between Tours and Poitiers. His well-conducted march was covered with a range of hills, and Abderame appears to have been surprised by his unexpected presence. The nations of Asia, Africa, and Europe, advanced with equal ardor to an encounter which would change the history of the world. In the six first days of desultory combat, the horsemen and archers of the East maintained their advantage: but in the closer onset of the seventh day, the Orientals were oppressed by the strength and stature of the Germans, who, with stout hearts and iron hands, 31 asserted the civil and religious freedom of their posterity. The epithet of Martel, the Hammer, which has been added to the name of Charles, is expressive of his weighty and irresistible strokes: the valor of Eudes was excited by resentment and emulation; and their companions, in the eye of history, are the true Peers and Paladins of French chivalry. After a bloody field, in which Abderame was slain, the Saracens, in the close of the evening, retired to their camp. In the disorder and despair of the night, the various tribes of Yemen and Damascus, of Africa and Spain, were provoked to turn their arms against each other: the remains of their host were suddenly dissolved, and each emir consulted his safety by a hasty and separate retreat. At the dawn of the day, the stillness of a hostile camp was suspected by the victorious Christians: on the report of their spies, they ventured to explore the riches of the vacant tents; but if we except some celebrated relics, a small portion of the spoil was restored to the innocent and lawful owners. The joyful tidings were soon diffused over the Catholic world, and the monks of Italy could affirm and believe that three hundred and fifty, or three hundred and seventy-five, thousand of the Mahometans had been crushed by the hammer of Charles, 32 while no more than fifteen hundred Christians were slain in the field of Tours. But this incredible tale is sufficiently disproved by the caution of the French general, who apprehended the snares and accidents of a pursuit, and dismissed his German allies to their native forests.
基督教世界之所以能从这般大难中脱身,全赖一人的雄才与幸运。查理,老丕平的私生子,本只甘居法兰克人的宫相或公爵之位;然而,他配得上做一整个王朝的开基之祖。在长达二十四年、殚精竭虑的执政里,他重振并撑起了王座的威严;这位骁将雷厉风行,把日耳曼与高卢的叛乱者一个接一个地碾碎——同一场战事之中,他的旗帜可以先后飘扬于易北河、罗讷河,直到大洋之滨。国难当头之际,举国上下都在呼唤他挺身而出;连他的对头、那位阿基坦公爵,也沦落到只能混在逃亡者与乞援者当中。“唉!”法兰克人纷纷哀叹,“何等的不幸!何等的耻辱!阿拉伯人的名号与征伐,我们早有耳闻;一直担心他们会从东方打来;不料他们先征服了西班牙,如今竟从西面侵入我们的国土。不过论人数、论兵甲(他们连一面圆盾都没有),他们都还不及我们。”“若肯听我一句,”那位老成持重的宫相答道,“就切莫去拦他们的进军,也别急着出击。他们好比一股激流,正当奔涌之势,硬去堵截极其凶险。对财富的贪求,加上连战连胜的自信,使他们的勇气倍增;而勇气一物,比兵甲和人数都更管用。且耐心等着,等他们被劫来的财货压得步履蹒跚。财货一旦到手,他们内部必生龃龉,我们的胜利也就稳操在握了。”这一番精妙的谋略,或许只是阿拉伯作家事后的润饰之词;就查理当时的处境而言,他之所以迟迟不动,恐怕另有一层更狭隘、更自私的盘算——暗地里巴不得挫一挫那位叛逆的阿基坦公爵的锐气,顺带糟蹋掉他治下的各省。但更有可能的是,查理的拖延实出无奈,本非他所愿。法兰克前后两代王朝治下,常备军闻所未闻;此时,王国泰半的领土已落入萨拉森人之手;纽斯特里亚与奥斯特拉西亚的法兰克人,因各自处境不同,对这迫近的危险,或过于警觉,或过于麻木;而格皮德人与日耳曼人自愿前来的援兵,距这位基督教统帅的大旗尚有一段漫长的路程。他刚一集结好兵力,便主动去寻敌,终于在法兰克腹地、图尔与普瓦捷之间与敌相遇。他行军调度得法,一路有连绵的丘陵为屏障;阿卜杜勒·拉赫曼似乎全然没料到他会出现,大感意外。来自亚、非、欧三大洲的各族之人,都怀着同样的一腔热血,迎向这场足以改写世界历史的会战。头六天里,双方零星交锋,东方的骑兵与弓手始终占着上风;可到第七天短兵相接之际,日耳曼人却以雄壮的体魄和蛮力压倒了东方人;这些人心志坚毅、铁手如钳,31为其子孙后代挣得了世俗与宗教上的自由。后人给查理加上“马特”(意即“铁锤”)这个称号,正是形容他那沉重而不可抵挡的一击又一击;怨愤与不甘人后之心,也激发了厄德的勇武;而在历史的眼中,追随他们的那些人,才是法兰西骑士传奇中真正的十二廷臣与圣骑士。血战一场,阿卜杜勒·拉赫曼阵亡;入夜时分,萨拉森人退回了自己的营地。黑夜里一片慌乱与绝望,来自也门、大马士革、非洲和西班牙的各部族,竟被激得自相残杀,刀兵相向;残余的大军顿时土崩瓦解,各路埃米尔只顾自保,各自仓皇撤走。天刚破晓,得胜的基督徒见敌营一片死寂,起了疑心;待探子回报,他们才壮着胆子进去搜检那些空帐篷里的财货;不过,除去几件有名的圣物外,掳掠来的东西,只有一小部分归还给了无辜的合法物主。捷报很快传遍了整个大公教世界,意大利的修士们竟能一口咬定、并且深信不疑:有三十五万、或说三十七万五千名穆斯林,被查理的铁锤砸得粉碎,32而在图尔战场上阵亡的基督徒,却不过一千五百人。可这个荒诞不经的说法,只消看看这位法兰克统帅何等谨慎,便足以不攻自破:他唯恐追击途中遭遇埋伏、生出变故,索性遣散了日耳曼盟军,放他们各回自家的森林。
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The inactivity of a conqueror betrays the loss of strength and blood, and the most cruel execution is inflicted, not in the ranks of battle, but on the backs of a flying enemy. Yet the victory of the Franks was complete and final; Aquitain was recovered by the arms of Eudes; the Arabs never resumed the conquest of Gaul, and they were soon driven beyond the Pyrenees by Charles Martel and his valiant race. 33 It might have been expected that the savior of Christendom would have been canonized, or at least applauded, by the gratitude of the clergy, who are indebted to his sword for their present existence. But in the public distress, the mayor of the palace had been compelled to apply the riches, or at least the revenues, of the bishops and abbots, to the relief of the state and the reward of the soldiers. His merits were forgotten, his sacrilege alone was remembered, and, in an epistle to a Carlovingian prince, a Gallic synod presumes to declare that his ancestor was damned; that on the opening of his tomb, the spectators were affrighted by a smell of fire and the aspect of a horrid dragon; and that a saint of the times was indulged with a pleasant vision of the soul and body of Charles Martel, burning, to all eternity, in the abyss of hell. 34
一位征服者若按兵不动,恰恰泄露了他兵力与鲜血的折损;须知最惨烈的杀戮,往往不在正面对阵的行伍之间,而在溃逃之敌的背后。尽管如此,法兰克人的这场胜利仍是彻底而决定性的:阿基坦经厄德挥师而重归掌握;阿拉伯人再未重启征服高卢的图谋,不久,查理·马特及其骁勇的后裔便将他们逐出了比利牛斯山以南。33按理说,这位基督教世界的救主,本该蒙教士们感恩戴德,被封为圣徒,至少也该博得一片喝彩——毕竟正是他的刀剑,才保住了他们今日的存在。可是国难当头之时,这位宫相曾被迫动用主教与修道院院长们的财产——至少是他们的进项——用来纾解国用、犒赏将士。于是人们把他的功绩忘得一干二净,唯独牢牢记住这桩亵渎圣产的罪过;一次高卢主教会议,甚至在致某位加洛林君主的信函里大言不惭地宣称:这位君主的先祖已被罚入地狱;说什么开棺之时,在场众人被一股焦火之气和一条狰狞恶龙的模样吓得魂飞魄散;又说当时有位圣徒还得蒙“恩准”,看到了一幅“赏心悦目”的异象——查理·马特的灵魂连同肉身,正在地狱深渊里永世焚烧。34
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The loss of an army, or a province, in the Western world, was less painful to the court of Damascus, than the rise and progress of a domestic competitor. Except among the Syrians, the caliphs of the house of Ommiyah had never been the objects of the public favor. The life of Mahomet recorded their perseverance in idolatry and rebellion: their conversion had been reluctant, their elevation irregular and factious, and their throne was cemented with the most holy and noble blood of Arabia. The best of their race, the pious Omar, was dissatisfied with his own title: their personal virtues were insufficient to justify a departure from the order of succession; and the eyes and wishes of the faithful were turned towards the line of Hashem, and the kindred of the apostle of God. Of these the Fatimites were either rash or pusillanimous; but the descendants of Abbas cherished, with courage and discretion, the hopes of their rising fortunes. From an obscure residence in Syria, they secretly despatched their agents and missionaries, who preached in the Eastern provinces their hereditary indefeasible right; and Mohammed, the son of Ali, the son of Abdallah, the son of Abbas, the uncle of the prophet, gave audience to the deputies of Chorasan, and accepted their free gift of four hundred thousand pieces of gold. After the death of Mohammed, the oath of allegiance was administered in the name of his son Ibrahim to a numerous band of votaries, who expected only a signal and a leader; and the governor of Chorasan continued to deplore his fruitless admonitions and the deadly slumber of the caliphs of Damascus, till he himself, with all his adherents, was driven from the city and palace of Meru, by the rebellious arms of Abu Moslem. 35 That maker of kings, the author, as he is named, of the call of the Abbassides, was at length rewarded for his presumption of merit with the usual gratitude of courts. A mean, perhaps a foreign, extraction could not repress the aspiring energy of Abu Moslem. Jealous of his wives, liberal of his wealth, prodigal of his own blood and of that of others, he could boast with pleasure, and possibly with truth, that he had destroyed six hundred thousand of his enemies; and such was the intrepid gravity of his mind and countenance, that he was never seen to smile except on a day of battle. In the visible separation of parties, the green was consecrated to the Fatimites; the Ommiades were distinguished by the white; and the black, as the most adverse, was naturally adopted by the Abbassides. Their turbans and garments were stained with that gloomy color: two black standards, on pike staves nine cubits long, were borne aloft in the van of Abu Moslem; and their allegorical names of the night and the shadow obscurely represented the indissoluble union and perpetual succession of the line of Hashem. From the Indus to the Euphrates, the East was convulsed by the quarrel of the white and the black factions: the Abbassides were most frequently victorious; but their public success was clouded by the personal misfortune of their chief. The court of Damascus, awakening from a long slumber, resolved to prevent the pilgrimage of Mecca, which Ibrahim had undertaken with a splendid retinue, to recommend himself at once to the favor of the prophet and of the people. A detachment of cavalry intercepted his march and arrested his person; and the unhappy Ibrahim, snatched away from the promise of untasted royalty, expired in iron fetters in the dungeons of Haran. His two younger brothers, Saffah 3511 and Almansor, eluded the search of the tyrant, and lay concealed at Cufa, till the zeal of the people and the approach of his Eastern friends allowed them to expose their persons to the impatient public. On Friday, in the dress of a caliph, in the colors of the sect, Saffah proceeded with religious and military pomp to the mosch: ascending the pulpit, he prayed and preached as the lawful successor of Mahomet; and after his departure, his kinsmen bound a willing people by an oath of fidelity. But it was on the banks of the Zab, and not in the mosch of Cufa, that this important controversy was determined. Every advantage appeared to be on the side of the white faction: the authority of established government; an army of a hundred and twenty thousand soldiers, against a sixth part of that number; and the presence and merit of the caliph Mervan, the fourteenth and last of the house of Ommiyah. Before his accession to the throne, he had deserved, by his Georgian warfare, the honorable epithet of the ass of Mesopotamia; 36 and he might have been ranked amongst the greatest princes, had not, says Abulfeda, the eternal order decreed that moment for the ruin of his family; a decree against which all human fortitude and prudence must struggle in vain. The orders of Mervan were mistaken, or disobeyed: the return of his horse, from which he had dismounted on a necessary occasion, impressed the belief of his death; and the enthusiasm of the black squadrons was ably conducted by Abdallah, the uncle of his competitor. After an irretrievab defeat, the caliph escaped to Mosul; but the colors of the Abbassides were displayed from the rampart; he suddenly repassed the Tigris, cast a melancholy look on his palace of Haran, crossed the Euphrates, abandoned the fortifications of Damascus, and, without halting in Palestine, pitched his last and fatal camp at Busir, on the banks of the Nile. 37 His speed was urged by the incessant diligence of Abdallah, who in every step of the pursuit acquired strength and reputation: the remains of the white faction were finally vanquished in Egypt; and the lance, which terminated the life and anxiety of Mervan, was not less welcome perhaps to the unfortunate than to the victorious chief. The merciless inquisition of the conqueror eradicated the most distant branches of the hostile race: their bones were scattered, their memory was accursed, and the martyrdom of Hossein was abundantly revenged on the posterity of his tyrants. Fourscore of the Ommiades, who had yielded to the faith or clemency of their foes, were invited to a banquet at Damascus. The laws of hospitality were violated by a promiscuous massacre: the board was spread over their fallen bodies; and the festivity of the guests was enlivened by the music of their dying groans. By the event of the civil war, the dynasty of the Abbassides was firmly established; but the Christians only could triumph in the mutual hatred and common loss of the disciples of Mahomet. 38
对大马士革的宫廷来说,在西方折损一支军队、丢掉一个行省,其切肤之痛,还远不及国内崛起一个觊觎大位、声势日盛的对手。除叙利亚人外,倭马亚家族出身的历代哈里发,从来就不得人心。穆罕默德的生平事迹里,明明白白记着这一族如何冥顽不化,长久地拜偶像、抗先知;他们皈依伊斯兰本非情愿,登上高位既不合正统、又靠党争,而他们的王座,更是用阿拉伯最神圣、最高贵的鲜血凝结而成。这一族中最贤者、虔敬的欧麦尔,尚且对自己的名分心怀不安;可见单凭个人德行,仍不足以为背离正统继承次序开脱;于是信众的目光与心愿,都转向了哈希姆一系,也就是真主使者的族亲。在这一系中,法蒂玛派要么鲁莽轻率,要么怯懦畏缩;唯独阿拔斯的后裔,既有胆略又知分寸,小心翼翼地守护着家族崛起的指望。他们蛰居于叙利亚一处不起眼的居所,暗中派出代理人与传道者,在东方各行省宣扬阿拔斯家族那不可剥夺的世袭权利;而穆罕默德——他是阿里之子,阿里是阿卜杜拉之子,阿卜杜拉又是先知的叔父阿拔斯之子——接见了呼罗珊派来的使者,收下了他们自愿进献的四十万枚金币。穆罕默德死后,一大批信徒以他儿子易卜拉欣的名义宣誓效忠,这些人只等一声号令、一位首领;呼罗珊总督则一再徒劳地示警,痛惜大马士革历代哈里发睡得如死一般不肯醒转;直到最后,阿布·穆斯林的叛军把他连同所有党羽,一并逐出了梅尔夫城及其宫室。35这位“造王之人”,据说正是“阿拔斯号召”的首倡者;然而,他自恃有功,到头来所得到的,无非是宫廷惯有的那种“报答”。出身卑微、或许还是外族,这都压不住阿布·穆斯林那股向上的勃勃精力。他对妻妾善妒,对钱财却挥霍,对自己和他人的血更是毫不吝惜;他可以得意地夸口——或许也不算虚言——说自己已消灭了六十万敌人;他心志之沉毅、神色之无畏,到了这般地步:除了在开战之日,谁也不曾见他露过一丝笑意。各派公开分立,旗色也各不相同:绿色专属法蒂玛派,倭马亚王朝以白色为标记,而黑色因与白色最相对立,自然为阿拔斯王朝所取。阿拔斯党人的头巾与衣袍,都染上了这种阴沉的黑色;两面黑色大旗,系在九库比特长的矛杆上,高高擎举在阿布·穆斯林的军前;这两面旗还各有寓意深隐的名号——“黑夜”与“暗影”——朦胧地象征着哈希姆一系那牢不可破的联结与绵延不绝的传承。自印度河到幼发拉底河,整个东方都被白、黑两派的争斗搅得天翻地覆;阿拔斯一方大多得胜,但其大业的光彩,却因首领个人的不幸而蒙上了一层阴影。大马士革的宫廷终于从长眠中惊醒,决意阻止易卜拉欣的麦加朝觐;易卜拉欣本欲率盛大的扈从前往,好一举讨得先知与民众的欢心。一支骑兵分队半路拦住了他的队伍,将他本人擒获;可怜的易卜拉欣,还没来得及尝一尝到手在望的王权,就被生生夺走了这一切,最终戴着铁镣死在哈兰的地牢里。他的两个弟弟——萨法赫3511与曼苏尔——躲过了那暴君的搜捕,藏身于库法,直到民心炽盛、东方的盟友又逼近前来,兄弟俩才敢在翘首以待的众人面前公开露面。一个星期五,萨法赫身着哈里发的礼服、佩戴本派的旗色,在宗教与军事的双重仪仗簇拥下,浩浩荡荡前往清真寺;他登上讲坛,以穆罕默德合法继承人的身份祈祷、布道;待他离去,他的族人便让心悦诚服的众人立下了效忠的誓言。然而,这场事关重大的角逐,最终见分晓的地方,不是库法的清真寺,而是扎布河畔。种种优势,看上去都在白派一边:既有既成政权的名分,又有一支十二万人的大军,而对方兵力仅及其六分之一;更有哈里发麦尔万亲临督战——他乃倭马亚家族第十四位、也是末代的哈里发,素有才干。早在登基之前,他就凭着在格鲁吉亚的征战,博得了“美索不达米亚之驴”这一光荣的称号;36若不是——用阿布尔费达的话说——永恒的天命早已注定要在那一刻覆灭他的家族,他本可跻身最伟大的君主之列;面对这样一道天命,人间一切的坚毅与审慎,挣扎都属枉然。麦尔万的号令,或被误传,或遭违抗;他为了方便而下马,那匹坐骑却独自跑了回来,众人便误以为他已阵亡;黑派各队士气高涨,又得对手(即萨法赫)的叔父阿卜杜拉巧加调度。一场无可挽回的惨败之后,哈里发逃往摩苏尔;可摩苏尔城头已然飘起了阿拔斯王朝的旗色;他只得仓皇折回底格里斯河对岸,凄然回望了一眼哈兰的宫殿,渡过幼发拉底河,弃守大马士革的城防,途经巴勒斯坦也不曾停留,终于在尼罗河畔的布西尔扎下了他最后一座、也是致命的一座营盘。37阿卜杜拉紧追不舍、片刻不懈,逼得他一路疾走;而阿卜杜拉每追一程,声势与威名便增长一分。白派的残余势力,最终在埃及被彻底击溃;那一枪既结束了麦尔万的性命,也了结了他的满腹忧惧;对这位落难之人来说,它来得或许并不比对那位得胜的首领更令人厌憎。胜利者随即展开了一场毫不留情的清查,把敌对家族最疏远的旁支也斩草除根;他们的尸骨被扬撒各处,他们的名字遭人诅咒;侯赛因当年殉难之仇,如今尽数报在了他那些迫害者的后代身上。有八十名倭马亚族人,本已信了仇敌的誓约、指望对方开恩饶命,却被邀去大马士革赴宴。一场不分老幼的大屠杀,践踏了待客之道:宴席就铺设在这些倒毙者的尸身之上,而座上宾客的欢宴,竟以垂死者的呻吟为助兴之乐。这场内战一了,阿拔斯王朝的统治便稳稳立定;然而,穆罕默德的信徒们彼此仇杀、两败俱伤,能从中额手称庆的,唯有基督徒而已。38
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Yet the thousands who were swept away by the sword of war might have been speedily retrieved in the succeeding generation, if the consequences of the revolution had not tended to dissolve the power and unity of the empire of the Saracens. In the proscription of the Ommiades, a royal youth of the name of Abdalrahman alone escaped the rage of his enemies, who hunted the wandering exile from the banks of the Euphrates to the valleys of Mount Atlas. His presence in the neighborhood of Spain revived the zeal of the white faction. The name and cause of the Abbassides had been first vindicated by the Persians: the West had been pure from civil arms; and the servants of the abdicated family still held, by a precarious tenure, the inheritance of their lands and the offices of government. Strongly prompted by gratitude, indignation, and fear, they invited the grandson of the caliph Hashem to ascend the throne of his ancestors; and, in his desperate condition, the extremes of rashness and prudence were almost the same. The acclamations of the people saluted his landing on the coast of Andalusia: and, after a successful struggle, Abdalrahman established the throne of Cordova, and was the father of the Ommiades of Spain, who reigned above two hundred and fifty years from the Atlantic to the Pyrenees. 39 He slew in battle a lieutenant of the Abbassides, who had invaded his dominions with a fleet and army: the head of Ala, in salt and camphire, was suspended by a daring messenger before the palace of Mecca; and the caliph Almansor rejoiced in his safety, that he was removed by seas and lands from such a formidable adversary. Their mutual designs or declarations of offensive war evaporated without effect; but instead of opening a door to the conquest of Europe, Spain was dissevered from the trunk of the monarchy, engaged in perpetual hostility with the East, and inclined to peace and friendship with the Christian sovereigns of Constantinople and France. The example of the Ommiades was imitated by the real or fictitious progeny of Ali, the Edrissites of Mauritania, and the more powerful fatimites of Africa and Egypt. In the tenth century, the chair of Mahomet was disputed by three caliphs or commanders of the faithful, who reigned at Bagdad, Cairoan, and Cordova, excommunicating each other, and agreed only in a principle of discord, that a sectary is more odious and criminal than an unbeliever. 40
战刀夺去的成千上万条性命,本可在下一代人中迅速补回;无奈这场革命的后果,恰恰在瓦解萨拉森帝国的实力与统一。在这场对倭马亚一族的通缉追杀中,唯有一位名叫阿卜杜勒·拉赫曼的王室少年逃过了仇敌的雷霆之怒;那些人一路追捕这位四处流亡的亡命者,从幼发拉底河畔一直撵到阿特拉斯山的谷地。他一出现在西班牙近旁,便重新点燃了白派的热忱。阿拔斯王朝的名号与事业,最初是靠波斯人打出来的;西方各地则未曾卷入内战;退位王室的旧臣,仍以朝不保夕的名分,守着祖传的田产和手中的官职。出于感恩、义愤与畏惧的多重驱使,他们邀请哈里发希沙姆的孙子登上其祖先的王位;而以他当时走投无路的处境,最鲁莽的一搏与最审慎的抉择,其实相差无几。他在安达卢西亚海岸登陆时,迎接他的是民众的一片欢呼;经过一番成功的角逐,阿卜杜勒·拉赫曼在科尔多瓦立定王座,成了西班牙倭马亚王朝的开基之祖;这个王朝从大西洋到比利牛斯山,统治了二百五十余年。39阿拔斯王朝有一名副将,率舰队和军队侵入他的领地,被他阵前斩杀;一名胆大的信使,将这名副将阿拉的首级用盐与樟脑腌好,悬挂在麦加宫殿的门前;哈里发曼苏尔庆幸自己安然无恙,与这样一个可畏的对手隔着重洋大陆,鞭长莫及。双方彼此都曾谋划、甚或公开扬言要主动兴兵,可到头来全都化为泡影;西班牙非但没有为征服欧洲敞开门户,反而从帝国的主干上割裂出去,与东方结下无休止的仇怨,转而倾向于同君士坦丁堡及法兰克的基督教君主修好结盟。自称阿里后裔(真伪难辨)的两支势力,也效法了倭马亚王朝这一先例——毛里塔尼亚的伊德里斯家族,以及势力更盛、盘踞非洲与埃及的法蒂玛王朝。到了十世纪,穆罕默德的宝座竟同时有三位哈里发(即信士的统帅)争夺,他们分别坐镇巴格达、凯鲁万与科尔多瓦,彼此互斥为异端;而他们唯一的共识,偏偏是一条挑动纷争的信条:宗派异己比不信教者更可憎、更该死。40
¶
Mecca was the patrimony of the line of Hashem, yet the Abbassides were never tempted to reside either in the birthplace or the city of the prophet. Damascus was disgraced by the choice, and polluted with the blood, of the Ommiades; and, after some hesitation, Almansor, the brother and successor of Saffah, laid the foundations of Bagdad, 41 the Imperial seat of his posterity during a reign of five hundred years. 42 The chosen spot is on the eastern bank of the Tigris, about fifteen miles above the ruins of Modain: the double wall was of a circular form; and such was the rapid increase of a capital, now dwindled to a provincial town, that the funeral of a popular saint might be attended by eight hundred thousand men and sixty thousand women of Bagdad and the adjacent villages. In this city of peace, 43 amidst the riches of the East, the Abbassides soon disdained the abstinence and frugality of the first caliphs, and aspired to emulate the magnificence of the Persian kings. After his wars and buildings, Almansor left behind him in gold and silver about thirty millions sterling: 44 and this treasure was exhausted in a few years by the vices or virtues of his children. His son Mahadi, in a single pilgrimage to Mecca, expended six millions of dinars of gold. A pious and charitable motive may sanctify the foundation of cisterns and caravanseras, which he distributed along a measured road of seven hundred miles; but his train of camels, laden with snow, could serve only to astonish the natives of Arabia, and to refresh the fruits and liquors of the royal banquet. 45 The courtiers would surely praise the liberality of his grandson Almamon, who gave away four fifths of the income of a province, a sum of two millions four hundred thousand gold dinars, before he drew his foot from the stirrup. At the nuptials of the same prince, a thousand pearls of the largest size were showered on the head of the bride, 46 and a lottery of lands and houses displayed the capricious bounty of fortune. The glories of the court were brightened, rather than impaired, in the decline of the empire, and a Greek ambassador might admire, or pity, the magnificence of the feeble Moctader. “The caliph’s whole army,” says the historian Abulfeda, “both horse and foot, was under arms, which together made a body of one hundred and sixty thousand men. His state officers, the favorite slaves, stood near him in splendid apparel, their belts glittering with gold and gems. Near them were seven thousand eunuchs, four thousand of them white, the remainder black. The porters or door-keepers were in number seven hundred. Barges and boats, with the most superb decorations, were seen swimming upon the Tigris. Nor was the palace itself less splendid, in which were hung up thirty-eight thousand pieces of tapestry, twelve thousand five hundred of which were of silk embroidered with gold. The carpets on the floor were twenty-two thousand. A hundred lions were brought out, with a keeper to each lion. 47 Among the other spectacles of rare and stupendous luxury was a tree of gold and silver spreading into eighteen large branches, on which, and on the lesser boughs, sat a variety of birds made of the same precious metals, as well as the leaves of the tree. While the machinery affected spontaneous motions, the several birds warbled their natural harmony. Through this scene of magnificence, the Greek ambassador was led by the vizier to the foot of the caliph’s throne.” 48 In the West, the Ommiades of Spain supported, with equal pomp, the title of commander of the faithful. Three miles from Cordova, in honor of his favorite sultana, the third and greatest of the Abdalrahmans constructed the city, palace, and gardens of Zehra. Twenty-five years, and above three millions sterling, were employed by the founder: his liberal taste invited the artists of Constantinople, the most skilful sculptors and architects of the age; and the buildings were sustained or adorned by twelve hundred columns of Spanish and African, of Greek and Italian marble. The hall of audience was incrusted with gold and pearls, and a great basin in the centre was surrounded with the curious and costly figures of birds and quadrupeds. In a lofty pavilion of the gardens, one of these basins and fountains, so delightful in a sultry climate, was replenished not with water, but with the purest quicksilver. The seraglio of Abdalrahman, his wives, concubines, and black eunuchs, amounted to six thousand three hundred persons: and he was attended to the field by a guard of twelve thousand horse, whose belts and cimeters were studded with gold. 49
麦加本是哈希姆一系的祖产,可阿拔斯诸君却从未动过念头,去先知的诞生地或先知之城定居。大马士革,既因倭马亚王朝选它为都而蒙羞,又因倭马亚人的鲜血而污秽;于是,萨法赫的兄长兼继任者曼苏尔,几经踌躇之后,为巴格达奠下了基石;41此后五百年间,这里一直是他子孙后代的帝都。42选中的这块地方,在底格里斯河东岸,距马达因废墟上游约十五英里;双重城墙筑成圆形;这座都城扩张之快,令人咋舌——如今它虽已萎缩成一座外省小城,但当年一位深得人心的圣者出殡,仅巴格达城及周边村庄前来送葬的,就有男子八十万、女子六万。在这座“和平之城”里,43坐拥东方的万般财富,阿拔斯诸君很快便看不上早期哈里发那种清心寡欲、俭朴度日的作风,一心要与波斯诸王的奢华一较高下。曼苏尔在连年征战、大兴土木之余,身后仍留下了约合三千万英镑的金银;44可没几年,这笔财富就被他的子女挥霍殆尽,或耗于恶行,或散于善举。他的儿子马赫迪,单单一次麦加朝觐,就花掉了六百万第纳尔金币。沿着一条丈量过的、长达七百英里的道路,他一路修建蓄水池与商旅客栈——这般虔敬而慈善的用心,或许还称得上功德一桩;但他那一长列驮着积雪的骆驼,除了叫阿拉伯的土著看得目瞪口呆、给御宴上的果品与酒浆冰镇添凉之外,就再没别的用处了。45他的孙子马蒙一掷千金,朝臣们自然是交口称赞:此人还没来得及把脚从马镫里抽出来,就已把一省收入的五分之四——足足二百四十万第纳尔金币——尽数散了出去。还是这位君主,大婚之日,一千颗最大号的珍珠如雨点般洒落在新娘头上;46又以田宅为彩,办了一场抽彩,把命运那反复无常的慷慨演示了个淋漓尽致。帝国日渐衰落,宫廷的荣华非但没有黯淡,反倒愈发耀眼;一位希腊使节,望着孱弱的穆克塔迪尔那一派豪奢,真不知该是艳羡,还是该生怜悯。史家阿布尔费达写道:“哈里发的全军,无论骑兵步卒,一律披挂上阵,合计共十六万之众。他的近臣,也就是他宠信的家奴,个个衣饰华美,侍立在他身旁,腰带上金珠宝石闪烁生光。在他们近旁,是七千名宦官,其中四千为白人,其余皆黑人。充作门房、把守宫门的,则有七百人。底格里斯河上,只见装点得极尽奢华的大小船只往来游弋。宫殿本身也毫不逊色,里头挂着三万八千幅壁毯,其中一万二千五百幅是以金线刺绣的丝毯。铺在地上的地毯,共两万二千条。又牵出一百头狮子,每头狮子各配一名驯养人。47奇珍异宝、穷奢极侈的景象中,还有一株金银铸成的树,分出十八根大枝;无论大枝小杈,上头都栖着形形色色的鸟,连树叶也一并是用同样的贵金属打造的。机关一动,仿佛自行活了起来,众鸟便婉转啼鸣,宛如天籁。就在这一片富丽堂皇之中,那位希腊使节由维齐尔引领着,一直走到哈里发的宝座之下。”48在西方,西班牙的倭马亚王朝也以同样的排场,撑起“信士的统帅”这一名号。三位阿卜杜勒·拉赫曼中的第三位、也是最伟大的一位,为了尊崇自己最宠爱的苏丹后,在距科尔多瓦三英里处营建了扎赫拉的城池、宫殿与园林。这位创建者为此耗费了二十五年光阴、三百多万英镑的钱财;他趣味不俗、出手阔绰,把君士坦丁堡的艺匠——当世最精湛的雕刻家与建筑师——都请了来;一千二百根石柱撑起并装点着这些建筑,柱身皆取材于西班牙、非洲、希腊和意大利的各色大理石。觐见大厅镶满黄金与珍珠,厅心一口大池,四周环列着珍奇而昂贵的飞禽走兽雕像。园中一座高阁里,也有这样一口池子、一泓喷泉——在这般溽热的气候里本是消暑的妙物——池中盛的却不是水,而是最纯的水银。阿卜杜勒·拉赫曼的后宫,连同他的妻妾与黑人宦官,合计达六千三百人;他每次出征,都有一支一万二千骑的卫队护驾,这些骑兵的腰带与弯刀上,都镶嵌着黄金。49
Notes 注释
25
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For the invasion of France and the defeat of the Arabs by Charles Martel, see the Historia Arabum (c. 11, 12, 13, 14) of Roderic Ximenes, archbishop of Toledo, who had before him the Christian chronicle of Isidore Pacensis, and the Mahometan history of Novairi. The Moslems are silent or concise in the account of their losses; but M Cardonne (tom. i. p. 129, 130, 131) has given a pure and simple account of all that he could collect from Ibn Halikan, Hidjazi, and an anonymous writer. The texts of the chronicles of France, and lives of saints, are inserted in the Collection of Bouquet, (tom. iii.,) and the Annals of Pagi, who (tom. iii. under the proper years) has restored the chronology, which is anticipated six years in the Annals of Baronius. The Dictionary of Bayle (Abderame and Munuza) has more merit for lively reflection than original research.
关于阿拉伯人入侵法兰克、以及查理·马特击败阿拉伯人一事,可参见托莱多大主教罗德里克·希梅内斯的 Historia Arabum(第11、12、13、14章);他撰述时手头备有伊西多尔·帕森西斯的基督教编年史,以及努韦里的穆斯林史著。穆斯林方面,对己方的损失或缄口不言,或语焉不详;但卡尔多纳先生(tom. i. p. 129, 130, 131)把他从伊本·哈利坎、希贾济及一位佚名作者处所能搜集到的一切,作了一番平实而简明的叙述。法兰克编年史与圣徒传记的原文,收录于布凯的文集(tom. iii.)中;帕吉的《编年史》(tom. iii.,见相应年份下)则厘正了年代——巴罗尼乌斯的《编年史》在此处提前了六年。培尔的《辞典》(见 Abderame、Munuza 两条)胜在见解生动,至于原创性的考据则乏善可陈。
26
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Eginhart, de Vita Caroli Magni, c. ii. p. 13-78, edit. Schmink, Utrecht, 1711. Some modern critics accuse the minister of Charlemagne of exaggerating the weakness of the Merovingians; but the general outline is just, and the French reader will forever repeat the beautiful lines of Boileau’s Lutrin.
艾因哈德,《查理曼大帝传》(de Vita Caroli Magni), c. ii. p. 13-78,施明克校订本,乌得勒支,1711年。一些近世评论者指责这位查理曼的大臣夸大了墨洛温诸王的孱弱;但大体轮廓仍属公允;法国读者则会永远吟诵布瓦洛《读经台》(Lutrin) 中那几行优美的诗句。
27
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Mamaccae, on the Oyse, between Compiegne and Noyon, which Eginhart calls perparvi reditus villam, (see the notes, and the map of ancient France for Dom. Bouquet’s Collection.) Compendium, or Compiegne, was a palace of more dignity, (Hadrian. Valesii Notitia Galliarum, p. 152,) and that laughing philosopher, the Abbe Galliani, (Dialogues sur le Commerce des Bleds,) may truly affirm, that it was the residence of the rois tres Chretiens en tres chevelus.
马马卡埃,位于瓦兹河畔、贡比涅与努瓦永之间,艾因哈德称之为 perparvi reditus villam(意即“收益微薄的庄园”);(参见布凯神父文集所附注释及古法兰西地图。)而贡比涅(拉丁名 Compendium)则是一座更为体面的宫殿(Hadrian. Valesii Notitia Galliarum, p. 152);那位爱笑的哲人、加利亚尼神父(Dialogues sur le Commerce des Bleds),倒可以名正言顺地断言:这里正是那些“极虔诚而长发飘飘的国王”(rois très Chrétiens et très chevelus) 的居所。
28
↩
Even before that colony, A. U. C. 630, (Velleius Patercul. i. 15,) In the time of Polybius, (Hist. l. iii. p. 265, edit. Gronov.) Narbonne was a Celtic town of the first eminence, and one of the most northern places of the known world, (D’Anville, Notice de l’Ancienne Gaule, p. 473.)
早在这块殖民地建立(罗马建城630年,Velleius Patercul. i. 15)之前,甚至在波利比乌斯的时代(Hist. l. iii. p. 265, 格罗诺维乌斯校订本),纳博讷就已是一座举足轻重的凯尔特城镇,也是当时已知世界里最靠北的地方之一(D'Anville, Notice de l'Ancienne Gaule, p. 473)。
29
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With regard to the sanctuary of St. Martin of Tours, Roderic Ximenes accuses the Saracens of the deed. Turonis civitatem, ecclesiam et palatia vastatione et incendio simili diruit et consumpsit. The continuator of Fredegarius imputes to them no more than the intention. Ad domum beatissimi Martini evertendam destinant. At Carolus, &c. The French annalist was more jealous of the honor of the saint.
关于图尔的圣马丁圣殿,罗德里克·希梅内斯把这桩罪行归到了萨拉森人头上:Turonis civitatem, ecclesiam et palatia vastatione et incendio simili diruit et consumpsit.(意即“他以同样的劫掠与焚烧,摧毁并吞噬了图尔城、教堂与宫殿”。)弗雷德加里乌斯《编年史》的续作者,则只把“图谋”归于他们,并未坐实其行:Ad domum beatissimi Martini evertendam destinant. At Carolus, &c.(意即“他们决意去捣毁至福者马丁的圣堂。可是查理……”云云。)这位法国编年史家,倒是更在意维护圣徒的荣誉。
30
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Yet I sincerely doubt whether the Oxford mosch would have produced a volume of controversy so elegant and ingenious as the sermons lately preached by Mr. White, the Arabic professor, at Mr. Bampton’s lecture. His observations on the character and religion of Mahomet are always adapted to his argument, and generally founded in truth and reason. He sustains the part of a lively and eloquent advocate; and sometimes rises to the merit of an historian and philosopher.
不过,我着实怀疑,牛津那座清真寺是否当真能产出一部论战之作,其优雅精妙可比阿拉伯语教授怀特先生新近在班普顿讲座上所作的那些布道文。他对穆罕默德其人及其宗教所作的评述,总能贴合自己的论旨,且大体立足于事实与理性。他扮演的是一位生动而雄辩的辩护者,间或还能上升到史家与哲人的境界。
31
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Gens Austriae membrorum pre-eminentia valida, et gens Germana corde et corpore praestantissima, quasi in ictu oculi, manu ferrea, et pectore arduo, Arabes extinxerunt, (Roderic. Toletan. c. xiv.)
Gens Austriae membrorum pre-eminentia valida, et gens Germana corde et corpore praestantissima, quasi in ictu oculi, manu ferrea, et pectore arduo, Arabes extinxerunt(Roderic. Toletan. c. xiv.)。(意即“奥斯特拉西亚人肢体格外强健,日耳曼人则心志与体魄皆最为出众;他们几乎转眼之间,便以铁腕与刚毅的胸膛,将阿拉伯人剿灭殆尽”。)
32
↩
These numbers are stated by Paul Warnefrid, the deacon of Aquileia, (de Gestis Langobard. l. vi. p. 921, edit. Grot.,) and Anastasius, the librarian of the Roman church, (in Vit. Gregorii II.,) who tells a miraculous story of three consecrated sponges, which rendered invulnerable the French soldiers, among whom they had been shared It should seem, that in his letters to the pope, Eudes usurped the honor of the victory, from which he is chastised by the French annalists, who, with equal falsehood, accuse him of inviting the Saracens.
这些数字,见于阿奎莱亚的执事保罗·瓦尔内弗里德(de Gestis Langobard. l. vi. p. 921, 格劳秀斯校订本),以及罗马教会的图书馆长阿纳斯塔修斯(in Vit. Gregorii II.);后者还讲了一个神迹故事,说有三块祝圣过的海绵,分给了法兰克士兵,令他们刀枪不入。看来,厄德在写给教宗的信里,把这场胜利的荣誉据为己有;为此他受到法国编年史家的斥责,而这些人又同样虚妄地反过来指控他招引了萨拉森人。
33
↩
Narbonne, and the rest of Septimania, was recovered by Pepin the son of Charles Martel, A.D. 755, (Pagi, Critica, tom. iii. p. 300.) Thirty-seven years afterwards, it was pillaged by a sudden inroad of the Arabs, who employed the captives in the construction of the mosch of Cordova, (De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p. 354.)
纳博讷及塞普提马尼亚其余各地,于公元755年由查理·马特之子丕平收复(Pagi, Critica, tom. iii. p. 300)。三十七年后,阿拉伯人突然入侵,把这里洗劫一空,还驱使掳来的俘虏去修建科尔多瓦的清真寺(De Guignes, Hist. des Huns, tom. i. p. 354)。
34
↩
This pastoral letter, addressed to Lewis the Germanic, the grandson of Charlemagne, and most probably composed by the pen of the artful Hincmar, is dated in the year 858, and signed by the bishops of the provinces of Rheims and Rouen, (Baronius, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 741. Fleury, Hist. Eccles. tom. x. p. 514-516.) Yet Baronius himself, and the French critics, reject with contempt this episcopal fiction.
这封教牧书信,是写给查理曼之孙、日耳曼人路易的,多半出自手腕高明的安克马尔之笔,落款为858年,由兰斯与鲁昂两教省的主教联署(Baronius, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 741. Fleury, Hist. Eccles. tom. x. p. 514-516)。然而,连巴罗尼乌斯本人,以及法国的评论家们,都对这个出自主教之手的杜撰嗤之以鼻、断然否弃。
35
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The steed and the saddle which had carried any of his wives were instantly killed or burnt, lest they should afterwards be mounted by a male. Twelve hundred mules or camels were required for his kitchen furniture; and the daily consumption amounted to three thousand cakes, a hundred sheep, besides oxen, poultry, &c., (Abul pharagius, Hist. Dynast. p. 140.)
凡驮过他任何一位妻子的坐骑与马鞍,都要立即杀掉或烧毁,免得日后再被男子骑乘。单是他厨房的器具,就得用一千二百头骡子或骆驼来驮运;每日的消耗,多达三千张饼、一百头羊,此外还有牛、家禽等等(Abul pharagius, Hist. Dynast. p. 140)。
3511
↩
He is called Abdullah or Abul Abbas in the Tarikh Tebry. Price vol. i. p. 600. Saffah or Saffauh (the Sanguinary) was a name which be required after his bloody reign, (vol. ii. p. 1.)—M.
在《塔巴里史》(Tarikh Tebry) 中,他被称作阿卜杜拉,或阿布·阿拔斯(普赖斯,vol. i. p. 600)。“萨法赫”(或作 Saffauh,意即“嗜血者”)是他在血腥统治之后才落下的名号(vol. ii. p. 1)。—M
36
↩
Al Hemar. He had been governor of Mesopotamia, and the Arabic proverb praises the courage of that warlike breed of asses who never fly from an enemy. The surname of Mervan may justify the comparison of Homer, (Iliad, A. 557, &c.,) and both will silence the moderns, who consider the ass as a stupid and ignoble emblem, (D’Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p. 558.)
Al Hemar(意即“驴”)。他曾任美索不达米亚总督;阿拉伯有句谚语,正称颂那种好斗的驴子勇气可嘉,从不临敌而逃。麦尔万这个绰号,或许可以为荷马的比喻(《伊利亚特》A. 557 等处)作辩护;两者都足以叫今人无话可说——今人总以为驴是愚蠢而卑贱的象征(D'Herbelot, Bibliot. Orient. p. 558)。
37
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Four several places, all in Egypt, bore the name of Busir, or Busiris, so famous in Greek fable. The first, where Mervan was slain was to the west of the Nile, in the province of Fium, or Arsinoe; the second in the Delta, in the Sebennytic nome; the third near the pyramids; the fourth, which was destroyed by Dioclesian, (see above, vol. ii. p. 130,) in the Thebais. I shall here transcribe a note of the learned and orthodox Michaelis: Videntur in pluribus Aegypti superioris urbibus Busiri Coptoque arma sumpsisse Christiani, libertatemque de religione sentiendi defendisse, sed succubuisse quo in bello Coptus et Busiris diruta, et circa Esnam magna strages edita. Bellum narrant sed causam belli ignorant scriptores Byzantini, alioqui Coptum et Busirim non rebellasse dicturi, sed causam Christianorum suscepturi, (Not. 211, p. 100.) For the geography of the four Busirs, see Abulfeda, (Descript. Aegypt. p. 9, vers. Michaelis, Gottingae, 1776, in 4to.,) Michaelis, (Not. 122-127, p. 58-63,) and D’Anville, (Memoire sua l’Egypte, p. 85, 147, 205.)
埃及境内有四个不同的地方,都叫布西尔(或布西里斯)——这名字因希腊神话而声名远扬。第一个,也就是麦尔万殒命之处,在尼罗河以西的法尤姆(又称阿尔西诺伊)省;第二个在三角洲,属塞本尼特州;第三个在金字塔附近;第四个则在底比斯地区,曾被戴克里先所毁(见前,vol. ii. p. 130)。这里我要抄录博学而正统的米夏埃利斯的一条注释:Videntur in pluribus Aegypti superioris urbibus Busiri Coptoque arma sumpsisse Christiani, libertatemque de religione sentiendi defendisse, sed succubuisse quo in bello Coptus et Busiris diruta, et circa Esnam magna strages edita. Bellum narrant sed causam belli ignorant scriptores Byzantini, alioqui Coptum et Busirim non rebellasse dicturi, sed causam Christianorum suscepturi(Not. 211, p. 100)。(大意:似乎在上埃及的布西里斯、科普托斯等数座城中,基督徒曾拿起武器,捍卫其宗教信仰的自由,但终告失败;此役中科普托斯与布西里斯被毁,埃斯纳一带则遭大屠杀。拜占庭史家只叙其战,却不知其起因,否则便不会说科普托斯与布西里斯是在“叛乱”,而当为基督徒的事业辩护了。)关于这四座布西尔的地理位置,参见阿布尔费达(Descript. Aegypt. p. 9, vers. Michaelis, Gottingae, 1776, in 4to.)、米夏埃利斯(Not. 122-127, p. 58-63)以及当维尔(Memoire sur l'Egypte, p. 85, 147, 205)。
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See Abulfeda, (Annal. Moslem. p. 136-145,) Eutychius, (Annal. tom. ii. p. 392, vers. Pocock,) Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen. p. 109-121,) Abulpharagius, (Hist. Dynast. p. 134-140,) Roderic of Toledo, (Hist. Arabum, c. xviii. p. 33,) Theophanes, (Chronograph. p. 356, 357, who speaks of the Abbassides) and the Bibliotheque of D’Herbelot, in the articles Ommiades, Abbassides, Moervan, Ibrahim, Saffah, Abou Moslem.
参见阿布尔费达(Annal. Moslem. p. 136-145)、欧提基乌斯(Annal. tom. ii. p. 392, vers. Pocock)、埃尔马金(Hist. Saracen. p. 109-121)、阿布·法拉杰(Hist. Dynast. p. 134-140)、托莱多的罗德里克(Hist. Arabum, c. xviii. p. 33)、塞奥法尼斯(Chronograph. p. 356, 357,他提到了阿拔斯王朝),以及埃尔布洛的《东方文库》中 Ommiades、Abbassides、Moervan、Ibrahim、Saffah、Abou Moslem 诸条。
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For the revolution of Spain, consult Roderic of Toledo, (c. xviii. p. 34, &c.,) the Bibliotheca Arabico-Hispana, (tom. ii. p. 30, 198,) and Cardonne, (Hist. de l’Afrique et de l’Espagne, tom. i. p. 180-197, 205, 272, 323, &c.)
关于西班牙的这场变革,可查阅托莱多的罗德里克(c. xviii. p. 34, &c.)、Bibliotheca Arabico-Hispana(tom. ii. p. 30, 198)以及卡尔多纳(Hist. de l'Afrique et de l'Espagne, tom. i. p. 180-197, 205, 272, 323, &c.)。
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I shall not stop to refute the strange errors and fancies of Sir William Temple (his Works, vol. iii. p. 371-374, octavo edition) and Voltaire (Histoire Generale, c. xxviii. tom. ii. p. 124, 125, edition de Lausanne) concerning the division of the Saracen empire. The mistakes of Voltaire proceeded from the want of knowledge or reflection; but Sir William was deceived by a Spanish impostor, who has framed an apocryphal history of the conquest of Spain by the Arabs.
关于萨拉森帝国的分裂,威廉·坦普尔爵士(his Works, vol. iii. p. 371-374, 八开本)与伏尔泰(Histoire Générale, c. xxviii. tom. ii. p. 124, 125, 洛桑版)都有些离奇的谬误与臆想,我在此就不停下来一一驳斥了。伏尔泰的错处,出于学识不足或思虑不周;坦普尔爵士则是受了一个西班牙骗子的蒙蔽,那人杜撰了一部真伪难辨的阿拉伯征服西班牙史。
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The geographer D’Anville, (l’Euphrate et le Tigre, p. 121-123,) and the Orientalist D’Herbelot, (Bibliotheque, p. 167, 168,) may suffice for the knowledge of Bagdad. Our travellers, Pietro della Valle, (tom. i. p. 688-698,) Tavernier, (tom. i. p. 230-238,) Thevenot, (part ii. p. 209-212,) Otter, (tom. i. p. 162-168,) and Niebuhr, (Voyage en Arabie, tom. ii. p. 239-271,) have seen only its decay; and the Nubian geographer, (p. 204,) and the travelling Jew, Benjamin of Tuleda (Itinerarium, p. 112-123, a Const. l’Empereur, apud Elzevir, 1633,) are the only writers of my acquaintance, who have known Bagdad under the reign of the Abbassides.
地理学家当维尔(l'Euphrate et le Tigre, p. 121-123)与东方学家埃尔布洛(Bibliotheque, p. 167, 168),足供了解巴格达之用。我们的几位游历者——彼得罗·德拉·瓦莱(tom. i. p. 688-698)、塔韦尼耶(tom. i. p. 230-238)、泰夫诺(part ii. p. 209-212)、奥特(tom. i. p. 162-168)与尼布尔(Voyage en Arabie, tom. ii. p. 239-271)——所见到的,都只是它衰败后的模样;而据我所知,唯有那位努比亚地理学家(p. 204)和游历四方的犹太人、图德拉的本雅明(Itinerarium, p. 112-123, a Const. l'Empereur, apud Elzevir, 1633),才是仅有的、见识过阿拔斯王朝治下巴格达的著述者。
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The foundations of Bagdad were laid A. H. 145, A.D. 762. Mostasem, the last of the Abbassides, was taken and put to death by the Tartars, A. H. 656, A.D. 1258, the 20th of February.
巴格达的地基奠于伊斯兰历145年,即公元762年。阿拔斯王朝的末代君主穆斯台绥姆,于伊斯兰历656年、即公元1258年2月20日,被鞑靼人擒获处死。
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Medinat al Salem, Dar al Salem. Urbs pacis, or, as it is more neatly compounded by the Byzantine writers, (Irenopolis.) There is some dispute concerning the etymology of Bagdad, but the first syllable is allowed to signify a garden in the Persian tongue; the garden of Dad, a Christian hermit, whose cell had been the only habitation on the spot.
Medinat al Salem,Dar al Salem,即拉丁文 Urbs pacis(“和平之城”),拜占庭作家则更巧妙地把它合成一个词——Irenopolis(意亦相同)。关于“巴格达”一词的语源尚有争议,但人们公认,头一个音节在波斯语中意为“花园”;即“达德的花园”——达德是一位基督教隐士,其修室曾是此地唯一的人居之所。
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Reliquit in aerario sexcenties millies mille stateres. et quater et vicies millies mille aureos aureos. Elmacin, Hist. Saracen. p. 126. I have reckoned the gold pieces at eight shillings, and the proportion to the silver as twelve to one. But I will never answer for the numbers of Erpenius; and the Latins are scarcely above the savages in the language of arithmetic.
Reliquit in aerario sexcenties millies mille stateres, et quater et vicies millies mille aureos aureos(Elmacin, Hist. Saracen. p. 126)。(大意:他在国库中留下了六亿枚银币、二千四百万枚金币。)我把每枚金币折算为八先令,金银比价则按十二比一计。但埃尔佩尼乌斯给出的数字,我可决不担保;说到算术这门“语言”,拉丁人比起蛮夫也高明不了多少。
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D’Herbelot, p. 530. Abulfeda, p. 154. Nivem Meccam apportavit, rem ibi aut nunquam aut rarissime visam.
D'Herbelot, p. 530。Abulfeda, p. 154。Nivem Meccam apportavit, rem ibi aut nunquam aut rarissime visam.(意即“他把雪运到了麦加,那在当地要么从未见过,要么极为罕见”。)
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Abulfeda (p. 184, 189) describes the splendor and liberality of Almamon. Milton has alluded to this Oriental custom:—
Or where the gorgeous East, with richest hand,
Showers on her kings Barbaric pearls and gold.
I have used the modern word lottery to express the word of the Roman emperors, which entitled to some prize the person who caught them, as they were thrown among the crowd.
Or where the gorgeous East, with richest hand,
Showers on her kings Barbaric pearls and gold.
I have used the modern word lottery to express the word of the Roman emperors, which entitled to some prize the person who caught them, as they were thrown among the crowd.
阿布尔费达(p. 184, 189)描述了马蒙的豪奢与慷慨。弥尔顿曾隐指过这一东方习俗:——
Or where the gorgeous East, with richest hand,
Showers on her kings Barbaric pearls and gold.
——又或那富丽的东方,以最慷慨之手,将蛮邦的珍珠与黄金,倾洒在她的君王头上。
我在此用了“抽彩”这个今词,来对应罗马诸帝当年所用的那个词——当那些彩物被撒入人群时,凡抢到手者,便可凭之领取某种奖品。
Or where the gorgeous East, with richest hand,
Showers on her kings Barbaric pearls and gold.
——又或那富丽的东方,以最慷慨之手,将蛮邦的珍珠与黄金,倾洒在她的君王头上。
我在此用了“抽彩”这个今词,来对应罗马诸帝当年所用的那个词——当那些彩物被撒入人群时,凡抢到手者,便可凭之领取某种奖品。
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When Bell of Antermony (Travels, vol. i. p. 99) accompanied the Russian ambassador to the audience of the unfortunate Shah Hussein of Persia, two lions were introduced, to denote the power of the king over the fiercest animals.
安特莫尼的贝尔(Travels, vol. i. p. 99)随俄国使节觐见波斯那位倒霉的侯赛因沙时,殿上牵进两头狮子,以示国王连最凶猛的野兽也能驾驭。
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Abulfeda, p. 237. D’Herbelot, p. 590. This embassy was received at Bagdad, A. H. 305, A.D. 917. In the passage of Abulfeda, I have used, with some variations, the English translation of the learned and amiable Mr. Harris of Salisbury, (Philological Enquiries p. 363, 364.)
Abulfeda, p. 237。D'Herbelot, p. 590。这次使团是伊斯兰历305年、即公元917年在巴格达受到接见的。阿布尔费达这一段,我采用了博学而和蔼的索尔兹伯里的哈里斯先生的英译(Philological Enquiries p. 363, 364),只略作了些改动。
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Cardonne, Histoire de l’Afrique et de l’Espagne, tom. i. p. 330-336. A just idea of the taste and architecture of the Arabians of Spain may be conceived from the description and plates of the Alhambra of Grenada, (Swinburne’s Travels, p. 171-188.)
Cardonne, Histoire de l'Afrique et de l'Espagne, tom. i. p. 330-336。若想对西班牙阿拉伯人的审美趣味与建筑艺术有个正确的认识,可从格拉纳达阿尔罕布拉宫的描述与图版中体会一二(Swinburne's Travels, p. 171-188)。