Chapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part V. 第五十一章 阿拉伯人的征服——第五节
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The sieges and battles of six campaigns had consumed many thousands of the Moslems. They died with the reputation and the cheerfulness of martyrs; and the simplicity of their faith may be expressed in the words of an Arabian youth, when he embraced, for the last time, his sister and mother: “It is not,” said he, “the delicacies of Syria, or the fading delights of this world, that have prompted me to devote my life in the cause of religion. But I seek the favor of God and his apostle; and I have heard, from one of the companions of the prophet, that the spirits of the martyrs will be lodged in the crops of green birds, who shall taste the fruits, and drink of the rivers, of paradise. Farewell, we shall meet again among the groves and fountains which God has provided for his elect.” The faithful captives might exercise a passive and more arduous resolution; and a cousin of Mahomet is celebrated for refusing, after an abstinence of three days, the wine and pork, the only nourishment that was allowed by the malice of the infidels. The frailty of some weaker brethren exasperated the implacable spirit of fanaticism; and the father of Amer deplored, in pathetic strains, the apostasy and damnation of a son, who had renounced the promises of God, and the intercession of the prophet, to occupy, with the priests and deacons, the lowest mansions of hell. The more fortunate Arabs, who survived the war and persevered in the faith, were restrained by their abstemious leader from the abuse of prosperity. After a refreshment of three days, Abu Obeidah withdrew his troops from the pernicious contagion of the luxury of Antioch, and assured the caliph that their religion and virtue could only be preserved by the hard discipline of poverty and labor. But the virtue of Omar, however rigorous to himself, was kind and liberal to his brethren. After a just tribute of praise and thanksgiving, he dropped a tear of compassion; and sitting down on the ground, wrote an answer, in which he mildly censured the severity of his lieutenant: “God,” said the successor of the prophet, “has not forbidden the use of the good things of this worl to faithful men, and such as have performed good works. Therefore you ought to have given them leave to rest themselves, and partake freely of those good things which the country affordeth. If any of the Saracens have no family in Arabia, they may marry in Syria; and whosoever of them wants any female slaves, he may purchase as many as he hath occasion for.” The conquerors prepared to use, or to abuse, this gracious permission; but the year of their triumph was marked by a mortality of men and cattle; and twenty-five thousand Saracens were snatched away from the possession of Syria. The death of Abu Obeidah might be lamented by the Christians; but his brethren recollected that he was one of the ten elect whom the prophet had named as the heirs of paradise. 91 Caled survived his brethren about three years: and the tomb of the Sword of God is shown in the neighborhood of Emesa. His valor, which founded in Arabia and Syria the empire of the caliphs, was fortified by the opinion of a special providence; and as long as he wore a cap, which had been blessed by Mahomet, he deemed himself invulnerable amidst the darts of the infidels. 9111
六载征战,历经无数攻城野战,穆斯林折损数千之众。他们视死如归,含笑赴难,博得了殉道者的英名;有一位阿拉伯青年在最后一次拥抱姊妹与母亲时所说的一番话,最能道出他们信仰的质朴。他说:“驱使我为教门献身的,并非叙利亚的珍馐美味,也不是这转瞬即逝的尘世欢愉;我所求的,惟真主与其使者的垂青。我曾听先知的一位门徒说过,殉道者的灵魂将栖于绿鸟的嗉囊之中,尝乐园的果实,饮乐园的河水。就此别过,来日我们必将在真主为其选民预备的林泉之间重逢。”落入敌手的信徒,则须以另一种更为艰难的方式坚守——那是一种隐忍不发的刚毅;穆罕默德的一位堂亲便因此传为美谈:异教徒存心刁难,三日间只肯给他酒与猪肉充饥,他宁可绝食也不肯沾唇。也有意志薄弱的教友经不住考验,这更激起了狂热者不肯宽宥的怒火;阿梅尔之父便以悲怆的诗句痛悼爱子的背教与沉沦——儿子竟抛弃了真主的许诺、放弃了先知的代祷,甘与那些神甫、执事同堕地狱的最底层。至于那些较为幸运、既在战火中幸存、又坚守信仰的阿拉伯人,其主帅生性克己,唯恐他们沉溺于富贵,处处加以约束。大军在安条克仅休整三日,阿布·欧拜达便唯恐奢靡之风流毒军中,将部众撤离此地,并上禀哈里发说:唯有安于清贫、勤于劳作,严守此等磨砺,才保得住他们的信仰与德操。然而欧麦尔虽律己极严,待教友却宽厚慷慨。他先如实致以褒奖与谢忱,继而洒下一掬悲悯之泪,席地而坐,写下回信,温言责备麾下大将失之严苛。这位先知的继任者写道:“真主并未禁止信士、禁止行善之人享用今世的美好之物。故你本该准许将士歇息,任其尽情享用此地出产的种种好物。萨拉森人中若有在阿拉伯尚无家室者,尽可在叙利亚娶妻;谁若需要女奴,也尽可按其所需买下若干。”征服者们正欲享用——或者说滥用——这份宽厚的恩准,不料就在这凯旋之年,人畜大批死于疫疠,两万五千名萨拉森人还未及享有叙利亚,便被夺去了性命。阿布·欧拜达之死,或许连基督徒也为之惋惜;但他的教友们记得,他正是先知钦点、许为乐园嗣业的十大选民之一。91 哈立德比诸位教友多活了约三年,这位“真主之剑”的坟茔,至今仍在埃梅萨附近供人凭吊。他一身勇武,为哈里发在阿拉伯与叙利亚奠定了帝国基业,而支撑这份勇武的,是他坚信自己蒙受特殊的天佑:只要头戴那顶经穆罕默德祝福过的帽子,他便自信身处异教徒的箭雨之中亦刀枪不入。9111
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The place of the first conquerors was supplied by a new generation of their children and countrymen: Syria became the seat and support of the house of Ommiyah; and the revenue, the soldiers, the ships of that powerful kingdom were consecrated to enlarge on every side the empire of the caliphs. But the Saracens despise a superfluity of fame; and their historians scarcely condescend to mention the subordinate conquests which are lost in the splendor and rapidity of their victorious career.
第一代征服者的空缺,由他们的子弟与同胞——新的一代——填补上来。叙利亚成了倭马亚家族的根基所在与力量之源;这一强盛王国的赋税、兵员与舰船,尽数用于向四面八方拓展哈里发的疆土。然而萨拉森人不屑于多余的虚名,他们的史家甚至不肯屈尊记述那些次要的征服——在他们那一连串迅捷辉煌的胜绩映衬之下,这些战功早已湮没无闻。
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To the north of Syria, they passed Mount Taurus, and reduced to their obedience the province of Cilicia, with its capital Tarsus, the ancient monument of the Assyrian kings. Beyond a second ridge of the same mountains, they spread the flame of war, rather than the light of religion, as far as the shores of the Euxine, and the neighborhood of Constantinople. To the east they advanced to the banks and sources of the Euphrates and Tigris: 92 the long disputed barrier of Rome and Persia was forever confounded; the walls of Edessa and Amida, of Dara and Nisibis, which had resisted the arms and engines of Sapor or Nushirvan, were levelled in the dust; and the holy city of Abgarus might vainly produce the epistle or the image of Christ to an unbelieving conqueror. To the west the Syrian kingdom is bounded by the sea: and the ruin of Aradus, a small island or peninsula on the coast, was postponed during ten years. But the hills of Libanus abounded in timber; the trade of Phoenicia was populous in mariners; and a fleet of seventeen hundred barks was equipped and manned by the natives of the desert. The Imperial navy of the Romans fled before them from the Pamphylian rocks to the Hellespont; but the spirit of the emperor, a grandson of Heraclius, had been subdued before the combat by a dream and a pun. 93 The Saracens rode masters of the sea; and the islands of Cyprus, Rhodes, and the Cyclades, were successively exposed to their rapacious visits. Three hundred years before the Christian aera, the memorable though fruitless siege of Rhodes 94 by Demetrius had furnished that maritime republic with the materials and the subject of a trophy. A gigantic statue of Apollo, or the sun, seventy cubits in height, was erected at the entrance of the harbor, a monument of the freedom and the arts of Greece. After standing fifty-six years, the colossus of Rhodes was overthrown by an earthquake; but the massy trunk, and huge fragments, lay scattered eight centuries on the ground, and are often described as one of the wonders of the ancient world. They were collected by the diligence of the Saracens, and sold to a Jewish merchant of Edessa, who is said to have laden nine hundred camels with the weight of the brass metal; an enormous weight, though we should include the hundred colossal figures, 95 and the three thousand statues, which adorned the prosperity of the city of the sun.
在叙利亚以北,他们越过托罗斯山,征服了奇里乞亚行省,连同其首府塔尔苏斯——那座亚述列王遗留的古城。越过同一山脉的第二道山脊,他们所过之处,与其说是播撒宗教的光辉,不如说是燃起战争的烈焰,一路直抵黑海之滨,逼近君士坦丁堡近郊。在东面,他们挺进到幼发拉底河与底格里斯河的两岸及其源头;92 罗马与波斯长久争夺的这道天然屏障,从此彻底不复为界;埃德萨、阿米达、达拉、尼西比斯的城墙,当年曾抵御沙普尔与努希尔万的刀兵与攻城器械,如今尽数夷为平地;阿布加鲁斯的这座圣城,纵然搬出基督的亲笔书信或圣容画像,在不信教的征服者面前也是枉然。在西面,叙利亚王国以海为界;沿岸有阿拉杜斯——一座小岛,或说半岛——其覆灭却拖延了十年之久。然而黎巴嫩山盛产木材,腓尼基的商贸又养育了众多水手,于是这些出身沙漠的人,竟也装备并驾驶起一支一千七百艘船的舰队。罗马帝国的海军望风而逃,从潘菲利亚的礁岸一直退到赫勒斯滂;而那位皇帝——希拉克略之孙——的斗志,未及交锋,便已被一场梦、一句谐音的双关击垮。93 萨拉森人就此称霸海上,塞浦路斯、罗得岛以及基克拉泽斯群岛,接连遭到他们贪婪的劫掠。早在基督纪元前三百年,德米特里乌斯那场虽功败垂成却名垂青史的围攻罗得岛之役,94 反倒为这个海上共和国留下了打造纪念碑的材料与题材。一尊七十肘高的阿波罗(即太阳神)巨像矗立于港口入口,成为希腊之自由与艺术的丰碑。罗得岛这尊巨像屹立五十六年后,为一场地震所倾覆;然而那沉重的躯干与巨大的残块散卧地上,历八百年之久,世人常将其列为古代奇观之一。萨拉森人费尽气力将这些残铜搜集起来,卖给了埃德萨的一个犹太商人;据说这商人竟用了九百峰骆驼才驮走这批铜料。这分量实在惊人——纵然把当年点缀这座繁华太阳之城的那一百尊巨像 95 与三千座雕像一并算上,也仍是重得出奇。
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III. The conquest of Egypt may be explained by the character of the victorious Saracen, one of the first of his nation, in an age when the meanest of the brethren was exalted above his nature by the spirit of enthusiasm. The birth of Amrou was at once base and illustrious; his mother, a notorious prostitute, was unable to decide among five of the Koreish; but the proof of resemblance adjudged the child to Aasi, the oldest of her lovers. 96 The youth of Amrou was impelled by the passions and prejudices of his kindred: his poetic genius was exercised in satirical verses against the person and doctrine of Mahomet; his dexterity was employed by the reigning faction to pursue the religious exiles who had taken refuge in the court of the Aethiopian king. 97 Yet he returned from this embassy a secret proselyte; his reason or his interest determined him to renounce the worship of idols; he escaped from Mecca with his friend Caled; and the prophet of Medina enjoyed at the same moment the satisfaction of embracing the two firmest champions of his cause. The impatience of Amrou to lead the armies of the faithful was checked by the reproof of Omar, who advised him not to seek power and dominion, since he who is a subject to-day, may be a prince to-morrow. Yet his merit was not overlooked by the two first successors of Mahomet; they were indebted to his arms for the conquest of Palestine; and in all the battles and sieges of Syria, he united with the temper of a chief the valor of an adventurous soldier. In a visit to Medina, the caliph expressed a wish to survey the sword which had cut down so many Christian warriors; the son of Aasi unsheathed a short and ordinary cimeter; and as he perceived the surprise of Omar, “Alas,” said the modest Saracen, “the sword itself, without the arm of its master, is neither sharper nor more weighty than the sword of Pharezdak the poet.” 98 After the conquest of Egypt, he was recalled by the jealousy of the caliph Othman; but in the subsequent troubles, the ambition of a soldier, a statesman, and an orator, emerged from a private station. His powerful support, both in council and in the field, established the throne of the Ommiades; the administration and revenue of Egypt were restored by the gratitude of Moawiyah to a faithful friend who had raised himself above the rank of a subject; and Amrou ended his days in the palace and city which he had founded on the banks of the Nile. His dying speech to his children is celebrated by the Arabians as a model of eloquence and wisdom: he deplored the errors of his youth but if the penitent was still infected by the vanity of a poet, he might exaggerate the venom and mischief of his impious compositions. 99
三、埃及之所以被征服,从那位克敌制胜的萨拉森人的品性中便可找到缘由。他堪称本民族的第一流人物;而在那个时代,狂热的信仰足以令最卑微的教徒也超拔于其本性之上。阿慕尔的出身既卑贱又显赫:他母亲是个声名狼藉的娼妓,五个古莱什人都可能是孩子的父亲,她自己也说不清究竟是谁;最后凭相貌相似断定,将这孩子判归了阿斯——她诸多情夫中最年长的一个。96 阿慕尔年少时,受族人的偏见与激愤所驱使:他把诗才用在了讽刺诗上,嘲讽穆罕默德其人,攻击其教义;当权的一派又借重他的机敏干练,派他去追捕那些避难于埃塞俄比亚国王宫廷的宗教流亡者。97 不料他此番出使归来,却已暗中皈依了新教;或出于理智,或出于利害,他决意弃绝偶像崇拜;他与好友哈立德一同逃离麦加;麦地那的先知也在同一时刻,欣然迎来了这两位日后最坚定的事业斗士。阿慕尔急于统率信徒大军,欧麦尔却出言训诫,劝他莫要汲汲于权势与统治,因为今日为人臣者,明日或许便可为君。然而穆罕默德最初的两位继任者并未埋没他的才干:巴勒斯坦之征服,端赖他的武功;而在叙利亚的历次会战与围城中,他既有统帅的沉着气度,又兼具敢于涉险的士卒之勇。一次到访麦地那时,哈里发表示想要看看那把斩杀过无数基督徒战士的宝剑;阿斯之子拔出的,不过是一柄短小平常的弯刀。见欧麦尔面露诧异,这位谦逊的萨拉森人叹道:“唉,剑若离了主人的臂膀,不过是把剑罢了——既不比诗人法拉兹达格的剑更锋利,也不比它更沉重。”98 埃及征服之后,哈里发奥斯曼因猜忌将他召回;但在随后的动乱中,这位兼具军人、政客与演说家三重身份的野心家,又从赋闲之中重新崭露头角。无论在议事厅还是在沙场,他都鼎力相助,为倭马亚王朝奠定了王座;穆阿维叶为报其恩,把埃及的治权与赋税重新交还给这位忠实的友人——一个早已超越人臣之列的功臣;阿慕尔终老于尼罗河畔那座由他亲手兴建的城市与宫殿之中。他临终对子女所作的一番训诫,被阿拉伯人奉为辩才与智慧的典范:他为年少时的过失痛悔不已;不过,倘若这位忏悔者仍不免沾染诗人的虚荣,那么他兴许把自己那些渎神诗作的毒害与危害也夸大了几分。99
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From his camp in Palestine, Amrou had surprised or anticipated the caliph’s leave for the invasion of Egypt. 100 The magnanimous Omar trusted in his God and his sword, which had shaken the thrones of Chosroes and Caesar: but when he compared the slender force of the Moslems with the greatness of the enterprise, he condemned his own rashness, and listened to his timid companions. The pride and the greatness of Pharaoh were familiar to the readers of the Koran; and a tenfold repetition of prodigies had been scarcely sufficient to effect, not the victory, but the flight, of six hundred thousand of the children of Israel: the cities of Egypt were many and populous; their architecture was strong and solid; the Nile, with its numerous branches, was alone an insuperable barrier; and the granary of the Imperial city would be obstinately defended by the Roman powers. In this perplexity, the commander of the faithful resigned himself to the decision of chance, or, in his opinion, of Providence. At the head of only four thousand Arabs, the intrepid Amrou had marched away from his station of Gaza when he was overtaken by the messenger of Omar. “If you are still in Syria,” said the ambiguous mandate, “retreat without delay; but if, at the receipt of this epistle, you have already reached the frontiers of Egypt, advance with confidence, and depend on the succor of God and of your brethren.” The experience, perhaps the secret intelligence, of Amrou had taught him to suspect the mutability of courts; and he continued his march till his tents were unquestionably pitched on Egyptian ground. He there assembled his officers, broke the seal, perused the epistle, gravely inquired the name and situation of the place, and declared his ready obedience to the commands of the caliph. After a siege of thirty days, he took possession of Farmah or Pelusium; and that key of Egypt, as it has been justly named, unlocked the entrance of the country as far as the ruins of Heliopolis and the neighborhood of the modern Cairo.
阿慕尔驻营巴勒斯坦,进攻埃及的许可,他要么是出其不意地从哈里发那里讨来,要么索性抢在批准之前便自作主张。100 欧麦尔气度恢弘,一向仰仗真主与手中之剑——正是这剑,曾撼动库思老与恺撒的宝座;可当他把穆斯林那点单薄的兵力与这桩大业的艰巨相权衡时,却又责怪起自己的孟浪,转而听信了身边胆怯之人的劝阻。法老的骄横与煊赫,凡读《古兰经》者无不熟知;想当年接连降下十番神迹,也不过勉强促成六十万以色列人的出逃——还谈不上什么胜利。埃及城邑众多,人烟稠密;城池建筑坚固厚实;尼罗河支流纵横,单是这一条便已是难以逾越的屏障;何况埃及素为帝都的粮仓,罗马军力势必拼死扼守。正当踌躇难决之际,这位信徒的统帅便把决断托付给了机运——在他看来,那便是天意。无所畏惧的阿慕尔只率四千阿拉伯人,早已从驻地加沙拔营前行;欧麦尔的信使追上他时,他已在途中。那道措辞含糊的手谕写道:“你若仍在叙利亚境内,即刻撤兵,不得延误;但你若在接到此信之时已抵达埃及边界,那就放胆前进,只管仰仗真主与教友的援助。”阿慕尔久历世事——或许还另有密报——早知宫廷之心易变,于是一路行军不辍,直到营帐确凿无疑地扎在了埃及的土地上,方才停下。到了那里,他召集众将,拆开封印,细读手谕,一本正经地询问此地叫什么名字、位于何处,随即宣布:他甘愿遵从哈里发的号令。围攻三十日后,他攻占了法尔马,即佩鲁西乌姆;此城素有“埃及之钥”的美称,实至名归——它一开,通往全境的门户随之洞开,一直深入到赫利奥波利斯的废墟与今日开罗的近郊。
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On the Western side of the Nile, at a small distance to the east of the Pyramids, at a small distance to the south of the Delta, Memphis, one hundred and fifty furlongs in circumference, displayed the magnificence of ancient kings. Under the reign of the Ptolemies and Caesars, the seat of government was removed to the sea-coast; the ancient capital was eclipsed by the arts and opulence of Alexandria; the palaces, and at length the temples, were reduced to a desolate and ruinous condition: yet, in the age of Augustus, and even in that of Constantine, Memphis was still numbered among the greatest and most populous of the provincial cities. 101 The banks of the Nile, in this place of the breadth of three thousand feet, were united by two bridges of sixty and of thirty boats, connected in the middle stream by the small island of Rouda, which was covered with gardens and habitations. 102 The eastern extremity of the bridge was terminated by the town of Babylon and the camp of a Roman legion, which protected the passage of the river and the second capital of Egypt. This important fortress, which might fairly be described as a part of Memphis or Misrah, was invested by the arms of the lieutenant of Omar: a reenforcement of four thousand Saracens soon arrived in his camp; and the military engines, which battered the walls, may be imputed to the art and labor of his Syrian allies. Yet the siege was protracted to seven months; and the rash invaders were encompassed and threatened by the inundation of the Nile. 103 Their last assault was bold and successful: they passed the ditch, which had been fortified with iron spikes, applied their scaling ladders, entered the fortress with the shout of “God is victorious!” and drove the remnant of the Greeks to their boats and the Isle of Rouda. The spot was afterwards recommended to the conqueror by the easy communication with the gulf and the peninsula of Arabia; the remains of Memphis were deserted; the tents of the Arabs were converted into permanent habitations; and the first mosch was blessed by the presence of fourscore companions of Mahomet. 104 A new city arose in their camp, on the eastward bank of the Nile; and the contiguous quarters of Babylon and Fostat are confounded in their present decay by the appellation of old Misrah, or Cairo, of which they form an extensive suburb. But the name of Cairo, the town of victory, more strictly belongs to the modern capital, which was founded in the tenth century by the Fatimite caliphs. 105 It has gradually receded from the river; but the continuity of buildings may be traced by an attentive eye from the monuments of Sesostris to those of Saladin. 106
尼罗河西岸,金字塔以东不远、三角洲以南不远之处,坐落着周长一百五十弗隆的孟菲斯,昔日曾尽显历代君王的煊赫气象。到托勒密王朝与诸恺撒治下,政府所在迁往海滨,这座古都的光彩便被亚历山大里亚的艺术与富庶所掩盖;宫殿——乃至后来连神庙——都沦为一片荒凉的废墟。然而即便到了奥古斯都的时代,甚至君士坦丁的时代,孟菲斯仍跻身各行省中最宏大、人口最稠密的城市之列。101 尼罗河在此处宽约三千英尺,两岸靠两座浮桥相连——一座由六十艘船搭成,一座由三十艘搭成——两桥在河心衔接于罗达小岛,岛上遍布园圃与民居。102 浮桥的东端,是巴比伦城与一座罗马军团的营垒,扼守着这处渡口与埃及的第二座都城。这座要塞地位紧要,尽可视作孟菲斯(或曰米斯拉)的一部分,如今遭到欧麦尔麾下大将的围攻;不久又有四千萨拉森援军开进他的营地;至于那些轰击城墙的攻城器械,则多半要归功于他叙利亚盟友的巧技与出力。尽管如此,这场围攻仍拖延了七个月之久,而这批鲁莽的入侵者更被尼罗河的泛滥所困,险象环生。103 他们最后一次强攻大胆而奏效:越过那道插满铁刺的壕沟,架起云梯,高呼“真主得胜!”攻入要塞,把残余的希腊守军一路逼上船只,赶到罗达岛上。此地日后之所以为征服者所看重,是因为它与海湾及阿拉伯半岛往来便利;孟菲斯的残迹从此被弃置,阿拉伯人的帐篷渐渐变作永久的居所;而第一座清真寺落成时,有八十位穆罕默德的门徒亲临祝圣。104 一座新城便在他们的营地上、在尼罗河东岸拔地而起;巴比伦与福斯塔特这两处相邻的城区,如今一并沦于衰败,被笼统地唤作“旧米斯拉”,或曰“旧开罗”,构成了开罗一大片广阔的近郊。不过严格说来,“开罗”这个名字——意为“胜利之城”——当属那座近世的都城,它是十世纪时由法蒂玛王朝的哈里发所营建的。105 这座城逐渐离河岸远去;但只要留心观察,仍可辨出那连绵不绝的建筑——从塞索斯特里斯的遗迹,一直延续到萨拉丁的遗迹。106
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Yet the Arabs, after a glorious and profitable enterprise, must have retreated to the desert, had they not found a powerful alliance in the heart of the country. The rapid conquest of Alexander was assisted by the superstition and revolt of the natives: they abhorred their Persian oppressors, the disciples of the Magi, who had burnt the temples of Egypt, and feasted with sacrilegious appetite on the flesh of the god Apis. 107 After a period of ten centuries, the same revolution was renewed by a similar cause; and in the support of an incomprehensible creed, the zeal of the Coptic Christians was equally ardent. I have already explained the origin and progress of the Monophysite controversy, and the persecution of the emperors, which converted a sect into a nation, and alienated Egypt from their religion and government. The Saracens were received as the deliverers of the Jacobite church; and a secret and effectual treaty was opened during the siege of Memphis between a victorious army and a people of slaves. A rich and noble Egyptian, of the name of Mokawkas, had dissembled his faith to obtain the administration of his province: in the disorders of the Persian war he aspired to independence: the embassy of Mahomet ranked him among princes; but he declined, with rich gifts and ambiguous compliments, the proposal of a new religion. 108 The abuse of his trust exposed him to the resentment of Heraclius: his submission was delayed by arrogance and fear; and his conscience was prompted by interest to throw himself on the favor of the nation and the support of the Saracens. In his first conference with Amrou, he heard without indignation the usual option of the Koran, the tribute, or the sword. “The Greeks,” replied Mokawkas, “are determined to abide the determination of the sword; but with the Greeks I desire no communion, either in this world or in the next, and I abjure forever the Byzantine tyrant, his synod of Chalcedon, and his Melchite slaves. For myself and my brethren, we are resolved to live and die in the profession of the gospel and unity of Christ. It is impossible for us to embrace the revelations of your prophet; but we are desirous of peace, and cheerfully submit to pay tribute and obedience to his temporal successors.” The tribute was ascertained at two pieces of gold for the head of every Christian; but old men, monks, women, and children, of both sexes, under sixteen years of age, were exempted from this personal assessment: the Copts above and below Memphis swore allegiance to the caliph, and promised a hospitable entertainment of three days to every Mussulman who should travel through their country. By this charter of security, the ecclesiastical and civil tyranny of the Melchites was destroyed: 109 the anathemas of St. Cyril were thundered from every pulpit; and the sacred edifices, with the patrimony of the church, were restored to the national communion of the Jacobites, who enjoyed without moderation the moment of triumph and revenge. At the pressing summons of Amrou, their patriarch Benjamin emerged from his desert; and after the first interview, the courteous Arab affected to declare that he had never conversed with a Christian priest of more innocent manners and a more venerable aspect. 110 In the march from Memphis to Alexandria, the lieutenant of Omar intrusted his safety to the zeal and gratitude of the Egyptians: the roads and bridges were diligently repaired; and in every step of his progress, he could depend on a constant supply of provisions and intelligence. The Greeks of Egypt, whose numbers could scarcely equal a tenth of the natives, were overwhelmed by the universal defection: they had ever been hated, they were no longer feared: the magistrate fled from his tribunal, the bishop from his altar; and the distant garrisons were surprised or starved by the surrounding multitudes. Had not the Nile afforded a safe and ready conveyance to the sea, not an individual could have escaped, who by birth, or language, or office, or religion, was connected with their odious name.
然而阿拉伯人这番征战虽既辉煌又获利甚丰,倘非在这国土的腹心觅得一个强大的盟友,终究还是不得不退回沙漠。当年亚历山大之所以能迅速征服此地,也曾借助于本地人的迷信与反叛:他们痛恨波斯压迫者——那些麻葛的门徒——因为这些人焚毁了埃及的神庙,还大逆不道地饕餮阿庇斯神牛之肉。107 时隔十个世纪,同样的变故因相似的缘由重演;而这一回,科普特基督徒为捍卫一条晦涩难解的信条,其热忱同样炽烈。基督一性论之争的缘起与演变,以及历代皇帝的迫害,我在前文已有交代——正是这迫害,把一个教派逼成了一个民族,使埃及与皇帝的宗教和政权离心离德。萨拉森人被当作雅各派教会的解救者迎入;早在围攻孟菲斯期间,一支节节得胜的军队与一群受奴役的百姓之间,便已秘密达成了一项行之有效的盟约。有一位富贵显赫的埃及人,名叫穆考卡斯,为谋得本省的治权,一向隐瞒自己的真实信仰;趁着波斯战争的动乱,他一度图谋自立;穆罕默德遣使前来,已将他视同一方君侯;但对于改奉新教的提议,他却以厚礼相赠、以含糊的客套辞谢了。108 他辜负朝廷所托,因而招致希拉克略的怨恨;他既倨傲又怯惧,迟迟不肯归顺;而利害的算计终究压过了良心,促使他投靠本族民众的拥戴、依附萨拉森人的支持。初次与阿慕尔会晤,他听到那惯常的三择一——《古兰经》、贡赋、或刀剑——却也并不动怒。穆考卡斯答道:“希腊人已下定决心,要以刀剑决一死战;但我与希腊人绝无往来之意,今生如此,来世亦然;我从此永远弃绝那拜占庭僭主、他那卡尔西顿的宗教会议、以及他那帮麦尔基派的奴才。至于我和我的教友,我们已决意毕生信奉福音、坚守基督一性之道,至死不渝。要我们接受你们先知的启示,那是断无可能的;但我们渴望和平,甘愿向他的世俗继承者纳贡称臣,欣然从命。”贡赋议定为:每名基督徒按人头缴纳两枚金币;但老人、僧侣、妇女,以及十六岁以下的男女孩童,一概免征这项人头税。孟菲斯上下游各地的科普特人纷纷向哈里发宣誓效忠,并许诺:凡有穆斯林途经其地,皆以三日的殷勤款待相供。有了这纸保障之约,麦尔基派在教会与世俗两方面的专横统治便就此瓦解;109 圣西里尔的绝罚咒诅重新在每座讲坛上雷鸣般响起;各处圣所连同教会的产业,都归还给了雅各派这一本族教团,而他们尽情享受这胜利与复仇的时刻,全无半分节制。应阿慕尔的急切召请,他们的牧首本雅明从隐居的荒漠中现身;初次晤谈之后,这位彬彬有礼的阿拉伯人便煞有介事地宣称:他从未见过哪个基督教神职人员举止如此纯良、仪容如此可敬。110 从孟菲斯进军亚历山大里亚途中,欧麦尔麾下这员大将把自身的安危,全然托付给了埃及人的热忱与感恩之心:道路桥梁一路勤加修缮;每前进一步,他都能得到源源不断的粮秣供给与军情通报。埃及境内的希腊人,人数尚不及本地人的十分之一,在这举国叛离之下顿时无从招架;他们素来遭人痛恨,如今更再不为人所惧:官吏弃了公堂而逃,主教离了圣坛而走;偏远的驻防军则或遭四面涌来的民众突袭,或被围困断粮而困毙。若非尼罗河为逃亡入海提供了一条安稳便捷的通路,那么凡因出身、语言、官职或信仰而与这可憎名号沾上干系者,恐怕无一人能够幸免。
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By the retreat of the Greeks from the provinces of Upper Egypt, a considerable force was collected in the Island of Delta; the natural and artificial channels of the Nile afforded a succession of strong and defensible posts; and the road to Alexandria was laboriously cleared by the victory of the Saracens in two-and-twenty days of general or partial combat. In their annals of conquest, the siege of Alexandria 111 is perhaps the most arduous and important enterprise. The first trading city in the world was abundantly replenished with the means of subsistence and defence. Her numerous inhabitants fought for the dearest of human rights, religion and property; and the enmity of the natives seemed to exclude them from the common benefit of peace and toleration. The sea was continually open; and if Heraclius had been awake to the public distress, fresh armies of Romans and Barbarians might have been poured into the harbor to save the second capital of the empire. A circumference of ten miles would have scattered the forces of the Greeks, and favored the stratagems of an active enemy; but the two sides of an oblong square were covered by the sea and the Lake Maraeotis, and each of the narrow ends exposed a front of no more than ten furlongs. The efforts of the Arabs were not inadequate to the difficulty of the attempt and the value of the prize. From the throne of Medina, the eyes of Omar were fixed on the camp and city: his voice excited to arms the Arabian tribes and the veterans of Syria; and the merit of a holy war was recommended by the peculiar fame and fertility of Egypt. Anxious for the ruin or expulsion of their tyrants, the faithful natives devoted their labors to the service of Amrou: some sparks of martial spirit were perhaps rekindled by the example of their allies; and the sanguine hopes of Mokawkas had fixed his sepulchre in the church of St. John of Alexandria. Eutychius the patriarch observes, that the Saracens fought with the courage of lions: they repulsed the frequent and almost daily sallies of the besieged, and soon assaulted in their turn the walls and towers of the city. In every attack, the sword, the banner of Amrou, glittered in the van of the Moslems. On a memorable day, he was betrayed by his imprudent valor: his followers who had entered the citadel were driven back; and the general, with a friend and slave, remained a prisoner in the hands of the Christians. When Amrou was conducted before the praefect, he remembered his dignity, and forgot his situation: a lofty demeanor, and resolute language, revealed the lieutenant of the caliph, and the battle-axe of a soldier was already raised to strike off the head of the audacious captive. His life was saved by the readiness of his slave, who instantly gave his master a blow on the face, and commanded him, with an angry tone, to be silent in the presence of his superiors. The credulous Greek was deceived: he listened to the offer of a treaty, and his prisoners were dismissed in the hope of a more respectable embassy, till the joyful acclamations of the camp announced the return of their general, and insulted the folly of the infidels. At length, after a siege of fourteen months, 112 and the loss of three-and-twenty thousand men, the Saracens prevailed: the Greeks embarked their dispirited and diminished numbers, and the standard of Mahomet was planted on the walls of the capital of Egypt. “I have taken,” said Amrou to the caliph, “the great city of the West. It is impossible for me to enumerate the variety of its riches and beauty; and I shall content myself with observing, that it contains four thousand palaces, four thousand baths, four hundred theatres or places of amusement, twelve thousand shops for the sale of vegetable food, and forty thousand tributary Jews. The town has been subdued by force of arms, without treaty or capitulation, and the Moslems are impatient to seize the fruits of their victory.” 113 The commander of the faithful rejected with firmness the idea of pillage, and directed his lieutenant to reserve the wealth and revenue of Alexandria for the public service and the propagation of the faith: the inhabitants were numbered; a tribute was imposed, the zeal and resentment of the Jacobites were curbed, and the Melchites who submitted to the Arabian yoke were indulged in the obscure but tranquil exercise of their worship. The intelligence of this disgraceful and calamitous event afflicted the declining health of the emperor; and Heraclius died of a dropsy about seven weeks after the loss of Alexandria. 114 Under the minority of his grandson, the clamors of a people, deprived of their daily sustenance, compelled the Byzantine court to undertake the recovery of the capital of Egypt. In the space of four years, the harbor and fortifications of Alexandria were twice occupied by a fleet and army of Romans. They were twice expelled by the valor of Amrou, who was recalled by the domestic peril from the distant wars of Tripoli and Nubia. But the facility of the attempt, the repetition of the insult, and the obstinacy of the resistance, provoked him to swear, that if a third time he drove the infidels into the sea, he would render Alexandria as accessible on all sides as the house of a prostitute. Faithful to his promise, he dismantled several parts of the walls and towers; but the people was spared in the chastisement of the city, and the mosch of Mercy was erected on the spot where the victorious general had stopped the fury of his troops.
希腊人从上埃及各行省撤退后,一支相当可观的兵力便集结到了三角洲之岛上;尼罗河的天然与人工水道,提供了一处又一处坚固易守的据点;萨拉森人历经二十二天或大或小的战斗,屡战屡胜,才艰难地扫清了通往亚历山大里亚的道路。在他们的征服史册中,围攻亚历山大里亚 111 或许是最为艰巨、也最为重大的一役。这座全世界首屈一指的商埠,粮秣与守御之资无不充足丰备。城中众多居民为人间最可宝贵的两样权利——信仰与财产——而战;而本地人对他们的仇视,似乎注定要把他们摒除在和平与宽容的普惠之外。海路始终畅通;希拉克略倘能对这场公共危难有所警觉,本可源源不断地把罗马人与蛮族组成的生力军经由港口调入,以拯救这座帝国的第二都城。全城周长十英里,本会使希腊守军兵力分散,反倒给机敏善动之敌留下施展诡谋的可乘之机;幸而城池呈长方形,其长的两侧分别有大海与马雷奥提斯湖为屏障,狭窄的两端各自暴露的正面亦不过十弗隆而已。阿拉伯人所付出的努力,与这场攻坚的艰难、这份战利品的价值,倒也堪称相称。欧麦尔端坐麦地那的宝座之上,目光却紧盯着前线的营垒与那座城池:他一声号召,阿拉伯各部族与叙利亚的老兵便纷纷起而应征;而埃及素著的声名与丰饶,更为这场圣战的功德平添了几分诱惑。忠诚的本地人急盼着压迫者或败亡、或被逐,遂尽心竭力为阿慕尔效劳;或许是盟友的榜样,重新点燃了他们心中几星尚武的火花;穆考卡斯更满怀乐观的期盼,早已为自己选定了葬身之地——亚历山大里亚的圣约翰教堂。牧首欧提基乌斯记述道:萨拉森人作战时勇猛如狮;守军几乎日日出击,都被他们一一击退,随后他们便反守为攻,猛攻城墙与塔楼。每逢进攻,阿慕尔那柄宝剑总在穆斯林阵列的最前方闪耀——那便是他的军旗。在难忘的一天里,他一时逞勇失了分寸,险些因此丧命:已攻入内堡的部下被打退了回来,这位主帅连同一名友人和一个奴隶,一并落入基督徒手中,成了阶下囚。阿慕尔被押到长官面前时,只记得自己的尊严,却忘了眼下的处境:那高傲的举止、决绝的言辞,泄露了他哈里发麾下大将的身份,一名士兵的战斧已然高举,就要砍下这狂妄俘虏的脑袋。幸得他那奴隶机变过人,当即照着主人脸上就是一掌,厉声呵斥他:在上官面前休得放肆——这才救了他一命。轻信的希腊长官被蒙骗过去,听信了议和的提议,把几名俘虏放走,只盼日后能有一个更为体面的使团前来;直到营中一片欢呼,宣告主帅归来,才让异教徒的愚蠢平添了几分难堪。围城十四个月、112 折损两万三千人之后,萨拉森人终于取胜:希腊人把所剩无几、士气低落的残部载上船去,穆罕默德的军旗便插上了这座埃及都城的城头。阿慕尔向哈里发禀报道:“我已攻取西方这座大城。城中财富之丰、景致之美,纷繁不可胜数;我只消这样说便够了:城内共有宫邸四千座、浴场四千所、剧院及游乐之地四百处、售卖蔬菜果品的店铺一万二千家,另有纳贡的犹太人四万名。此城系凭武力攻克,既无和约,也无降款;将士们个个迫不及待,只想攫取这胜利的果实。”113 这位信徒的统帅断然否决了纵兵劫掠的念头,训令麾下大将把亚历山大里亚的财富与赋税留作公用,用以传布信仰:居民被逐一登记造册;贡赋随之课征;雅各派的狂热与积怨受到约束,而那些甘受阿拉伯人辖制的麦尔基派,则获准在默默无闻却安然无扰之中继续做他们的礼拜。这桩既屈辱又惨重的败讯传来,令本已每况愈下的皇帝更添忧劳;亚历山大里亚陷落后约七周,希拉克略便因水肿之疾溘然长逝。114 其孙年幼继位,而百姓因日常口粮断绝而群情鼎沸,逼得拜占庭朝廷不得不着手收复这座埃及都城。短短四年之内,罗马人的舰队与陆师曾两度占据亚历山大里亚的港口与城防,又两度被阿慕尔的勇武逐走——正是这内部的危局,把他从的黎波里与努比亚的遥远战事中召了回来。但罗马人来犯之易、屡屡的挑衅、以及守军顽固的抵抗,终于激得他立下誓言:倘若他第三次把异教徒赶下海去,就要让亚历山大里亚四面洞开、门户大敞,如同娼妓之家一般任人出入。他果然信守誓言,拆毁了城墙与塔楼的若干段落;但在惩治这座城市时,百姓却得以幸免;后来还在那位得胜主帅当年喝止部众暴怒的地方,建起了一座“仁慈清真寺”。
Notes 注释
91
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Abulfeda, Annal. Moslem. p. 73. Mahomet could artfully vary the praises of his disciples. Of Omar he was accustomed to say, that if a prophet could arise after himself, it would be Omar; and that in a general calamity, Omar would be accepted by the divine justice, (Ockley, vol. i. p. 221.)
Abulfeda, Annal. Moslem. p. 73. 穆罕默德称赞门徒时,颇能巧妙变换措辞。论及欧麦尔,他常说:他之后若还能再兴起一位先知,那一定是欧麦尔;又说,一旦大难临头,欧麦尔必为真主的公义所接纳。(Ockley, vol. i. p. 221.)
9111
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Khaled, according to the Rouzont Uzzuffa, (Price, p. 90,) after having been deprived of his ample share of the plunder of Syria by the jealousy of Omar, died, possessed only of his horse, his arms, and a single slave. Yet Omar was obliged to acknowledge to his lamenting parent. that never mother had produced a son like Khaled.—M.
据《洁净园》(Rouzont Uzzuffa,Price, p. 90)记载,哈立德因欧麦尔的猜忌,被剥夺了在叙利亚劫获的丰厚份额,死时身边仅余一匹马、一副兵甲和一名奴隶。饶是如此,欧麦尔仍不得不向他悲恸的母亲承认:从未有哪位母亲,生养出哈立德这样的儿子。—M
92
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Al Wakidi had likewise written a history of the conquest of Diarbekir, or Mesopotamia, (Ockley, at the end of the iid vol.,) which our interpreters do not appear to have seen. The Chronicle of Dionysius of Telmar, the Jacobite patriarch, records the taking of Edessa A.D. 637, and of Dara A.D. 641, (Asseman. Bibliot. Orient. tom. ii. p. 103;) and the attentive may glean some doubtful information from the Chronography of Theophanes, (p. 285-287.) Most of the towns of Mesopotamia yielded by surrender, (Abulpharag. p. 112.) * Note: It has been published in Arabic by M. Ewald St. Martin, vol. xi p 248; but its authenticity is doubted.—M.
瓦基迪也曾写过一部关于征服迪亚巴克尔(即美索不达米亚)的史书(Ockley, at the end of the iid vol.),只是为我们译介史料的诸位似乎都未曾见过此书。雅各派牧首泰勒马尔的狄奥尼修斯所著《编年史》记载:埃德萨于公元 637 年被攻取,达拉于公元 641 年被攻取(Asseman. Bibliot. Orient. tom. ii. p. 103);细心的读者还可从塞奥法尼斯的《编年纪》中拾得若干真伪难辨的记载(p. 285-287)。美索不达米亚的城镇大多以投降告终(Abulpharag. p. 112)。* 按:其阿拉伯原本已刊布,见 M. Ewald St. Martin, vol. xi p 248;但其真伪尚存疑。—M
93
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He dreamt that he was at Thessalonica, a harmless and unmeaning vision; but his soothsayer, or his cowardice, understood the sure omen of a defeat concealed in that inauspicious word, Give to another the victory, (Theoph. p. 286. Zonaras, tom. ii. l. xiv. p. 88.)
他梦见自己身在塞萨洛尼卡,本是一个无害而无意义的幻象;然而他的占卜者——或者说他自己的怯懦——却从这个不祥的地名里,读出了败局已定的确凿凶兆,因为它谐音恰似“把胜利让给别人”(Theoph. p. 286. Zonaras, tom. ii. l. xiv. p. 88.)
94
↩
Every passage and every fact that relates to the isle, the city, and the colossus of Rhodes, are compiled in the laborious treatise of Meursius, who has bestowed the same diligence on the two larger islands of the Crete and Cyprus. See, in the iiid vol. of his works, the Rhodus of Meursius, (l. i. c. 15, p. 715-719.) The Byzantine writers, Theophanes and Constantine, have ignorantly prolonged the term to 1360 years, and ridiculously divide the weight among 30,000 camels.
凡与罗得岛之岛屿、城市及巨像有关的一切文献段落与史实,默尔修斯都汇集于其一部下足苦功的专著之中;他对克里特与塞浦路斯这两座更大的岛屿,也倾注了同样的勤勉。见其文集第三卷所收《罗得岛志》(l. i. c. 15, p. 715-719)。拜占庭的作家塞奥法尼斯与君士坦丁,懵然无知地把年数拉长到一千三百六十年,又荒唐地把那分量分摊到三万峰骆驼身上。
95
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Centum colossi alium nobilitaturi locum, says Pliny, with his usual spirit. Hist. Natur. xxxiv. 18.
“Centum colossi alium nobilitaturi locum”——普林尼以其一贯的气魄如是说(意谓:单是这一百尊巨像,便足以令别处扬名)。Hist. Natur. xxxiv. 18.
96
↩
We learn this anecdote from a spirited old woman, who reviled to their faces, the caliph and his friend. She was encouraged by the silence of Amrou and the liberality of Moawiyah, (Abulfeda, Annal Moslem. p. 111.)
这则轶事,我们是从一位性情泼辣的老妇口中得知的——她当着哈里发及其友人的面破口大骂。阿慕尔的默不作声与穆阿维叶的慷慨大方,反倒助长了她的气焰(Abulfeda, Annal Moslem. p. 111.)
97
↩
Gagnier, Vie de Mahomet, tom. ii. p. 46, &c., who quotes the Abyssinian history, or romance of Abdel Balcides. Yet the fact of the embassy and ambassador may be allowed.
加尼耶,Vie de Mahomet, tom. ii. p. 46, &c.;他征引了阿卜杜勒·巴尔基德斯所著的阿比西尼亚史(或曰传奇)。不过,出使一事及其使者其人,倒是可以采信的。
98
↩
This saying is preserved by Pocock, (Not. ad Carmen Tograi, p 184,) and justly applauded by Mr. Harris, (Philosophical Arrangements, p. 850.)
这句话由波科克保存下来(Not. ad Carmen Tograi, p 184),并得到哈里斯先生恰如其分的赞赏(Philosophical Arrangements, p. 850.)
99
↩
For the life and character of Amrou, see Ockley (Hist. of the Saracens, vol. i. p. 28, 63, 94, 328, 342, 344, and to the end of the volume; vol. ii. p. 51, 55, 57, 74, 110-112, 162) and Otter, (Mem. de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxi. p. 131, 132.) The readers of Tacitus may aptly compare Vespasian and Mucianus with Moawiyah and Amrou. Yet the resemblance is still more in the situation, than in the characters, of the men.
有关阿慕尔的生平与性情,见奥克利(Hist. of the Saracens, vol. i. p. 28, 63, 94, 328, 342, 344,及至该卷末;vol. ii. p. 51, 55, 57, 74, 110-112, 162)与奥特(Mem. de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxi. p. 131, 132.)。读过塔西佗的人,不妨把韦帕芗与穆奇阿努斯,比作穆阿维叶与阿慕尔。不过两相比拟,其相似之处更多在于二人的处境,而非其性情。
100
↩
Al Wakidi had likewise composed a separate history of the conquest of Egypt, which Mr. Ockley could never procure; and his own inquiries (vol. i. 344-362) have added very little to the original text of Eutychius, (Annal. tom. ii. p. 296-323, vers. Pocock,) the Melchite patriarch of Alexandria, who lived three hundred years after the revolution.
瓦基迪同样撰有一部专述埃及征服的史书,只是奥克利先生始终未能觅得;而奥克利自己的考订(vol. i. 344-362),较之欧提基乌斯的原文(Annal. tom. ii. p. 296-323, vers. Pocock)实无多少增益——欧提基乌斯乃亚历山大里亚的麦尔基派牧首,生活在这场变故三百年之后。
101
↩
Strabo, an accurate and attentive spectator, observes of Heliopolis, (Geograph. l. xvii. p. 1158;) but of Memphis he notices, however, the mixture of inhabitants, and the ruin of the palaces. In the proper Egypt, Ammianus enumerates Memphis among the four cities, maximis urbibus quibus provincia nitet, (xxii. 16;) and the name of Memphis appears with distinction in the Roman Itinerary and episcopal lists.
斯特拉波观察精确、留心入微,他对赫利奥波利斯有所记述(Geograph. l. xvii. p. 1158);至于孟菲斯,他则留意到当地居民成分之驳杂,以及宫殿的残破荒废。在本部埃及境内,阿米阿努斯把孟菲斯列为四大城市之一,称其为“各行省赖以生辉的名城”(maximis urbibus quibus provincia nitet,xxii. 16);而在罗马的《行程录》与主教名录中,孟菲斯之名也赫然在列,颇受尊崇。
102
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These rare and curious facts, the breadth (2946 feet) and the bridge of the Nile, are only to be found in the Danish traveller and the Nubian geographer, (p. 98.)
这些罕见而有趣的事实——尼罗河的宽度(2946 英尺)及其上的浮桥——唯有在那位丹麦旅行家与努比亚地理学家的著述中方能找到(p. 98.)
103
↩
From the month of April, the Nile begins imperceptibly to rise; the swell becomes strong and visible in the moon after the summer solstice, (Plin. Hist. Nat. v. 10,) and is usually proclaimed at Cairo on St. Peter’s day, (June 29.) A register of thirty successive years marks the greatest height of the waters between July 25 and August 18, (Maillet, Description de l’Egypte, lettre xi. p. 67, &c. Pocock’s Description of the East, vol. i. p. 200. Shaw’s Travels, p. 383.)
每年自四月起,尼罗河便悄然开始上涨;到夏至之后的那一轮月中,水势转强,肉眼可见(Plin. Hist. Nat. v. 10),通常要到圣彼得日(六月二十九日)才在开罗正式宣告涨水。一份连续三十年的记录显示,水位最高之时总在七月二十五日至八月十八日之间(Maillet, Description de l’Egypte, lettre xi. p. 67, &c. Pocock’s Description of the East, vol. i. p. 200. Shaw’s Travels, p. 383.)
104
↩
Murtadi, Merveilles de l’Egypte, 243, 259. He expatiates on the subject with the zeal and minuteness of a citizen and a bigot, and his local traditions have a strong air of truth and accuracy.
Murtadi, Merveilles de l’Egypte, 243, 259. 他以本地人的热忱与偏执信徒的细致,对此题目详加铺陈;他所记述的地方掌故,读来颇有几分真实可信、确凿无误的气象。
105
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D’Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 233.
埃尔布洛《东方文库》第 233 页。
106
↩
The position of New and of Old Cairo is well known, and has been often described. Two writers, who were intimately acquainted with ancient and modern Egypt, have fixed, after a learned inquiry, the city of Memphis at Gizeh, directly opposite the Old Cairo, (Sicard, Nouveaux Memoires des Missions du Levant, tom. vi. p. 5, 6. Shaw’s Observations and Travels, p. 296-304.) Yet we may not disregard the authority or the arguments of Pocock, (vol. i. p. 25-41,) Niebuhr, (Voyage, tom. i. p. 77-106,) and above all, of D’Anville, (Description de l’Egypte, p. 111, 112, 130-149,) who have removed Memphis towards the village of Mohannah, some miles farther to the south. In their heat, the disputants have forgot that the ample space of a metropolis covers and annihilates the far greater part of the controversy.
新旧开罗的方位众所周知,前人也屡有描述。有两位对古今埃及都了如指掌的作家,经过一番博学的考究,把孟菲斯城定在吉萨,恰与旧开罗隔河相望(Sicard, Nouveaux Memoires des Missions du Levant, tom. vi. p. 5, 6. Shaw’s Observations and Travels, p. 296-304.)。不过,波科克(vol. i. p. 25-41)、尼布尔(Voyage, tom. i. p. 77-106),尤其是当维尔(Description de l’Egypte, p. 111, 112, 130-149)的权威与论据,我们也未便置之不理——他们把孟菲斯的位置往南又挪了数英里,移到了莫汉纳村一带。这些争辩者争得面红耳赤,却忘了:一座大都会占地极广,足以将这桩争论的绝大部分覆盖抹平。
107
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See Herodotus, l. iii. c. 27, 28, 29. Aelian, Hist. Var. l. iv. c. 8. Suidas in, tom. ii. p. 774. Diodor. Sicul. tom. ii. l. xvii. p. 197, edit. Wesseling. Says the last of these historians.
参见希罗多德,l. iii. c. 27, 28, 29。埃利安,Hist. Var. l. iv. c. 8。苏达斯,见 tom. ii. p. 774。西西里的狄奥多罗斯,tom. ii. l. xvii. p. 197,韦塞林校订本。此语出自上述诸史家中的最后一位。
108
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Mokawkas sent the prophet two Coptic damsels, with two maids and one eunuch, an alabaster vase, an ingot of pure gold, oil, honey, and the finest white linen of Egypt, with a horse, a mule, and an ass, distinguished by their respective qualifications. The embassy of Mahomet was despatched from Medina in the seventh year of the Hegira, (A.D. 628.) See Gagnier, (Vie de Mahomet, tom. ii. p. 255, 256, 303,) from Al Jannabi.
穆考卡斯给先知送去了两名科普特少女,另有两名侍女、一名宦官、一只雪花石膏瓶、一锭纯金,以及若干油与蜜、埃及最上乘的白麻布,还有一匹马、一头骡与一头驴,各以其独有的品质见长。穆罕默德的这次遣使,是希吉拉七年(公元 628 年)自麦地那派出的。参见加尼耶(Vie de Mahomet, tom. ii. p. 255, 256, 303),此说本于 Al Jannabi。
109
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The praefecture of Egypt, and the conduct of the war, had been trusted by Heraclius to the patriarch Cyrus, (Theophan. p. 280, 281.) “In Spain,” said James II., “do you not consult your priests?” “We do,” replied the Catholic ambassador, “and our affairs succeed accordingly.” I know not how to relate the plans of Cyrus, of paying tribute without impairing the revenue, and of converting Omar by his marriage with the Emperor’s daughter, (Nicephor. Breviar. p. 17, 18.)
希拉克略曾把埃及的行政长官之职连同这场战争的指挥权,一并托付给了牧首居鲁士(Theophan. p. 280, 281)。詹姆斯二世曾问:“在西班牙,你们不请教神甫吗?”那位天主教方的使臣答道:“我们请教的,所以诸事才办得顺遂。”居鲁士有些谋划,我实在不知该如何叙说:一是想既纳贡又不减损税收,二是想凭着与皇帝之女联姻来劝化欧麦尔(Nicephor. Breviar. p. 17, 18)。
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See the life of Benjamin, in Renaudot, (Hist. Patriarch. Alexandrin. p. 156-172,) who has enriched the conquest of Egypt with some facts from the Arabic text of Severus the Jacobite historian
关于本雅明的生平,见勒诺多(Hist. Patriarch. Alexandrin. p. 156-172),他从雅各派史家塞维鲁斯的阿拉伯文本中采撷若干史实,为埃及征服的记述增色不少。
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The local description of Alexandria is perfectly ascertained by the master hand of the first of geographers, (D’Anville, Memoire sur l’Egypte, p. 52-63;) but we may borrow the eyes of the modern travellers, more especially of Thevenot, (Voyage au Levant, part i. p. 381-395,) Pocock, (vol. i. p. 2-13,) and Niebuhr, (Voyage en Arabie, tom. i. p. 34-43.) Of the two modern rivals, Savary and Volmey, the one may amuse, the other will instruct.
亚历山大里亚的方位形势,经那位首屈一指的地理学家的大手笔考订,已然确凿无疑(当维尔,Memoire sur l’Egypte, p. 52-63);不过我们也不妨借近世旅行家的眼睛一观,尤其是泰夫诺(Voyage au Levant, part i. p. 381-395)、波科克(vol. i. p. 2-13)与尼布尔(Voyage en Arabie, tom. i. p. 34-43)。至于萨瓦里与沃尔内这两位近世的对手,前者读来令人解颐,后者则能启人心智。
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Both Eutychius (Annal. tom. ii. p. 319) and Elmacin (Hist. Saracen. p. 28) concur in fixing the taking of Alexandria to Friday of the new moon of Moharram of the twentieth year of the Hegira, (December 22, A.D. 640.) In reckoning backwards fourteen months spent before Alexandria, seven months before Babylon, &c., Amrou might have invaded Egypt about the end of the year 638; but we are assured that he entered the country the 12th of Bayni, 6th of June, (Murtadi, Merveilles de l’Egypte, p. 164. Severus, apud Renaudot, p. 162.) The Saracen, and afterwards Lewis IX. of France, halted at Pelusium, or Damietta, during the season of the inundation of the Nile.
欧提基乌斯(Annal. tom. ii. p. 319)与埃尔马金(Hist. Saracen. p. 28)一致认定,亚历山大里亚陷落于希吉拉二十年穆哈兰姆月新月的星期五(公元 640 年 12 月 22 日)。若由此上溯——围攻亚历山大里亚耗时十四个月、围攻巴比伦耗时七个月,如此等等——则阿慕尔当在 638 年底前后侵入埃及;但据确凿记载,他是在巴伊尼月十二日、即六月六日进入该国的(Murtadi, Merveilles de l’Egypte, p. 164. Severus, apud Renaudot, p. 162)。这位萨拉森人——以及后来的法王路易九世——都曾在尼罗河泛滥的时节,于佩鲁西乌姆(即杜姆亚特)驻足停留。
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Eutych. Annal. tom. ii. p. 316, 319.
欧提基乌斯,Annal. tom. ii. p. 316, 319.
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Notwithstanding some inconsistencies of Theophanes and Cedrenus, the accuracy of Pagi (Critica, tom. ii. p. 824) has extracted from Nicephorus and the Chronicon Orientale the true date of the death of Heraclius, February 11th, A.D. 641, fifty days after the loss of Alexandria. A fourth of that time was sufficient to convey the intelligence.
尽管塞奥法尼斯与塞德雷努斯的记载略有出入,帕吉凭其考订之精审(Critica, tom. ii. p. 824),仍从尼基弗鲁斯与《东方编年史》中钩沉出希拉克略辞世的确切日期——公元 641 年 2 月 11 日,即亚历山大里亚失陷五十日之后。而传递这一消息,其实只需这段时日的四分之一便已足够。