Chapter LI: Conquests By The Arabs.—Part IV. 第五十一章 阿拉伯人的征服——第四节
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Syria, 67 one of the countries that have been improved by the most early cultivation, is not unworthy of the preference. 68 The heat of the climate is tempered by the vicinity of the sea and mountains, by the plenty of wood and water; and the produce of a fertile soil affords the subsistence, and encourages the propagation, of men and animals. From the age of David to that of Heraclius, the country was overspread with ancient and flourishing cities: the inhabitants were numerous and wealthy; and, after the slow ravage of despotism and superstition, after the recent calamities of the Persian war, Syria could still attract and reward the rapacious tribes of the desert. A plain, of ten days’ journey, from Damascus to Aleppo and Antioch, is watered, on the western side, by the winding course of the Orontes. The hills of Libanus and Anti-Libanus are planted from north to south, between the Orontes and the Mediterranean; and the epithet of hollow (Coelesyria) was applied to a long and fruitful valley, which is confined in the same direction, by the two ridges of snowy mountains. 69 Among the cities, which are enumerated by Greek and Oriental names in the geography and conquest of Syria, we may distinguish Emesa or Hems, Heliopolis or Baalbec, the former as the metropolis of the plain, the latter as the capital of the valley. Under the last of the Caesars, they were strong and populous; the turrets glittered from afar: an ample space was covered with public and private buildings; and the citizens were illustrious by their spirit, or at least by their pride; by their riches, or at least by their luxury. In the days of Paganism, both Emesa and Heliopolis were addicted to the worship of Baal, or the sun; but the decline of their superstition and splendor has been marked by a singular variety of fortune. Not a vestige remains of the temple of Emesa, which was equalled in poetic style to the summits of Mount Libanus, 70 while the ruins of Baalbec, invisible to the writers of antiquity, excite the curiosity and wonder of the European traveller. 71 The measure of the temple is two hundred feet in length, and one hundred in breadth: the front is adorned with a double portico of eight columns; fourteen may be counted on either side; and each column, forty-five feet in height, is composed of three massy blocks of stone or marble. The proportions and ornaments of the Corinthian order express the architecture of the Greeks: but as Baalbec has never been the seat of a monarch, we are at a loss to conceive how the expense of these magnificent structures could be supplied by private or municipal liberality. 72 From the conquest of Damascus the Saracens proceeded to Heliopolis and Emesa: but I shall decline the repetition of the sallies and combats which have been already shown on a larger scale. In the prosecution of the war, their policy was not less effectual than their sword. By short and separate truces they dissolved the union of the enemy; accustomed the Syrians to compare their friendship with their enmity; familiarized the idea of their language, religion, and manners; and exhausted, by clandestine purchase, the magazines and arsenals of the cities which they returned to besiege. They aggravated the ransom of the more wealthy, or the more obstinate; and Chalcis alone was taxed at five thousand ounces of gold, five thousand ounces of silver, two thousand robes of silk, and as many figs and olives as would load five thousand asses. But the terms of truce or capitulation were faithfully observed; and the lieutenant of the caliph, who had promised not to enter the walls of the captive Baalbec, remained tranquil and immovable in his tent till the jarring factions solicited the interposition of a foreign master. The conquest of the plain and valley of Syria was achieved in less than two years. Yet the commander of the faithful reproved the slowness of their progress; and the Saracens, bewailing their fault with tears of rage and repentance, called aloud on their chiefs to lead them forth to fight the battles of the Lord. In a recent action, under the walls of Emesa, an Arabian youth, the cousin of Caled, was heard aloud to exclaim, “Methinks I see the black-eyed girls looking upon me; one of whom, should she appear in this world, all mankind would die for love of her. And I see in the hand of one of them a handkerchief of green silk, and a cap of precious stones, and she beckons me, and calls out, Come hither quickly, for I love thee.” With these words, charging the Christians, he made havoc wherever he went, till, observed at length by the governor of Hems, he was struck through with a javelin.
叙利亚 67 乃世上最早得到开垦的地方之一,地力因而愈丰,当得起这一份偏爱。 68 这里气候炎热,然而海洋与群山近在咫尺,林木和水源又颇为丰足,暑气因此得以调剂;沃土的出产既足以养活人畜,也助其繁衍生息。自大卫的时代直到希拉克略的时代,这片土地上遍布着历史悠久、繁华兴盛的城市,居民既众多又富庶;纵然经专制与迷信长年累月的侵蚀,又新近饱受波斯战祸的荼毒,叙利亚依旧富饶,足以引来沙漠中那些贪婪的部族,也足以让他们满载而归。从大马士革到阿勒颇、安条克,是一片纵横十日路程的平原,其西缘有奥龙特斯河蜿蜒流过,得其灌溉。黎巴嫩山与安提黎巴嫩山自北向南绵亘,横列于奥龙特斯河与地中海之间;两道积雪的山脉同样南北夹峙,中间围出一条狭长而丰饶的河谷,“空叙利亚”(Coelesyria,意即“凹陷”)之名,便由此而来。 69 在有关叙利亚地理与征服的记载里,各城或用希腊名、或用东方名一一列出,其中尤可标举两座:一是埃梅萨(又名希姆斯),一是赫利奥波利斯(又名巴勒贝克)——前者为平原的都会,后者乃河谷的首邑。在罗马末代诸恺撒治下,这两座城既坚固又人烟稠密:塔楼远远望去熠熠生辉,广阔的地面上布满公私建筑;城中市民即便不以气概著称,也以傲慢闻名;即便不以财富显赫,也以奢靡出名。异教盛行的年月,埃梅萨与赫利奥波利斯都笃奉巴力(即太阳神)之崇拜;然而随着这种迷信连同它的繁华一并衰落,两地的命运却判然不同、各异其趣。埃梅萨的神庙,昔日诗人曾以黎巴嫩山的巍巍峰顶相拟,如今却片瓦无存; 70 巴勒贝克的废墟,古人笔下从未提及,却勾起欧洲旅人的好奇与惊叹。 71 那座神庙长二百英尺,宽一百英尺:正面以八根圆柱构成的双重门廊为饰,两侧各可数得十四根;每根柱高四十五英尺,由三块厚重的石料或大理石垒成。其比例与雕饰皆属科林斯柱式,一望而知出自希腊人之手;可是巴勒贝克从来不是哪位君王的驻跸之地,如此宏伟的工程,仅凭私人或市邑的慷慨捐输如何能够负担,实在令人费解。 72 攻下大马士革之后,萨拉森人又挥师赫利奥波利斯与埃梅萨;至于其间的出击与鏖战,此前已在更大的场面上一一描摹,这里就不再赘述了。在这场战争中,他们的谋略与刀剑同样奏效。他们与各城分别订立短期停战,借此瓦解敌方的联合;让叙利亚人渐渐把他们的友善与敌意两相掂量;使人们对他们的语言、宗教与习俗慢慢习以为常;又暗中收买,把那些日后还要回头围攻的城市,其粮仓与军械库悄悄掏空。对越是富有、越是顽抗的城市,他们索取的赎金也越重:单是卡尔基斯一城,就被勒索黄金五千盎司、白银五千盎司、丝袍两千件,外加足以驮满五千头驴的无花果与橄榄。不过,无论停战还是投降的条款,他们都恪守不渝:那位哈里发的副将既已许诺不踏进已降的巴勒贝克城墙,便安坐帐中岿然不动,直到城内各派争执不下,反过来恳请这位异邦之主出面裁断。叙利亚平原与河谷的征服,不到两年便告完成。然而信士统帅却嫌他们进展迟缓,加以责备;萨拉森人闻言,又羞又愤又悔,含泪自责,高声呼求主帅带他们出征,去为主而战。不久前在埃梅萨城下的一场战斗中,只听一个阿拉伯青年——哈立德的堂弟——高声喊道:“我仿佛看见那些黑眸的天女正望着我;其中一位若现身人间,普天下的男子都会为爱她而死。我又看见其中一位手里拿着一方绿绸手帕、一顶缀满宝石的帽子,她向我招手,唤道:快到我这里来,我爱你。”说罢,他冲入基督徒阵中,所到之处一片狼藉;终为希姆斯的总督察觉,一支标枪将他当胸洞穿。
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It was incumbent on the Saracens to exert the full powers of their valor and enthusiasm against the forces of the emperor, who was taught, by repeated losses, that the rovers of the desert had undertaken, and would speedily achieve, a regular and permanent conquest. From the provinces of Europe and Asia, fourscore thousand soldiers were transported by sea and land to Antioch and Caesarea: the light troops of the army consisted of sixty thousand Christian Arabs of the tribe of Gassan. Under the banner of Jabalah, the last of their princes, they marched in the van; and it was a maxim of the Greeks, that for the purpose of cutting diamond, a diamond was the most effectual. Heraclius withheld his person from the dangers of the field; but his presumption, or perhaps his despondency, suggested a peremptory order, that the fate of the province and the war should be decided by a single battle. The Syrians were attached to the standard of Rome and of the cross: but the noble, the citizen, the peasant, were exasperated by the injustice and cruelty of a licentious host, who oppressed them as subjects, and despised them as strangers and aliens. 73 A report of these mighty preparations was conveyed to the Saracens in their camp of Emesa, and the chiefs, though resolved to fight, assembled a council: the faith of Abu Obeidah would have expected on the same spot the glory of martyrdom; the wisdom of Caled advised an honorable retreat to the skirts of Palestine and Arabia, where they might await the succors of their friends, and the attack of the unbelievers. A speedy messenger soon returned from the throne of Medina, with the blessings of Omar and Ali, the prayers of the widows of the prophet, and a reenforcement of eight thousand Moslems. In their way they overturned a detachment of Greeks, and when they joined at Yermuk the camp of their brethren, they found the pleasing intelligence, that Caled had already defeated and scattered the Christian Arabs of the tribe of Gassan. In the neighborhood of Bosra, the springs of Mount Hermon descend in a torrent to the plain of Decapolis, or ten cities; and the Hieromax, a name which has been corrupted to Yermuk, is lost, after a short course, in the Lake of Tiberias. 74 The banks of this obscure stream were illustrated by a long and bloody encounter. 7411 On this momentous occasion, the public voice, and the modesty of Abu Obeidah, restored the command to the most deserving of the Moslems. Caled assumed his station in the front, his colleague was posted in the rear, that the disorder of the fugitive might be checked by his venerable aspect, and the sight of the yellow banner which Mahomet had displayed before the walls of Chaibar. The last line was occupied by the sister of Derar, with the Arabian women who had enlisted in this holy war, who were accustomed to wield the bow and the lance, and who in a moment of captivity had defended, against the uncircumcised ravishers, their chastity and religion. 75 The exhortation of the generals was brief and forcible: “Paradise is before you, the devil and hell-fire in your rear.” Yet such was the weight of the Roman cavalry, that the right wing of the Arabs was broken and separated from the main body. Thrice did they retreat in disorder, and thrice were they driven back to the charge by the reproaches and blows of the women. In the intervals of action, Abu Obeidah visited the tents of his brethren, prolonged their repose by repeating at once the prayers of two different hours, bound up their wounds with his own hands, and administered the comfortable reflection, that the infidels partook of their sufferings without partaking of their reward. Four thousand and thirty of the Moslems were buried in the field of battle; and the skill of the Armenian archers enabled seven hundred to boast that they had lost an eye in that meritorious service. The veterans of the Syrian war acknowledged that it was the hardest and most doubtful of the days which they had seen. But it was likewise the most decisive: many thousands of the Greeks and Syrians fell by the swords of the Arabs; many were slaughtered, after the defeat, in the woods and mountains; many, by mistaking the ford, were drowned in the waters of the Yermuk; and however the loss may be magnified, 76 the Christian writers confess and bewail the bloody punishment of their sins. 77 Manuel, the Roman general, was either killed at Damascus, or took refuge in the monastery of Mount Sinai. An exile in the Byzantine court, Jabalah lamented the manners of Arabia, and his unlucky preference of the Christian cause. 78 He had once inclined to the profession of Islam; but in the pilgrimage of Mecca, Jabalah was provoked to strike one of his brethren, and fled with amazement from the stern and equal justice of the caliph. These victorious Saracens enjoyed at Damascus a month of pleasure and repose: the spoil was divided by the discretion of Abu Obeidah: an equal share was allotted to a soldier and to his horse, and a double portion was reserved for the noble coursers of the Arabian breed.
皇帝屡战屡败,终于醒悟:这些沙漠里的流寇竟已着手一场正规而持久的征服,且不日即将大功告成;面对帝国大军,萨拉森人自当拿出全副的勇武与热忱,全力以赴。八万大军从欧洲与亚洲各行省水陆并进,调往安条克与凯撒里亚:军中的轻装部队,是六万名信奉基督教、出身加桑部族的阿拉伯人。他们在末代亲王贾巴拉的旗帜下充作前锋;而希腊人素有一句格言:要切割金刚石,唯有金刚石最为管用。希拉克略本人避开了战场上的凶险,却不知是出于自负还是出于灰心,下了一道不容违抗的命令:一省的存亡、整场战争的胜负,都要凭一战定夺。叙利亚人本是拥戴罗马与十字架旗号的;可这支军队肆意妄为,把他们当臣民一般欺压,又当外人、异族一般鄙夷,种种不公与暴虐激得贵族、市民、农夫无不义愤填膺。 73 敌方如此大张旗鼓、厉兵秣马的消息,传到了驻扎在埃梅萨的萨拉森营中;众头领虽已决意一战,仍聚在一起商议:阿布·欧拜达笃信虔诚,情愿就地坚守,以博取殉道的荣光;哈立德则老成持重,主张体面地退往巴勒斯坦与阿拉伯的边缘地带,在那里静候友军来援,也静候异教徒来攻。一名快马信使很快从麦地那的王座带回了回音:欧麦尔与阿里的祝福、先知诸遗孀的祈祷,还有八千穆斯林的增援。这支援军途中击溃了一支希腊分遣队;待他们在雅穆克与弟兄们的营地会合时,又得到一桩喜讯:哈立德已经击败并驱散了加桑部族那些信奉基督教的阿拉伯人。在波斯特拉近郊,黑门山的泉水汇成急流,倾泻而下,直入低加波利(意即“十城”)平原;那条希耶罗马克斯河——此名后来讹作雅穆克——流程不长,便注入提比里亚湖,销声匿迹。 74 这条本不起眼的河流,两岸却因一场旷日持久、血流成河的鏖战而声名大噪。 7411 值此生死攸关之际,众人的公议,加上阿布·欧拜达的谦让,把指挥权交回到了穆斯林中最当之无愧的人手里。哈立德坐镇前锋,他的同僚则押在后阵,好让溃退者一见他那令人肃然起敬的面容、一见当年穆罕默德在海巴尔城下亮出的那面黄旗,便不敢再自乱阵脚。最后一列由达拉尔的姐妹率领,还有一众投身这场圣战的阿拉伯女子;她们平素惯使弓矛,即便一度沦为俘虏,也曾誓死守护自己的贞操与信仰,不容那些未受割礼的施暴者玷污。 75 将领们的动员既简短又有力:“乐园就在你们前方,魔鬼与地狱之火就在你们背后。”然而罗马骑兵来势极猛,把阿拉伯人的右翼冲垮,与主力割裂开来。他们三次溃乱后退,又三次在女子们的斥骂与捶打下重新杀回阵前。战斗间歇,阿布·欧拜达逐一探视弟兄们的营帐,把两个不同时辰的祷告并作一次诵念,好让他们多歇息片刻;又亲手为他们包扎伤口,并以一句宽慰之言相勉:异教徒虽与你们同受这份苦难,却分不到你们那份回报。穆斯林有四千零三十人埋骨沙场;亚美尼亚弓手箭法高强,害得七百人在这场立功的战事中折了一只眼睛,日后倒可引以为荣。身经叙利亚战事的老兵都承认,这是他们所历过最艰苦、胜负最难料的一天。但这也是最具决定性的一天:成千上万的希腊人与叙利亚人丧命于阿拉伯人的刀下;败退之后,又有许多人在山林间惨遭屠戮;还有许多人错认了渡口,淹死在雅穆克的河水里;无论后人把这伤亡的数字夸大到何等地步, 76 基督徒的著述者们都承认并哀叹:这是他们的罪孽所招致的血腥惩罚。 77 罗马将领曼努埃尔的下落有两说:或是在大马士革被杀,或是遁入西奈山的修道院避难。贾巴拉流亡于拜占庭宫廷,追怀阿拉伯的风习,又痛悔自己当初看走了眼,偏偏选了基督徒这一边。 78 他本一度倾心于皈依伊斯兰教;却在麦加朝觐途中,一怒之下打了自己的一名同教弟兄,眼见哈里发执法严峻、贵贱一视同仁,竟惊骇不已,仓皇逃走了。得胜的萨拉森人在大马士革尽情享乐、休整了一个月;战利品则由阿布·欧拜达酌情分配:一名士兵与他的坐骑分得同样一份,而阿拉伯良种的名驹另得双份。
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After the battle of Yermuk, the Roman army no longer appeared in the field; and the Saracens might securely choose, among the fortified towns of Syria, the first object of their attack. They consulted the caliph whether they should march to Caesarea or Jerusalem; and the advice of Ali determined the immediate siege of the latter. To a profane eye, Jerusalem was the first or second capital of Palestine; but after Mecca and Medina, it was revered and visited by the devout Moslems, as the temple of the Holy Land which had been sanctified by the revelation of Moses, of Jesus, and of Mahomet himself. The son of Abu Sophian was sent with five thousand Arabs to try the first experiment of surprise or treaty; but on the eleventh day, the town was invested by the whole force of Abu Obeidah. He addressed the customary summons to the chief commanders and people of Aelia. 79
雅穆克一战之后,罗马大军再也不曾出现在战场上;萨拉森人尽可高枕无忧地在叙利亚各座设防城镇之间,挑选下一个进攻的目标。他们向哈里发请示:是先取凯撒里亚,还是先取耶路撒冷?阿里的一句建议,定下了立即围攻后者的方略。在世俗人眼里,耶路撒冷不过是巴勒斯坦的第一或第二大城;但在虔诚的穆斯林心中,它的地位仅次于麦加与麦地那,乃是圣地的殿堂,摩西、耶稣以至穆罕默德本人的启示皆曾使之神圣,因而备受尊崇,朝拜不绝。阿布·苏富扬之子率五千阿拉伯人先行前往,或凭奇袭、或凭议和,试探一番;到第十一天,阿布·欧拜达的全军便把这座城团团围住。他照例向埃利亚的守将与百姓发出劝降的通牒。 79
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“Health and happiness to every one that follows the right way! We require of you to testify that there is but one God, and that Mahomet is his apostle. If you refuse this, consent to pay tribute, and be under us forthwith. Otherwise I shall bring men against you who love death better than you do the drinking of wine or eating hog’s flesh. Nor will I ever stir from you, if it please God, till I have destroyed those that fight for you, and made slaves of your children.” But the city was defended on every side by deep valleys and steep ascents; since the invasion of Syria, the walls and towers had been anxiously restored; the bravest of the fugitives of Yermuk had stopped in the nearest place of refuge; and in the defence of the sepulchre of Christ, the natives and strangers might feel some sparks of the enthusiasm, which so fiercely glowed in the bosoms of the Saracens. The siege of Jerusalem lasted four months; not a day was lost without some action of sally or assault; the military engines incessantly played from the ramparts; and the inclemency of the winter was still more painful and destructive to the Arabs. The Christians yielded at length to the perseverance of the besiegers. The patriarch Sophronius appeared on the walls, and by the voice of an interpreter demanded a conference. 7911 After a vain attempt to dissuade the lieutenant of the caliph from his impious enterprise, he proposed, in the name of the people, a fair capitulation, with this extraordinary clause, that the articles of security should be ratified by the authority and presence of Omar himself. The question was debated in the council of Medina; the sanctity of the place, and the advice of Ali, persuaded the caliph to gratify the wishes of his soldiers and enemies; and the simplicity of his journey is more illustrious than the royal pageants of vanity and oppression. The conqueror of Persia and Syria was mounted on a red camel, which carried, besides his person, a bag of corn, a bag of dates, a wooden dish, and a leathern bottle of water. Wherever he halted, the company, without distinction, was invited to partake of his homely fare, and the repast was consecrated by the prayer and exhortation of the commander of the faithful. 80 But in this expedition or pilgrimage, his power was exercised in the administration of justice: he reformed the licentious polygamy of the Arabs, relieved the tributaries from extortion and cruelty, and chastised the luxury of the Saracens, by despoiling them of their rich silks, and dragging them on their faces in the dirt. When he came within sight of Jerusalem, the caliph cried with a loud voice, “God is victorious. O Lord, give us an easy conquest!” and, pitching his tent of coarse hair, calmly seated himself on the ground. After signing the capitulation, he entered the city without fear or precaution; and courteously discoursed with the patriarch concerning its religious antiquities. 81 Sophronius bowed before his new master, and secretly muttered, in the words of Daniel, “The abomination of desolation is in the holy place.” 82 At the hour of prayer they stood together in the church of the resurrection; but the caliph refused to perform his devotions, and contented himself with praying on the steps of the church of Constantine. To the patriarch he disclosed his prudent and honorable motive. “Had I yielded,” said Omar, “to your request, the Moslems of a future age would have infringed the treaty under color of imitating my example.” By his command the ground of the temple of Solomon was prepared for the foundation of a mosch; 83 and, during a residence of ten days, he regulated the present and future state of his Syrian conquests. Medina might be jealous, lest the caliph should be detained by the sanctity of Jerusalem or the beauty of Damascus; her apprehensions were dispelled by his prompt and voluntary return to the tomb of the apostle. 84
“愿凡是遵循正道的人,都得平安与福乐!我们要你们作证:万物非主,唯有真主;穆罕默德是主的使者。你们若不肯如此,就得应允纳贡,即刻归顺我们。否则,我便要带一支大军来对付你们——这些人爱死亡,更甚于你们爱饮酒、爱吃猪肉。若蒙真主允准,我绝不会从你们跟前撤走一步,直到把为你们而战的人尽数消灭,把你们的儿女掳去为奴。”然而这座城四面皆有深谷与陡坡为屏障;自叙利亚遭到入侵以来,城墙与塔楼又已加紧修葺;雅穆克败逃者中最勇猛的一批,都就近停驻在这处避难之地;而为了守护基督的圣墓,本地人与外来者胸中也迸出几分热忱——那样的热忱,此刻正在萨拉森人心中熊熊燃烧。耶路撒冷之围持续了四个月,没有一天不曾出击或强攻;城头的攻守器械日夜不停地施放;而严冬的酷寒,对阿拉伯人来说尤其难熬,也尤其致命。基督徒终究抵不住围城者的百折不挠,只得屈服。牧首索夫罗尼乌斯现身城头,借译员之口提出要举行会谈。 7911 他想劝那位哈里发的副将放弃这桩渎神之举,终归徒劳,便以全城百姓的名义提出一份公平的投降条件,其中有一款颇为异乎寻常:保障安全的各项条款,须由欧麦尔本人亲临、亲自批准方才有效。这桩事在麦地那的议事会上经过一番争论;圣地之神圣,加上阿里的进言,终于说动哈里发,去成全将士与敌人的这番心愿;而他此行之简朴,比起那些炫耀虚荣、彰显威压的帝王仪仗,更显得光彩照人。这位征服了波斯与叙利亚的人,骑着一头红骆驼,驼背上除他本人外,只驮着一袋麦子、一袋椰枣、一只木碗和一皮囊清水。每到一处歇脚,无论尊卑,随行众人都获邀分享他那份粗茶淡饭,而这顿饭又因信士统帅的祈祷与训诫而添了几分神圣。 80 但在这趟远行——或者说朝圣——途中,他也不曾忘记行使权力、主持公道:他革除阿拉伯人放纵无度的一夫多妻之风,使纳贡的属民免遭勒索与虐待,又惩戒萨拉森人的奢靡——剥去他们身上华贵的丝绸,把他们脸朝下按在泥里拖行。望见耶路撒冷时,哈里发高声呼喊:“真主必胜。主啊,赐我们一场轻取的胜利吧!”随即支起他那顶粗毛帐篷,从容地席地而坐。签署降约之后,他毫无惧色、也不设戒备便进了城,还彬彬有礼地同牧首谈起城中的宗教古迹。 81 索夫罗尼乌斯向他的新主人躬身行礼,却暗暗借但以理的话咕哝道:“那行毁坏可憎的,站在圣地了。” 82 到了祷告的时辰,两人一同站在复活教堂里;哈里发却不肯在此行礼拜之仪,只在君士坦丁教堂的台阶上祷告,便算了事。他向牧首道出了自己这一番既审慎又磊落的用意。欧麦尔说:“我若依了你的请求,后世的穆斯林便会借口效法我的先例,来破坏这纸盟约。”他下令在所罗门圣殿的旧址上平整出地基,以兴建一座清真寺; 83 又在逗留的十天里,为他新征服的叙利亚厘定了眼下与日后的种种规制。麦地那城或许难免疑虑:唯恐哈里发会为耶路撒冷的神圣、或大马士革的绮丽所羁留;但他很快便主动返回先知的陵墓,这份疑虑也就烟消云散了。 84
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To achieve what yet remained of the Syrian war the caliph had formed two separate armies; a chosen detachment, under Amrou and Yezid, was left in the camp of Palestine; while the larger division, under the standard of Abu Obeidah and Caled, marched away to the north against Antioch and Aleppo. The latter of these, the Beraea of the Greeks, was not yet illustrious as the capital of a province or a kingdom; and the inhabitants, by anticipating their submission and pleading their poverty, obtained a moderate composition for their lives and religion. But the castle of Aleppo, 85 distinct from the city, stood erect on a lofty artificial mound; the sides were sharpened to a precipice, and faced with free-stone; and the breadth of the ditch might be filled with water from the neighboring springs. After the loss of three thousand men, the garrison was still equal to the defence; and Youkinna, their valiant and hereditary chief, had murdered his brother, a holy monk, for daring to pronounce the name of peace. In a siege of four or five months, the hardest of the Syrian war, great numbers of the Saracens were killed and wounded: their removal to the distance of a mile could not seduce the vigilance of Youkinna; nor could the Christians be terrified by the execution of three hundred captives, whom they beheaded before the castle wall. The silence, and at length the complaints, of Abu Obeidah informed the caliph that their hope and patience were consumed at the foot of this impregnable fortress. “I am variously affected,” replied Omar, “by the difference of your success; but I charge you by no means to raise the siege of the castle. Your retreat would diminish the reputation of our arms, and encourage the infidels to fall upon you on all sides. Remain before Aleppo till God shall determine the event, and forage with your horse round the adjacent country.” The exhortation of the commander of the faithful was fortified by a supply of volunteers from all the tribes of Arabia, who arrived in the camp on horses or camels. Among these was Dames, of a servile birth, but of gigantic size and intrepid resolution. The forty-seventh day of his service he proposed, with only thirty men, to make an attempt on the castle. The experience and testimony of Caled recommended his offer; and Abu Obeidah admonished his brethren not to despise the baser origin of Dames, since he himself, could he relinquish the public care, would cheerfully serve under the banner of the slave. His design was covered by the appearance of a retreat; and the camp of the Saracens was pitched about a league from Aleppo. The thirty adventurers lay in ambush at the foot of the hill; and Dames at length succeeded in his inquiries, though he was provoked by the ignorance of his Greek captives. “God curse these dogs,” said the illiterate Arab; “what a strange barbarous language they speak!” At the darkest hour of the night, he scaled the most accessible height, which he had diligently surveyed, a place where the stones were less entire, or the slope less perpendicular, or the guard less vigilant. Seven of the stoutest Saracens mounted on each other’s shoulders, and the weight of the column was sustained on the broad and sinewy back of the gigantic slave. The foremost in this painful ascent could grasp and climb the lowest part of the battlements; they silently stabbed and cast down the sentinels; and the thirty brethren, repeating a pious ejaculation, “O apostle of God, help and deliver us!” were successively drawn up by the long folds of their turbans. With bold and cautious footsteps, Dames explored the palace of the governor, who celebrated, in riotous merriment, the festival of his deliverance. From thence, returning to his companions, he assaulted on the inside the entrance of the castle. They overpowered the guard, unbolted the gate, let down the drawbridge, and defended the narrow pass, till the arrival of Caled, with the dawn of day, relieved their danger and assured their conquest. Youkinna, a formidable foe, became an active and useful proselyte; and the general of the Saracens expressed his regard for the most humble merit, by detaining the army at Aleppo till Dames was cured of his honorable wounds. The capital of Syria was still covered by the castle of Aazaz and the iron bridge of the Orontes. After the loss of those important posts, and the defeat of the last of the Roman armies, the luxury of Antioch 86 trembled and obeyed. Her safety was ransomed with three hundred thousand pieces of gold; but the throne of the successors of Alexander, the seat of the Roman government of the East, which had been decorated by Caesar with the titles of free, and holy, and inviolate was degraded under the yoke of the caliphs to the secondary rank of a provincial town. 87
为了完成叙利亚战事中尚未了结的部分,哈里发编成了两支各自独立的军队;一支精选的分遣队由阿慕尔与叶齐德统率,留驻在巴勒斯坦的营地;而人数较多的那一路,则在阿布·欧拜达与哈立德的旗帜下挥师北上,直取安条克与阿勒颇。阿勒颇——希腊人称之为贝罗埃亚——此时还不曾因作一省或一国之都而声名显赫;城中居民抢先归降,又诉说自己的贫穷,遂以一笔不算苛重的赎款,保全了性命与信仰。但阿勒颇的城堡 85 与城区各自分立,兀然矗立在一座高高的人工土丘之上;丘壁削成陡峭的悬崖,外覆琢石;又有一道宽阔的壕沟,可引附近的泉水灌满。守军折损了三千人,仍足以支撑防务;他们那位骁勇善战、世袭为首的尤金纳,甚至因自己的兄弟——一位圣洁的修士——胆敢说出“和平”二字,便把他杀了。这场围攻长达四五个月,是整个叙利亚战事中最为艰苦的一役,萨拉森人死伤枕藉:他们后撤一英里,也未能诱使尤金纳有丝毫松懈;他们又在城堡墙下斩了三百名俘虏,却也吓不倒城中的基督徒。阿布·欧拜达先是缄默不语,终于开始抱怨,哈里发这才知道:将士的希望与耐心,都已在这座固若金汤的堡垒脚下消磨殆尽。欧麦尔回复道:“你们时胜时挫,我的心情也随之起伏不定;但我严令你们,无论如何都不得撤围。你们一退,便会折损我军的声威,反倒壮了异教徒的胆,使他们从四面八方向你们扑来。你们且驻守在阿勒颇城下,直到真主裁定结局;同时纵马四出,到附近乡野征粮。”信士统帅这番激励之外,又有来自阿拉伯各部族的志愿者作为增援,纷纷骑马乘驼赶到营中。其中有个名叫达米斯的,出身卑贱、原是个奴隶,却生得身材魁伟,胆识过人。到他从军的第四十七天,他自告奋勇,要只带三十个人去袭取城堡。哈立德凭自己的阅历为他作保,力荐他这一提议;阿布·欧拜达则告诫弟兄们,切莫因达米斯出身低微而轻看他;他还说,自己若能卸下这份统军的重任,也甘愿在这奴隶的旗下欣然效命。为了掩护这一行动,全军佯作撤退,萨拉森人的营地扎在离阿勒颇约一里格(三英里许)之外。那三十名冒险者埋伏在山丘脚下;达米斯几经打探,终于摸清了情况——尽管抓来的希腊俘虏一问三不知,气得他直冒火。这个目不识丁的阿拉伯人骂道:“真主诅咒这些狗东西!他们说的是什么鬼话,又古怪又野蛮!”夜色最深之时,他攀上了自己精心勘察过、最易登临的一处高地——那里或是石块残缺不全,或是坡度不那么陡直,或是守卫不那么警觉。七个最壮实的萨拉森人一个踩着一个的肩膀叠了起来,而这一整根人柱的分量,全压在那魁梧奴隶宽阔而筋骨虬结的脊背上。攀在最上头的人,费尽力气终于够着并爬上了城垛最低的地方;他们悄无声息地把哨兵一个个刺倒、掀下城去;那三十名弟兄口中反复念着虔诚的祷词——“真主的使者啊,救助我们、拯救我们吧!”——便靠着一条条长长缠折的头巾,一个接一个被拉了上去。达米斯脚步既大胆又谨慎,探入了总督的府邸——那总督正大摆筵席、纵情喧闹,欢庆自己脱险。他从府中折回同伴处,从内侧向城堡的入口发起攻击。他们制服了守卫,拔去门闩,放下吊桥,死守住那道狭窄的通口,直到天亮时哈立德赶到,才解了他们之危,也稳稳拿下了这座城堡。尤金纳这个可畏的对手,摇身一变,成了一名积极而得力的皈依者;而萨拉森人的主将为了表明自己对卑微者功勋的敬重,特意把大军滞留在阿勒颇,直等到达米斯那些光荣的创伤痊愈为止。叙利亚的首府此时还有阿扎兹城堡与奥龙特斯河上的铁桥为它遮护。待这几处要隘尽失,罗马最后一支军队又遭击溃,繁华奢靡的安条克 86 便惶惶然俯首听命了。她以三十万枚金币赎得了自身的平安;然而这座城,曾是亚历山大后继诸王的宝座所在,又是罗马东方政务的中枢,恺撒还赐给她“自由、神圣、不可侵犯”的名号;如今却在哈里发的辖制之下沦落下来,降为一座次等的行省城镇。 87
¶
In the life of Heraclius, the glories of the Persian war are clouded on either hand by the disgrace and weakness of his more early and his later days. When the successors of Mahomet unsheathed the sword of war and religion, he was astonished at the boundless prospect of toil and danger; his nature was indolent, nor could the infirm and frigid age of the emperor be kindled to a second effort. The sense of shame, and the importunities of the Syrians, prevented the hasty departure from the scene of action; but the hero was no more; and the loss of Damascus and Jerusalem, the bloody fields of Aiznadin and Yermuk, may be imputed in some degree to the absence or misconduct of the sovereign. Instead of defending the sepulchre of Christ, he involved the church and state in a metaphysical controversy for the unity of his will; and while Heraclius crowned the offspring of his second nuptials, he was tamely stripped of the most valuable part of their inheritance. In the cathedral of Antioch, in the presence of the bishops, at the foot of the crucifix, he bewailed the sins of the prince and people; but his confession instructed the world, that it was vain, and perhaps impious, to resist the judgment of God. The Saracens were invincible in fact, since they were invincible in opinion; and the desertion of Youkinna, his false repentance and repeated perfidy, might justify the suspicion of the emperor, that he was encompassed by traitors and apostates, who conspired to betray his person and their country to the enemies of Christ. In the hour of adversity, his superstition was agitated by the omens and dreams of a falling crown; and after bidding an eternal farewell to Syria, he secretly embarked with a few attendants, and absolved the faith of his subjects. 88 Constantine, his eldest son, had been stationed with forty thousand men at Caesarea, the civil metropolis of the three provinces of Palestine. But his private interest recalled him to the Byzantine court; and, after the flight of his father, he felt himself an unequal champion to the united force of the caliph. His vanguard was boldly attacked by three hundred Arabs and a thousand black slaves, who, in the depth of winter, had climbed the snowy mountains of Libanus, and who were speedily followed by the victorious squadrons of Caled himself. From the north and south the troops of Antioch and Jerusalem advanced along the sea-shore till their banners were joined under the walls of the Phoenician cities: Tripoli and Tyre were betrayed; and a fleet of fifty transports, which entered without distrust the captive harbors, brought a seasonable supply of arms and provisions to the camp of the Saracens. Their labors were terminated by the unexpected surrender of Caesarea: the Roman prince had embarked in the night; 89 and the defenceless citizens solicited their pardon with an offering of two hundred thousand pieces of gold. The remainder of the province, Ramlah, Ptolemais or Acre, Sichem or Neapolis, Gaza, Ascalon, Berytus, Sidon, Gabala, Laodicea, Apamea, Hierapolis, no longer presumed to dispute the will of the conqueror; and Syria bowed under the sceptre of the caliphs seven hundred years after Pompey had despoiled the last of the Macedonian kings. 90
纵观希拉克略的一生,波斯战争的赫赫荣光,前后两头都笼罩着阴影:前有早年之耻,后有晚年之弱。当穆罕默德的继承者们拔出那柄兼具征战与宗教之义的利剑时,他望着眼前无边无际的艰辛与凶险,不禁愕然;他天性本就怠惰,如今又年迈体衰、暮气沉沉,再难重新振作、奋起一搏。羞耻之心,加上叙利亚人的再三恳求,才使他没有匆匆离开战事所在之地;但昔日那位英雄,已不复存在了;大马士革与耶路撒冷之失陷,艾兹纳丁与雅穆克两处血流成河的溃败,多少都可归咎于这位君主的缺席或失当。他非但不去守护基督的圣墓,反倒为了“基督意志之为一”这一玄虚的神学问题,把教会与国家一并卷入争辩;就在他为第二次婚姻所生的子嗣加冕之际,这些子嗣本该继承的产业中最宝贵的部分,却被人生生夺走,他也只是听之任之。在安条克的大教堂里,当着众主教的面,跪在十字架苦像脚下,他为君王与百姓的种种罪愆痛哭忏悔;可他这番自白却等于告诉世人:抗拒上帝的裁判,是徒劳的,甚至或许是亵渎神明的。萨拉森人之所以在实际上所向无敌,正因为在人们心目中他们已是不可战胜的了;尤金纳的叛降、他假意的悔过与一再的背信,也足以印证皇帝的疑惧:自己四周尽是些叛徒与变节者,正合谋要把他本人、把他们的国家,一并出卖给基督的仇敌。身处逆境之时,种种预兆、连同梦见王冠坠落的噩梦,更搅得他迷信之心惶惶不安;于是他向叙利亚作了永诀,只带几名随从,悄悄登船而去,并解除了臣民对他效忠的誓约。 88 他的长子君士坦丁,本率四万大军驻扎在凯撒里亚——那是巴勒斯坦三省的行政都会。但一己的私利,又把他召回了拜占庭宫廷;父亲出逃之后,他自觉难以独力抗衡哈里发那支联合起来的大军。他的前锋遭到三百名阿拉伯人与一千名黑奴的猛攻——这些人在隆冬时节翻越了积雪皑皑的黎巴嫩山,紧随其后的,便是哈立德本人麾下那支得胜的骑兵。来自安条克与耶路撒冷的两路兵马,一北一南沿着海岸线推进,最终在腓尼基诸城的城墙下会师,旗帜连成一片:的黎波里与提尔均遭内应出卖;一支由五十艘运输船组成的船队,毫无戒心地驶入已然陷落的港口,恰好为萨拉森人的营地送来了一批及时的军械与给养。凯撒里亚出人意料地投降,为他们的辛劳画上了句号:那位罗马皇子已趁夜登船离去; 89 城中百姓再无从设防,只得奉上二十万枚金币,恳求宽赦。这一行省余下的各城——拉姆拉、托勒迈斯(又名阿卡)、示剑(又名那波利斯)、加沙、阿斯卡隆、贝鲁图斯、西顿、加巴拉、拉奥迪西亚、阿帕米亚、希拉波利斯——再也不敢违逆征服者的意志;就这样,在庞培剥夺马其顿王朝末代君王的江山七百年之后,叙利亚终于俯首于哈里发的权杖之下。 90
Notes 注释
67
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In the Geography of Abulfeda, the description of Syria, his native country, is the most interesting and authentic portion. It was published in Arabic and Latin, Lipsiae, 1766, in quarto, with the learned notes of Kochler and Reiske, and some extracts of geography and natural history from Ibn Ol Wardii. Among the modern travels, Pocock’s Description of the East (of Syria and Mesopotamia, vol. ii. p. 88-209) is a work of superior learning and dignity; but the author too often confounds what he had seen and what he had read.
阿布尔费达的《地理志》中,对其故乡叙利亚的描述是最引人入胜、也最为翔实可信的一部分。此书以阿拉伯文与拉丁文合刊,1766 年在莱比锡(Lipsiae)出版,四开本,附有科赫勒与赖斯克博学的注释,另从伊本·瓦尔迪的著作中摘录了若干地理与博物方面的内容。近世的游记里,波科克的《东方志》(论叙利亚与美索不达米亚部分,vol. ii. p. 88-209)是一部学识与格调俱佳之作;只是作者常把亲眼所见与书本所读混为一谈。
68
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The praises of Dionysius are just and lively. Syria, (in Periegesi, v. 902, in tom. iv. Geograph. Minor. Hudson.) In another place he styles the country differently, (v. 898.) This poetical geographer lived in the age of Augustus, and his description of the world is illustrated by the Greek commentary of Eustathius, who paid the same compliment to Homer and Dionysius, (Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. l. iv. c. 2, tom. iii. p. 21, &c.)
狄奥尼修斯的赞语既贴切又生动。他如此称颂叙利亚(见其《大地环览》in Periegesi, v. 902,载 Geograph. Minor. Hudson, tom. iv.);另一处,他对这片土地又另有一番称呼(v. 898)。这位善作诗的地理学家生活在奥古斯都的时代,他对世界的描述另有欧斯塔提乌斯的希腊文注疏为之阐发;而欧斯塔提乌斯对荷马与狄奥尼修斯二人,也一并致以同样的推崇(Fabric. Bibliot. Graec. l. iv. c. 2, tom. iii. p. 21, &c.)。
69
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The topography of the Libanus and Anti-Libanus is excellently described by the learning and sense of Reland, (Palestin. tom. i. p. 311-326)
黎巴嫩山与安提黎巴嫩山的地形地貌,雷兰凭其学识与见地作了极出色的描述(Palestin. tom. i. p. 311-326)。
70
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—Emesae fastigia celsa renident.
Nam diffusa solo latus explicat; ac subit auras
Turribus in coelum nitentibus: incola claris
Cor studiis acuit...
Denique flammicomo devoti pectora soli
Vitam agitant. Libanus frondosa cacumina turget.
Et tamen his certant celsi fastigia templi.
These verses of the Latin version of Rufus Avienus are wanting in the Greek original of Dionysius; and since they are likewise unnoticed by Eustathius, I must, with Fabricius, (Bibliot. Latin. tom. iii. p. 153, edit. Ernesti,) and against Salmasius, (ad Vopiscum, p. 366, 367, in Hist. August.,) ascribed them to the fancy, rather than the Mss., of Avienus.
Nam diffusa solo latus explicat; ac subit auras
Turribus in coelum nitentibus: incola claris
Cor studiis acuit...
Denique flammicomo devoti pectora soli
Vitam agitant. Libanus frondosa cacumina turget.
Et tamen his certant celsi fastigia templi.
These verses of the Latin version of Rufus Avienus are wanting in the Greek original of Dionysius; and since they are likewise unnoticed by Eustathius, I must, with Fabricius, (Bibliot. Latin. tom. iii. p. 153, edit. Ernesti,) and against Salmasius, (ad Vopiscum, p. 366, 367, in Hist. August.,) ascribed them to the fancy, rather than the Mss., of Avienus.
Emesae fastigia celsa renident. Nam diffusa solo latus explicat; ac subit auras Turribus in coelum nitentibus: incola claris Cor studiis acuit... Denique flammicomo devoti pectora soli Vitam agitant. Libanus frondosa cacumina turget. Et tamen his certant celsi fastigia templi.(这几行诗的大意是:埃梅萨那高耸的塔顶熠熠生辉;它的城郭沿着大地铺展,广袤无垠,一座座塔楼直插云霄、凌空而立;城中的居民则以显赫的学问日日磨砺自己的心智……总而言之,他们把毕生都虔诚地奉献给那位披着火焰般鬈发的太阳神。黎巴嫩山上林木葱茏的峰峦高高隆起,然而这座巍峨神庙的顶端,竟也足以同那高高的山巅一较高下。)这几行诗出自鲁弗斯·阿维恩努斯的拉丁文译本,狄奥尼修斯的希腊文原作中并无其踪迹,欧斯塔提乌斯的注疏里也不曾提及;因此,我宁可附和法布里丘斯的看法(Bibliot. Latin. tom. iii. p. 153, edit. Ernesti),而不采信萨尔马修斯之说(ad Vopiscum, p. 366, 367, in Hist. August.),断定这些诗句出于阿维恩努斯的一时臆想,而非源自什么古老的抄本。
71
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I am much better satisfied with Maundrell’s slight octavo, (Journey, p. 134-139), than with the pompous folio of Dr. Pocock, (Description of the East, vol. ii. p. 106-113;) but every preceding account is eclipsed by the magnificent description and drawings of Mm. Dawkins and Wood, who have transported into England the ruins of Pamyra and Baalbec.
比起波科克博士那部堂皇的对开本(Description of the East, vol. ii. p. 106-113),我倒更中意蒙德雷尔那册轻薄的八开小书(Journey, p. 134-139);不过前人的种种记述,都被道金斯与伍德二位先生宏丽的描摹与图绘所盖过——正是这两位把帕尔米拉与巴勒贝克的废墟“搬”进了英格兰。
72
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The Orientals explain the prodigy by a never-failing expedient. The edifices of Baalbec were constructed by the fairies or the genii, (Hist. de Timour Bec, tom. iii. l. v. c. 23, p. 311, 312. Voyage d’Otter, tom. i. p. 83.) With less absurdity, but with equal ignorance, Abulfeda and Ibn Chaukel ascribe them to the Sabaeans or Aadites Non sunt in omni Syria aedificia magnificentiora his, (Tabula Syria p. 108.)
东方人解释这类奇迹,总有一个屡试不爽的法子:巴勒贝克的这些建筑,据说是仙灵或精怪所造(Hist. de Timour Bec, tom. iii. l. v. c. 23, p. 311, 312;Voyage d'Otter, tom. i. p. 83)。阿布尔费达与伊本·豪卡勒的说法虽不那么荒诞,却同样出于无知,把这些建筑归于萨巴人或阿德人之手,并称“Non sunt in omni Syria aedificia magnificentiora his”(意即:全叙利亚再没有比这更宏伟的建筑了,Tabula Syria p. 108)。
73
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I have read somewhere in Tacitus, or Grotius, Subjectos habent tanquam suos, viles tanquam alienos. Some Greek officers ravished the wife, and murdered the child, of their Syrian landlord; and Manuel smiled at his undutiful complaint.
我曾在塔西佗或格劳秀斯的书里某处读到这样一句:“Subjectos habent tanquam suos, viles tanquam alienos”(意即:他们把这些人当作自家属民一般驱使,又当作外人一般轻贱)。曾有几名希腊军官奸污了他们叙利亚房东的妻子,还杀了他的孩子;房东为此愤然控诉,曼努埃尔反倒嫌他不知本分,只淡然一笑置之。
74
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See Reland, Palestin. tom. i. p. 272, 283, tom. ii. p. 773, 775. This learned professor was equal to the task of describing the Holy Land, since he was alike conversant with Greek and Latin, with Hebrew and Arabian literature. The Yermuk, or Hieromax, is noticed by Cellarius (Geograph. Antiq. tom. ii. p. 392) and D’Anville, (Geographie Ancienne, tom. ii. p. 185.) The Arabs, and even Abulfeda himself, do not seem to recognize the scene of their victory.
参见雷兰《巴勒斯坦志》Palestin. tom. i. p. 272, 283,tom. ii. p. 773, 775。这位博学的教授足以担当描述圣地的重任,因为他对希腊文、拉丁文,以及希伯来与阿拉伯的典籍无不精通。雅穆克河(即希耶罗马克斯河),切拉里乌斯(Geograph. Antiq. tom. ii. p. 392)与当维尔(Geographie Ancienne, tom. ii. p. 185)都曾提及。阿拉伯人——甚至连阿布尔费达本人——似乎都认不出自己这场大捷究竟发生在何处。
7411
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Compare Price, p. 79. The army of the Romans is swoller to 400,000 men of which 70,000 perished.—M.
试比较普赖斯(Price)p. 79。罗马大军的人数被夸大到四十万人,其中七万人阵亡。—M
75
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These women were of the tribe of the Hamyarites, who derived their origin from the ancient Amalekites. Their females were accustomed to ride on horseback, and to fight like the Amazons of old, (Ockley, vol. i. p. 67.)
这些女子出自希木叶尔部族,其族源可上溯至古时的亚玛力人。她们族中的妇女惯于骑马,作战时犹如古代的亚马逊人(Ockley, vol. i. p. 67)。
76
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We killed of them, says Abu Obeidah to the caliph, one hundred and fifty thousand, and made prisoners forty thousand, (Ockley vol. i. p. 241.) As I cannot doubt his veracity, nor believe his computation, I must suspect that the Arabic historians indulge themselves in the practice of comparing speeches and letters for their heroes.
阿布·欧拜达向哈里发禀报说:“我们杀了他们十五万人,俘获四万人”(Ockley vol. i. p. 241)。我既不怀疑他的诚实,又无法相信他的算术,便只好猜想:阿拉伯的史家们大约惯于替自家的英雄编造演说与书信,聊以自娱。
77
↩
After deploring the sins of the Christians, Theophanes, adds, (Chronograph. p. 276,) does he mean Aiznadin? His account is brief and obscure, but he accuses the numbers of the enemy, the adverse wind, and the cloud of dust. (Chronograph. p. 280.)
塞奥法尼斯在痛惜基督徒的罪愆之后,又补记道(Chronograph. p. 276)——他指的莫非是艾兹纳丁之役?他的记述既简略又含混,只把败因归咎于敌军人数众多、风向不利,以及漫天扬起的尘土(Chronograph. p. 280)。
78
↩
See Abulfeda, (Annal. Moslem. p. 70, 71,) who transcribes the poetical complaint of Jabalah himself, and some panegyrical strains of an Arabian poet, to whom the chief of Gassan sent from Constantinople a gift of five hundred pieces of gold by the hands of the ambassador of Omar.
参见阿布尔费达(Annal. Moslem. p. 70, 71),他抄录了贾巴拉本人那首哀怨的诗,以及一位阿拉伯诗人的几段颂词;这位加桑首领曾托欧麦尔的使者之手,从君士坦丁堡给那诗人送去五百枚金币作为馈赠。
79
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In the name of the city, the profane prevailed over the sacred Jerusalem was known to the devout Christians, (Euseb. de Martyr Palest. c xi.;) but the legal and popular appellation of Aelia (the colony of Aelius Hadrianus) has passed from the Romans to the Arabs. (Reland, Palestin. tom. i. p. 207, tom. ii. p. 835. D’Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orientale, Cods, p. 269, Ilia, p. 420.) The epithet of Al Cods, the Holy, is used as the proper name of Jerusalem.
就这座城的名称而言,世俗之名压过了神圣之名:虔诚的基督徒都晓得“耶路撒冷”这一名号(Euseb. de Martyr Palest. c. xi.);然而“埃利亚”这个官方而通行的称呼(即埃利乌斯·哈德良所建的殖民地之名)却从罗马人那里传到了阿拉伯人手中(雷兰《巴勒斯坦志》Palestin. tom. i. p. 207, tom. ii. p. 835;埃尔布洛《东方文库》Bibliotheque Orientale, Cods, p. 269, Ilia, p. 420)。而“库兹”(Al Cods,意即“神圣者”)这一称谓,如今被用作耶路撒冷的专名。
7911
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See the explanation of this in Price, with the prophecy which was hereby fulfilled, p 85.—M
关于此事的解释,参见普赖斯,另有一则由此应验的预言,见 p. 85。—M
80
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The singular journey and equipage of Omar are described (besides Ockley, vol. i. p. 250) by Murtadi, (Merveilles de l’Egypte, p. 200-202.)
欧麦尔这趟别具一格的旅程与行装,除奥克利(vol. i. p. 250)外,穆尔塔迪也有描述(Merveilles de l'Egypte, p. 200-202)。
81
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The Arabs boast of an old prophecy preserved at Jerusalem, and describing the name, the religion, and the person of Omar, the future conqueror. By such arts the Jews are said to have soothed the pride of their foreign masters, Cyrus and Alexander, (Joseph. Ant. Jud. l. xi c. 1, 8, p. 447, 579-582.)
阿拉伯人夸称,耶路撒冷保存着一则古老的预言,把未来的征服者欧麦尔的名字、宗教与其人一一描摹了出来。据说犹太人当年也是用这类手段,安抚居鲁士与亚历山大这两位异邦主子的骄矜之心(Joseph. Ant. Jud. l. xi. c. 1, 8, p. 447, 579-582)。
82
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Theophan. Chronograph. p. 281. This prediction, which had already served for Antiochus and the Romans, was again refitted for the present occasion, by the economy of Sophronius, one of the deepest theologians of the Monothelite controversy.
塞奥法尼斯《编年史》Theophan. Chronograph. p. 281。这则预言早先曾套用在安条克王与罗马人身上,如今又经索夫罗尼乌斯之巧手翻新,移作此番之用;此人正是一志论之争中最精深的神学家之一。
83
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According to the accurate survey of D’Anville, (Dissertation sun l’ancienne Jerusalem, p. 42-54,) the mosch of Omar, enlarged and embellished by succeeding caliphs, covered the ground of the ancient temple, (says Phocas,) a length of 215, a breadth of 172, toises. The Nubian geographer declares, that this magnificent structure was second only in size and beauty to the great mosch of Cordova, (p. 113,) whose present state Mr. Swinburne has so elegantly represented, (Travels into Spain, p. 296-302.)
据当维尔精确的测绘(Dissertation sun l'ancienne Jerusalem, p. 42-54),欧麦尔的这座清真寺,经历代哈里发不断扩建、修饰,占地正是古神殿的旧址(福卡斯如此说),长 215 突阿斯(toise),宽 172 突阿斯。那位努比亚地理学家宣称,这座宏伟的建筑,无论规模还是华美,都仅次于科尔多瓦的大清真寺(p. 113);而科尔多瓦大寺如今的样貌,斯温伯恩先生曾优雅地予以描绘(Travels into Spain, p. 296-302)。
84
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Of the many Arabic tarikhs or chronicles of Jerusalem, (D’Herbelot, p. 867,) Ockley found one among the Pocock Mss. of Oxford, (vol. i. p. 257,) which he has used to supply the defective narrative of Al Wakidi.
有关耶路撒冷的阿拉伯“tarikh”(即编年史)为数甚多(埃尔布洛,p. 867);奥克利在牛津的波科克手稿(Pocock Mss.)中找到了其中一部(vol. i. p. 257),用以补足瓦基迪叙述中的缺漏。
85
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The Persian historian of Timur (tom. iii. l. v. c. 21, p. 300) describes the castle of Aleppo as founded on a rock one hundred cubits in height; a proof, says the French translator, that he had never visited the place. It is now in the midst of the city, of no strength with a single gate; the circuit is about 500 or 600 paces, and the ditch half full of stagnant water, (Voyages de Tavernier, tom. i. p. 149 Pocock, vol. ii. part i. p. 150.) The fortresses of the East are contemptible to a European eye.
记述帖木儿的那位波斯史家(tom. iii. l. v. c. 21, p. 300)称,阿勒颇城堡建在一块高达一百肘的岩石上;法文译者说,这恰好证明他从未到过此地。如今这座城堡坐落在城市中央,并不坚固,只有一道城门;周长约五六百步,壕沟里半是死水(Voyages de Tavernier, tom. i. p. 149;Pocock, vol. ii. part i. p. 150)。在欧洲人眼里,东方的这些堡垒实在不值一提。
86
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The date of the conquest of Antioch by the Arabs is of some importance. By comparing the years of the world in the chronography of Theophanes with the years of the Hegira in the history of Elmacin, we shall determine, that it was taken between January 23d and September 1st of the year of Christ 638, (Pagi, Critica, in Baron. Annal. tom. ii. p. 812, 813.) Al Wakidi (Ockley, vol. i. p. 314) assigns that event to Tuesday, August 21st, an inconsistent date; since Easter fell that year on April 5th, the 21st of August must have been a Friday, (see the Tables of the Art de Verifier les Dates.)
阿拉伯人攻取安条克的确切日期,颇有几分要紧。把塞奥法尼斯编年中的“创世纪年”同埃尔马金史书里的“希吉拉纪年”两相对照,即可断定:此城陷落于公元 638 年 1 月 23 日至 9 月 1 日之间(Pagi, Critica, in Baron. Annal. tom. ii. p. 812, 813)。瓦基迪(Ockley, vol. i. p. 314)把这桩事系于 8 月 21 日星期二,然此日期自相矛盾:因为那一年复活节落在 4 月 5 日,故 8 月 21 日必定是星期五(参见 Art de Verifier les Dates 中的历表)。
87
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His bounteous edict, which tempted the grateful city to assume the victory of Pharsalia for a perpetual aera, is given. John Malala, in Chron. p. 91, edit. Venet. We may distinguish his authentic information of domestic facts from his gross ignorance of general history.
恺撒那道慷慨的敕令,诱使这座感恩戴德的城市把法萨利亚大捷之年定为永久的纪元起点;此敕令的原文见约翰·马拉拉斯《编年史》in Chron. p. 91, edit. Venet.。我们尽可把他对本地史实的可靠记述,同他对通史的极度无知区分开来。
88
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See Ockley, (vol. i. p. 308, 312,) who laughs at the credulity of his author. When Heraclius bade farewell to Syria, Vale Syria et ultimum vale, he prophesied that the Romans should never reenter the province till the birth of an inauspicious child, the future scourge of the empire. Abulfeda, p. 68. I am perfectly ignorant of the mystic sense, or nonsense, of this prediction.
参见奥克利(vol. i. p. 308, 312),他对其史料来源之轻信颇为讪笑。希拉克略向叙利亚诀别时曾言“Vale Syria et ultimum vale”(意即:叙利亚,永别了,这是最后一别),他还预言:罗马人再也不会重返此省,除非有朝一日降生一个不祥之子,成为帝国未来的祸根。见阿布尔费达 p. 68。这则预言究竟含着什么神秘的意味——抑或纯属胡言——我实在一无所知。
89
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In the loose and obscure chronology of the times, I am guided by an authentic record, (in the book of ceremonies of Constantine Porphyrogenitus,) which certifies that, June 4, A.D. 638, the emperor crowned his younger son Heraclius, in the presence of his eldest, Constantine, and in the palace of Constantinople; that January 1, A.D. 639, the royal procession visited the great church, and on the 4th of the same month, the hippodrome.
那个时代的纪年松散而含混,我所依凭的是一份可靠的记录(见君士坦丁·波菲罗格尼图斯的《礼仪书》):据其证实,公元 638 年 6 月 4 日,皇帝当着长子君士坦丁的面,在君士坦丁堡的宫中为幼子希拉克略加冕;公元 639 年 1 月 1 日,皇室仪仗巡幸大教堂,同月 4 日又巡幸竞技场。
90
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Sixty-five years before Christ, Syria Pontusque monumenta sunt Cn. Pompeii virtutis, (Vell. Patercul. ii. 38,) rather of his fortune and power: he adjudged Syria to be a Roman province, and the last of the Seleucides were incapable of drawing a sword in the defence of their patrimony (see the original texts collected by Usher, Annal. p. 420)
公元前 65 年,“Syria Pontusque monumenta sunt Cn. Pompeii virtutis”(意即:叙利亚与本都,皆为格奈乌斯·庞培武功之丰碑,Vell. Patercul. ii. 38)——说是他的运数与权势之丰碑,或许更为贴切:他裁定叙利亚为罗马的一省,而塞琉古王朝的末代君王们,竟连拔剑捍卫祖业的力气都没有了(参见厄谢尔所辑录的原始文献,Usher, Annal. p. 420)。