Chapter XLVI: Troubles In Persia.—Part III. 第四十六章 波斯的动乱——第三节

A daughter of Phocas, his only child, was given in marriage to the patrician Crispus, 52 and the royal images of the bride and bridegroom were indiscreetly placed in the circus, by the side of the emperor. The father must desire that his posterity should inherit the fruit of his crimes, but the monarch was offended by this premature and popular association: the tribunes of the green faction, who accused the officious error of their sculptors, were condemned to instant death: their lives were granted to the prayers of the people; but Crispus might reasonably doubt, whether a jealous usurper could forget and pardon his involuntary competition. The green faction was alienated by the ingratitude of Phocas and the loss of their privileges; every province of the empire was ripe for rebellion; and Heraclius, exarch of Africa, persisted above two years in refusing all tribute and obedience to the centurion who disgraced the throne of Constantinople. By the secret emissaries of Crispus and the senate, the independent exarch was solicited to save and to govern his country; but his ambition was chilled by age, and he resigned the dangerous enterprise to his son Heraclius, and to Nicetas, the son of Gregory, his friend and lieutenant. The powers of Africa were armed by the two adventurous youths; they agreed that the one should navigate the fleet from Carthage to Constantinople, that the other should lead an army through Egypt and Asia, and that the Imperial purple should be the reward of diligence and success. A faint rumor of their undertaking was conveyed to the ears of Phocas, and the wife and mother of the younger Heraclius were secured as the hostages of his faith: but the treacherous heart of Crispus extenuated the distant peril, the means of defence were neglected or delayed, and the tyrant supinely slept till the African navy cast anchor in the Hellespont. Their standard was joined at Abidus by the fugitives and exiles who thirsted for revenge; the ships of Heraclius, whose lofty masts were adorned with the holy symbols of religion, 53 steered their triumphant course through the Propontis; and Phocas beheld from the windows of the palace his approaching and inevitable fate. The green faction was tempted, by gifts and promises, to oppose a feeble and fruitless resistance to the landing of the Africans: but the people, and even the guards, were determined by the well-timed defection of Crispus; and the tyrant was seized by a private enemy, who boldly invaded the solitude of the palace. Stripped of the diadem and purple, clothed in a vile habit, and loaded with chains, he was transported in a small boat to the Imperial galley of Heraclius, who reproached him with the crimes of his abominable reign. “Wilt thou govern better?” were the last words of the despair of Phocas. After suffering each variety of insult and torture, his head was severed from his body, the mangled trunk was cast into the flames, and the same treatment was inflicted on the statues of the vain usurper, and the seditious banner of the green faction. The voice of the clergy, the senate, and the people, invited Heraclius to ascend the throne which he had purified from guilt and ignominy; after some graceful hesitation, he yielded to their entreaties. His coronation was accompanied by that of his wife Eudoxia; and their posterity, till the fourth generation, continued to reign over the empire of the East. The voyage of Heraclius had been easy and prosperous; the tedious march of Nicetas was not accomplished before the decision of the contest: but he submitted without a murmur to the fortune of his friend, and his laudable intentions were rewarded with an equestrian statue, and a daughter of the emperor. It was more difficult to trust the fidelity of Crispus, whose recent services were recompensed by the command of the Cappadocian army. His arrogance soon provoked, and seemed to excuse, the ingratitude of his new sovereign. In the presence of the senate, the son-in-law of Phocas was condemned to embrace the monastic life; and the sentence was justified by the weighty observation of Heraclius, that the man who had betrayed his father could never be faithful to his friend. 54
福卡斯只有一个孩子,是个女儿,被许配给贵族克里斯普斯 52;新娘与新郎的画像竟被不慎陈列在竞技场中,紧挨着皇帝的御像。作父亲的,自然盼着自家子孙承袭他罪行换来的果实;可作君主的,却对这种过早而又得民心的并列心生不快。绿党的几名首领出面,把责任推到雕匠多事之误上,反被判处立即处死;后经民众恳求,才得保全性命。然而克里斯普斯尽可有理由怀疑:一个多疑的篡位者,果真会忘却并宽恕他这场并非本意的僭越吗?福卡斯忘恩负义,又剥夺了绿党的种种特权,使这一党离心离德;帝国各行省无不酝酿着叛乱之势;而阿非利加总督希拉克略,更是接连两年多,拒不向那玷污了君士坦丁堡宝座的百夫长缴纳贡赋、俯首听命。克里斯普斯与元老院暗中遣使,恳请这位自立的总督出面拯救并治理国家;然而他年事已高,雄心早已冷却,便把这桩凶险的大业交托给儿子希拉克略,以及自己的好友兼副手、格列高利之子尼基塔斯。两位敢作敢为的青年调集了阿非利加的兵力,约定:一人率舰队自迦太基驶往君士坦丁堡,另一人领陆军取道埃及、亚细亚进军,谁勤勉而成功,帝位的紫袍便归谁所有。他们的图谋隐约传入福卡斯耳中,小希拉克略的妻子与母亲遂被扣为人质,以担保其忠诚;然而克里斯普斯心怀异志,故意把这远方之患说得轻描淡写,防御之策或遭忽视、或被拖延,暴君便高枕安眠,直到阿非利加舰队已在赫勒斯滂下锚。渴望复仇的亡命者与流放者纷纷在阿卑多斯投奔其麾下;希拉克略的战船高桅之上悬着神圣的宗教标记 53,浩浩荡荡穿越普罗庞提斯而来;福卡斯从宫殿窗口望见了自己那步步逼近、无从躲避的命运。绿党受财物与许诺的诱惑,对阿非利加人的登陆略作抵抗,却软弱无力、徒劳无功;克里斯普斯适时倒戈,民众乃至卫兵遂都下定了决心;一名私仇者大胆闯入空寂的宫殿,将暴君擒获。他被剥去冠冕与紫袍,换上一身褴褛,戴上重镣,由一叶小舟押解到希拉克略的御用大船上;希拉克略当面斥责他那可憎统治下的桩桩罪行。“难道你就能治理得更好?”——这便是福卡斯绝望之际留下的最后一句话。受尽种种侮辱与酷刑之后,他身首异处,残躯被投入火中;那虚妄篡位者的雕像,以及绿党那面煽乱的旗帜,也一并付之一炬。教士、元老院与民众同声敦请希拉克略登上这座已被他涤除了罪垢与耻辱的宝座;他略作一番得体的推辞,终于应允了众人的恳求。加冕之时,其妻欧多克西娅也一同受冕;他们的子孙相承四代,一直统治着东部帝国。希拉克略的航程顺遂而平安;尼基塔斯的漫长行军却尚未走完,胜负便已见分晓;然而他毫无怨言地服从了好友的时运,其可嘉的初衷也得到了回报——一座骑马雕像,外加皇帝的一位女儿。克里斯普斯的忠诚却较难托付;他新近立下的功劳,换来了统率卡帕多西亚军团之职。不久,他的傲慢便惹恼了新主君,也仿佛为这位新主君的忘恩负义提供了口实。在元老院面前,这位福卡斯的女婿被判入修道院了却余生;希拉克略一句意味深长的评断,为这一判决作了辩解:一个连岳父都能出卖的人,绝不会对朋友忠诚。 54
Even after his death the republic was afflicted by the crimes of Phocas, which armed with a pious cause the most formidable of her enemies. According to the friendly and equal forms of the Byzantine and Persian courts, he announced his exaltation to the throne; and his ambassador Lilius, who had presented him with the heads of Maurice and his sons, was the best qualified to describe the circumstances of the tragic scene. 55 However it might be varnished by fiction or sophistry, Chosroes turned with horror from the assassin, imprisoned the pretended envoy, disclaimed the usurper, and declared himself the avenger of his father and benefactor. The sentiments of grief and resentment, which humanity would feel, and honor would dictate, promoted on this occasion the interest of the Persian king; and his interest was powerfully magnified by the national and religious prejudices of the Magi and satraps. In a strain of artful adulation, which assumed the language of freedom, they presumed to censure the excess of his gratitude and friendship for the Greeks; a nation with whom it was dangerous to conclude either peace or alliance; whose superstition was devoid of truth and justice, and who must be incapable of any virtue, since they could perpetrate the most atrocious of crimes, the impious murder of their sovereign. 56 For the crime of an ambitious centurion, the nation which he oppressed was chastised with the calamities of war; and the same calamities, at the end of twenty years, were retaliated and redoubled on the heads of the Persians. 57 The general who had restored Chosroes to the throne still commanded in the East; and the name of Narses was the formidable sound with which the Assyrian mothers were accustomed to terrify their infants. It is not improbable, that a native subject of Persia should encourage his master and his friend to deliver and possess the provinces of Asia. It is still more probable, that Chosroes should animate his troops by the assurance that the sword which they dreaded the most would remain in its scabbard, or be drawn in their favor. The hero could not depend on the faith of a tyrant; and the tyrant was conscious how little he deserved the obedience of a hero. Narses was removed from his military command; he reared an independent standard at Hierapolis, in Syria: he was betrayed by fallacious promises, and burnt alive in the market-place of Constantinople. Deprived of the only chief whom they could fear or esteem, the bands which he had led to victory were twice broken by the cavalry, trampled by the elephants, and pierced by the arrows of the Barbarians; and a great number of the captives were beheaded on the field of battle by the sentence of the victor, who might justly condemn these seditious mercenaries as the authors or accomplices of the death of Maurice. Under the reign of Phocas, the fortifications of Merdin, Dara, Amida, and Edessa, were successively besieged, reduced, and destroyed, by the Persian monarch: he passed the Euphrates, occupied the Syrian cities, Hierapolis, Chalcis, and Berrhaea or Aleppo, and soon encompassed the walls of Antioch with his irresistible arms. The rapid tide of success discloses the decay of the empire, the incapacity of Phocas, and the disaffection of his subjects; and Chosroes provided a decent apology for their submission or revolt, by an impostor, who attended his camp as the son of Maurice 58 and the lawful heir of the monarchy.
福卡斯纵已伏诛,他的种种罪行仍在祸害这个共和国——正是这些罪行,给了国家最可畏的敌人一个虔敬的开战借口。按照拜占庭与波斯两廷之间友好而对等的礼节,他遣使通告自己登基之事;出使的利利乌斯当年曾把莫里斯及其诸子的首级献给他,由这样一个人来描述那场惨剧的经过,最是合适不过。 55 任凭如何以虚构或诡辩加以粉饰,库思老仍满怀恐惧地掉头不睬这个刺君之徒,将那名冒充的使者下狱,公开否认这个篡位者,并以其义父兼恩主莫里斯的复仇者自居。出于人情该有的悲愤、出于道义该存的义愤——这些情感在此时恰好也促进了波斯王的利益;而麻葛僧与各省总督的民族与宗教成见,更将这利益大大放大。他们以一套巧妙的阿谀之词,佯装直言进谏,竟敢指摘他对希腊人过于感激、过于友好:这样一个民族,与之媾和或结盟都是危险的;他们的迷信既无真理也无正义,更不可能有任何德行可言——因为他们竟能犯下最凶残的罪行,悍然弑君。 56 只因一个野心勃勃的百夫长犯下罪行,遭他压迫的整个民族反倒要承受战祸的惩罚;而二十年后,这同样的战祸又加倍报还到了波斯人头上。 57 当年助库思老复位的那位将领,仍统兵镇守东方;“纳尔塞斯”之名威震敌胆,亚述的母亲们常拿它来吓唬啼哭的婴孩。一个生为波斯臣民的人,鼓动其君主兼友人去攻取并占有亚细亚诸行省,本非不可能之事。更有可能的是,库思老会以这样的保证来鼓舞士气:他们最为畏惧的那把利剑,要么将安卧鞘中,要么将为他们所用。这位英雄无法信赖一个暴君的信义,而暴君也自知配不上一位英雄的效忠。纳尔塞斯被解除兵权,遂在叙利亚的希拉波利斯竖起自立的旗帜;后为虚假的许诺所骗,终被活活烧死在君士坦丁堡的市集广场上。失去了唯一令他们敬畏的统帅,这支曾在他麾下屡战屡胜的部队,两度被蛮族骑兵冲垮、遭战象践踏、为乱箭射穿;许多俘虏依胜利者的判决,就地斩首于战场——胜利者尽可名正言顺地把这些犯上作乱的雇佣兵,定为杀害莫里斯的主谋或帮凶。福卡斯在位期间,梅尔丁、达拉、阿米达、埃德萨诸城的工事,接连被波斯君主围攻、攻陷、夷平;他渡过幼发拉底河,占领了叙利亚诸城——希拉波利斯、卡尔基斯、贝罗埃亚(即阿勒颇),旋即以锐不可当之势合围了安条克城。这一连串迅猛的胜利,暴露出帝国的衰朽、福卡斯的无能,以及臣民的离心;库思老还替他们的归降或反叛备好了一个体面的说辞:他军中带着一名冒充者,诡称是莫里斯之子 58、帝位的合法继承人。
The first intelligence from the East which Heraclius received, 59 was that of the loss of Antioch; but the aged metropolis, so often overturned by earthquakes, and pillaged by the enemy, could supply but a small and languid stream of treasure and blood. The Persians were equally successful, and more fortunate, in the sack of Caesarea, the capital of Cappadocia; and as they advanced beyond the ramparts of the frontier, the boundary of ancient war, they found a less obstinate resistance and a more plentiful harvest. The pleasant vale of Damascus has been adorned in every age with a royal city: her obscure felicity has hitherto escaped the historian of the Roman empire: but Chosroes reposed his troops in the paradise of Damascus before he ascended the hills of Libanus, or invaded the cities of the Phœnician coast. The conquest of Jerusalem, 60 which had been meditated by Nushirvan, was achieved by the zeal and avarice of his grandson; the ruin of the proudest monument of Christianity was vehemently urged by the intolerant spirit of the Magi; and he could enlist for this holy warfare with an army of six-and-twenty thousand Jews, whose furious bigotry might compensate, in some degree, for the want of valor and discipline. 6011 After the reduction of Galilee, and the region beyond the Jordan, whose resistance appears to have delayed the fate of the capital, Jerusalem itself was taken by assault. The sepulchre of Christ, and the stately churches of Helena and Constantine, were consumed, or at least damaged, by the flames; the devout offerings of three hundred years were rifled in one sacrilegious day; the Patriarch Zachariah, and the true cross, were transported into Persia; and the massacre of ninety thousand Christians is imputed to the Jews and Arabs, who swelled the disorder of the Persian march. The fugitives of Palestine were entertained at Alexandria by the charity of John the Archbishop, who is distinguished among a crowd of saints by the epithet of almsgiver: 61 and the revenues of the church, with a treasure of three hundred thousand pounds, were restored to the true proprietors, the poor of every country and every denomination. But Egypt itself, the only province which had been exempt, since the time of Diocletian, from foreign and domestic war, was again subdued by the successors of Cyrus. Pelusium, the key of that impervious country, was surprised by the cavalry of the Persians: they passed, with impunity, the innumerable channels of the Delta, and explored the long valley of the Nile, from the pyramids of Memphis to the confines of Aethiopia. Alexandria might have been relieved by a naval force, but the archbishop and the præfect embarked for Cyprus; and Chosroes entered the second city of the empire, which still preserved a wealthy remnant of industry and commerce. His western trophy was erected, not on the walls of Carthage, 62 but in the neighborhood of Tripoli; the Greek colonies of Cyrene were finally extirpated; and the conqueror, treading in the footsteps of Alexander, returned in triumph through the sands of the Libyan desert. In the same campaign, another army advanced from the Euphrates to the Thracian Bosphorus; Chalcedon surrendered after a long siege, and a Persian camp was maintained above ten years in the presence of Constantinople. The sea-coast of Pontus, the city of Ancyra, and the Isle of Rhodes, are enumerated among the last conquests of the great king; and if Chosroes had possessed any maritime power, his boundless ambition would have spread slavery and desolation over the provinces of Europe.
希拉克略从东方接到的第一个消息 59,便是安条克失守;然而这座古老的大都会,屡遭地震倾覆、屡遭敌人劫掠,能供人榨取的财富与血肉,也已只剩下细弱疲乏的一股了。波斯人洗劫卡帕多西亚首府凯撒里亚,同样得手,且收获更丰;他们越过边境壁垒——那是昔日战争的疆界——所遇抵抗愈弱,掳获却愈丰。大马士革那片宜人的河谷,历代都点缀着一座王者之城;它默默无闻的安乐,此前一直不曾进入罗马帝国史家的笔端;而库思老在登上黎巴嫩山、进犯腓尼基沿海诸城之前,先让大军在这大马士革的乐园里休整。征服耶路撒冷 60 一事,努希尔万当年曾有此意,如今终由他孙子的狂热与贪婪付诸实现;麻葛僧那份褊狭之心,极力怂恿着去摧毁基督教这座最引以为傲的丰碑;为这场“圣战”,他还招募到两万六千名犹太人,他们那股疯狂的偏执,多少可弥补勇武与纪律的不足。 6011 加利利以及约旦河东一带既已攻下——正是这一带的抵抗,似乎推迟了都城陷落的时刻——耶路撒冷本身终被强攻拿下。基督的圣墓,以及海伦娜与君士坦丁所建的巍峨教堂,都被大火焚毁,至少也遭了损坏;三百年间信众虔诚奉献的种种圣物,在这亵渎神圣的一天里被洗劫一空;牧首撒迦利亚与真十字架,一并被掳往波斯;九万基督徒惨遭屠戮,罪责被归到犹太人与阿拉伯人身上——正是这些人,使波斯大军过境时的混乱愈演愈烈。逃出巴勒斯坦的难民,在亚历山大里亚受到大主教约翰的慈善接济;在众多圣徒之中,此人以“施赈者”的称号著称。 61 教会的岁入连同一笔三十万镑的资财,都被归还给它们真正的主人——不分邦国、不分教派的一切穷人。然而埃及——这个自戴克里先以来唯一未经外患内战的行省——也再度被居鲁士的后继者征服了。佩鲁西乌姆乃这片易守难攻之地的门户,竟遭波斯骑兵奇袭得手;他们畅通无阻地越过三角洲那纵横交错的水道,沿尼罗河漫长的河谷长驱直入,从孟菲斯的金字塔一直探到埃塞俄比亚的边界。亚历山大里亚本可由一支水师前来解围,可大主教与长官却登船逃往塞浦路斯;库思老遂进入这座帝国的第二大城——此地工商业虽已凋零,仍留有一份可观的富庶。他在西方竖起的战功之碑,并非立于迦太基城下 62,而是立在的黎波里近郊;昔兰尼的希腊殖民地至此被彻底铲除;这位征服者踏着亚历山大的足迹,穿越利比亚沙漠的黄沙,凯旋而归。在同一场战役中,另一支大军自幼发拉底河一路推进到色雷斯一侧的博斯普鲁斯海峡;卡尔西顿久围之后投降,波斯人的营垒就在君士坦丁堡对岸驻扎了十年有余。本都的沿海地带、安基拉城,以及罗得岛,都名列这位大王最后的战果之中;倘若库思老手中握有哪怕一点海上力量,他那无边的野心,早已把奴役与荒凉散布到欧洲各行省去了。
From the long-disputed banks of the Tigris and Euphrates, the reign of the grandson of Nushirvan was suddenly extended to the Hellespont and the Nile, the ancient limits of the Persian monarchy. But the provinces, which had been fashioned by the habits of six hundred years to the virtues and vices of the Roman government, supported with reluctance the yoke of the Barbarians. The idea of a republic was kept alive by the institutions, or at least by the writings, of the Greeks and Romans, and the subjects of Heraclius had been educated to pronounce the words of liberty and law. But it has always been the pride and policy of Oriental princes to display the titles and attributes of their omnipotence; to upbraid a nation of slaves with their true name and abject condition, and to enforce, by cruel and insolent threats, the rigor of their absolute commands. The Christians of the East were scandalized by the worship of fire, and the impious doctrine of the two principles: the Magi were not less intolerant than the bishops; and the martyrdom of some native Persians, who had deserted the religion of Zoroaster, 63 was conceived to be the prelude of a fierce and general persecution. By the oppressive laws of Justinian, the adversaries of the church were made the enemies of the state; the alliance of the Jews, Nestorians, and Jacobites, had contributed to the success of Chosroes, and his partial favor to the sectaries provoked the hatred and fears of the Catholic clergy. Conscious of their fear and hatred, the Persian conqueror governed his new subjects with an iron sceptre; and, as if he suspected the stability of his dominion, he exhausted their wealth by exorbitant tributes and licentious rapine despoiled or demolished the temples of the East; and transported to his hereditary realms the gold, the silver, the precious marbles, the arts, and the artists of the Asiatic cities. In the obscure picture of the calamities of the empire, 64 it is not easy to discern the figure of Chosroes himself, to separate his actions from those of his lieutenants, or to ascertain his personal merit in the general blaze of glory and magnificence. He enjoyed with ostentation the fruits of victory, and frequently retired from the hardships of war to the luxury of the palace. But in the space of twenty-four years, he was deterred by superstition or resentment from approaching the gates of Ctesiphon: and his favorite residence of Artemita, or Dastagerd, was situate beyond the Tigris, about sixty miles to the north of the capital. 65 The adjacent pastures were covered with flocks and herds: the paradise or park was replenished with pheasants, peacocks, ostriches, roebucks, and wild boars, and the noble game of lions and tigers was sometimes turned loose for the bolder pleasures of the chase. Nine hundred and sixty elephants were maintained for the use or splendor of the great king: his tents and baggage were carried into the field by twelve thousand great camels and eight thousand of a smaller size; 66 and the royal stables were filled with six thousand mules and horses, among whom the names of Shebdiz and Barid are renowned for their speed or beauty. 6611 Six thousand guards successively mounted before the palace gate; the service of the interior apartments was performed by twelve thousand slaves, and in the number of three thousand virgins, the fairest of Asia, some happy concubine might console her master for the age or the indifference of Sira.
努希尔万之孙的统治,从底格里斯河与幼发拉底河那两岸久争之地,骤然扩张到赫勒斯滂与尼罗河——那正是古波斯王国当年的疆界。然而这些行省,历经六百年的习染,早已安于罗马治下的种种善政与弊端,如今对蛮族的桎梏,只是勉强忍受。共和国的理念,靠着希腊人与罗马人的种种制度、或至少靠着他们的著述得以存续;希拉克略的臣民自幼所受的教养,使他们口中说得出“自由”与“法律”这样的字眼。而东方君主素来的骄矜与权术,则在于炫耀自己那全能无边的种种名号与威仪;在于当面斥破一个奴隶民族的真实名分与卑贱处境;在于以残暴而傲慢的恫吓,来贯彻其绝对号令的森严。东方的基督徒,对拜火之俗、对那宣扬善恶二元、亵渎神明的教义深感愤慨;而麻葛僧之褊狭,较之主教们毫不逊色;一些原为波斯人、后来背弃了琐罗亚斯德之教的信徒 63 以身殉道,被人视为一场猛烈而普遍的迫害的前奏。查士丁尼那些苛酷的法律,把教会的敌人一概划作国家的敌人;犹太人、聂斯脱利派与雅各派的归附,曾助库思老成事,而他对这些异端宗派的偏袒,也激起了大公教会教士的仇恨与恐惧。这位波斯征服者深知他们心怀恐惧与仇恨,遂以铁腕权杖统治其新的臣民;他仿佛对自己统治的长久心存疑虑,便以苛捐重赋和肆意劫掠榨尽民财,将东方的神庙或洗劫、或拆毁;又把亚细亚各城的金银、珍贵大理石、种种技艺连同工匠,统统运往他世代相承的本土。在这幅描绘帝国灾难的晦暗画卷中 64,要辨认出库思老本人的身影、把他的作为同部将的作为区分开来,或是在那一片荣光与辉煌之中断定他个人的功绩,都并非易事。他大肆张扬地享用着胜利的果实,还常常从战争的艰辛中抽身,退回宫廷去享乐。然而在长达二十四年间,他或因迷信、或因积怨,始终不肯走近泰西封的城门;他钟爱的居所阿尔特米塔(又名达斯塔格尔德),位于底格里斯河彼岸,在都城以北约六十英里处。 65 邻近的牧场上遍布牛羊;那座乐园(或曰苑囿)中,野雉、孔雀、鸵鸟、狍鹿、野猪应有尽有;有时还放出狮虎这等猛兽,供人纵情于更为大胆的狩猎之乐。为供这位大王驱使、彰显其威仪,共畜养着九百六十头大象;他的营帐与辎重,由一万二千头大骆驼、八千头较小的骆驼驮运出征; 66 御用马厩里满是六千匹骡马,其中“沙卜迪兹”与“巴里德”二名,以神速或俊美而著称。 6611 六千名卫士轮番在宫门前值守;内廷的侍奉由一万二千名奴仆担当;而在那三千名亚细亚最美的少女之中,总有几个得宠的姬妾,能为主君排遣西拉年老色衰或冷淡疏远之憾。
The various treasures of gold, silver, gems, silks, and aromatics, were deposited in a hundred subterraneous vaults and the chamber Badaverd denoted the accidental gift of the winds which had wafted the spoils of Heraclius into one of the Syrian harbors of his rival. The vice of flattery, and perhaps of fiction, is not ashamed to compute the thirty thousand rich hangings that adorned the walls; the forty thousand columns of silver, or more probably of marble, and plated wood, that supported the roof; and the thousand globes of gold suspended in the dome, to imitate the motions of the planets and the constellations of the zodiac. 67 While the Persian monarch contemplated the wonders of his art and power, he received an epistle from an obscure citizen of Mecca, inviting him to acknowledge Mahomet as the apostle of God. He rejected the invitation, and tore the epistle. “It is thus,” exclaimed the Arabian prophet, “that God will tear the kingdom, and reject the supplications of Chosroes.” 68 6811 Placed on the verge of the two great empires of the East, Mahomet observed with secret joy the progress of their mutual destruction; and in the midst of the Persian triumphs, he ventured to foretell, that before many years should elapse, victory should again return to the banners of the Romans. 69
金银、珠宝、丝绸、香料等各色珍藏,都存放在上百座地下窖室里;而名为“巴达维尔德”的那间宝库,则纪念着风所赐予的一份意外之财——正是这阵风,把希拉克略的一批战利品吹进了其对手治下的一处叙利亚港口。谄媚之徒——或许还兼杜撰之徒——竟不知羞地一一列数:装饰四壁的锦帷三万幅;支撑屋顶的银柱(更可能是大理石与包金木柱)四万根;悬于穹顶、用以摹拟行星运行与黄道十二宫的金球一千颗。 67 正当这位波斯君主凝视着自己技艺与权势的种种奇观时,他收到一封书信,出自麦加一名默默无闻的市民之手,信中请他承认穆罕默德为真主的使者。他拒绝了这一请求,并将信撕碎。“真主也将如此,”这位阿拉伯先知高声道,“撕裂库思老的王国,回绝他的祈求。” 68 6811 穆罕默德身处东方两大帝国的交界之地,暗自欣喜地注视着它们相互摧残的进程;而正当波斯人节节奏凯之际,他竟敢预言:不出数年,胜利便将重归罗马人的旗帜。 69
At the time when this prediction is said to have been delivered, no prophecy could be more distant from its accomplishment, since the first twelve years of Heraclius announced the approaching dissolution of the empire. If the motives of Chosroes had been pure and honorable, he must have ended the quarrel with the death of Phocas, and he would have embraced, as his best ally, the fortunate African who had so generously avenged the injuries of his benefactor Maurice. The prosecution of the war revealed the true character of the Barbarian; and the suppliant embassies of Heraclius to beseech his clemency, that he would spare the innocent, accept a tribute, and give peace to the world, were rejected with contemptuous silence or insolent menace. Syria, Egypt, and the provinces of Asia, were subdued by the Persian arms, while Europe, from the confines of Istria to the long wall of Thrace, was oppressed by the Avars, unsatiated with the blood and rapine of the Italian war. They had coolly massacred their male captives in the sacred field of Pannonia; the women and children were reduced to servitude, and the noblest virgins were abandoned to the promiscuous lust of the Barbarians. The amorous matron who opened the gates of Friuli passed a short night in the arms of her royal lover; the next evening, Romilda was condemned to the embraces of twelve Avars, and the third day the Lombard princess was impaled in the sight of the camp, while the chagan observed with a cruel smile, that such a husband was the fit recompense of her lewdness and perfidy. 70 By these implacable enemies, Heraclius, on either side, was insulted and besieged: and the Roman empire was reduced to the walls of Constantinople, with the remnant of Greece, Italy, and Africa, and some maritime cities, from Tyre to Trebizond, of the Asiatic coast. After the loss of Egypt, the capital was afflicted by famine and pestilence; and the emperor, incapable of resistance, and hopeless of relief, had resolved to transfer his person and government to the more secure residence of Carthage. His ships were already laden with the treasures of the palace; but his flight was arrested by the patriarch, who armed the powers of religion in the defence of his country; led Heraclius to the altar of St. Sophia, and extorted a solemn oath, that he would live and die with the people whom God had intrusted to his care. The chagan was encamped in the plains of Thrace; but he dissembled his perfidious designs, and solicited an interview with the emperor near the town of Heraclea. Their reconciliation was celebrated with equestrian games; the senate and people, in their gayest apparel, resorted to the festival of peace; and the Avars beheld, with envy and desire, the spectacle of Roman luxury. On a sudden the hippodrome was encompassed by the Scythian cavalry, who had pressed their secret and nocturnal march: the tremendous sound of the chagan’s whip gave the signal of the assault, and Heraclius, wrapping his diadem round his arm, was saved with extreme hazard, by the fleetness of his horse. So rapid was the pursuit, that the Avars almost entered the golden gate of Constantinople with the flying crowds: 71 but the plunder of the suburbs rewarded their treason, and they transported beyond the Danube two hundred and seventy thousand captives. On the shore of Chalcedon, the emperor held a safer conference with a more honorable foe, who, before Heraclius descended from his galley, saluted with reverence and pity the majesty of the purple. The friendly offer of Sain, the Persian general, to conduct an embassy to the presence of the great king, was accepted with the warmest gratitude, and the prayer for pardon and peace was humbly presented by the Praetorian præfect, the præfect of the city, and one of the first ecclesiastics of the patriarchal church. 72 But the lieutenant of Chosroes had fatally mistaken the intentions of his master. “It was not an embassy,” said the tyrant of Asia, “it was the person of Heraclius, bound in chains, that he should have brought to the foot of my throne. I will never give peace to the emperor of Rome, till he had abjured his crucified God, and embraced the worship of the sun.” Sain was flayed alive, according to the inhuman practice of his country; and the separate and rigorous confinement of the ambassadors violated the law of nations, and the faith of an express stipulation. Yet the experience of six years at length persuaded the Persian monarch to renounce the conquest of Constantinople, and to specify the annual tribute or ransom of the Roman empire; a thousand talents of gold, a thousand talents of silver, a thousand silk robes, a thousand horses, and a thousand virgins. Heraclius subscribed these ignominious terms; but the time and space which he obtained to collect such treasures from the poverty of the East, was industriously employed in the preparations of a bold and desperate attack.
据说这番预言道出之时,天下再没有比它更难应验的预言了——因为希拉克略在位的头十二年,处处都在预告帝国即将土崩瓦解。倘若库思老的动机当真纯正光明,那么福卡斯一死,这场争端本该就此了结;他本该把那位幸运的阿非利加人引为最好的盟友——正是此人,如此慷慨地替他的恩主莫里斯报了仇。然而他把战争继续打下去,恰暴露了这蛮族之君的本来面目;希拉克略一再遣使苦苦哀求他开恩——但求他放过无辜、收纳贡赋、还天下以太平——却只换来轻蔑的沉默或傲慢的恫吓。叙利亚、埃及以及亚细亚诸行省,尽被波斯武力征服;与此同时,从伊斯特拉边境直到色雷斯的长城,整个欧洲则饱受阿瓦尔人的蹂躏——这些人在意大利战争中饱掠鲜血与财货,却仍不知足。他们曾在潘诺尼亚那片神圣的原野上,冷酷地屠尽所俘的男丁;妇孺沦为奴隶,最高贵的少女则被丢给蛮族,任其淫乱蹂躏。那位为情所动、打开弗留利城门的贵妇,在她那位王家情人的怀中只度过了短短一夜;次日夜里,罗米尔达被判去承受十二名阿瓦尔人的轮暴;到第三天,这位伦巴第公主被当着全营的面钉上木桩,可汗则带着残忍的笑意说道:这样一个“夫婿”,正配得上她的淫荡与背信。 70 希拉克略腹背受敌,两边都是这般冷酷无情的仇敌,备受其欺凌、围困;罗马帝国已萎缩到只剩君士坦丁堡一城之地,外加希腊、意大利、阿非利加的一些残余,以及亚细亚沿海从提尔到特拉比松的若干海港城市。埃及失陷之后,都城又遭饥荒与瘟疫之苦;皇帝既无力抵抗,又不指望有何援手,遂决意把自身与朝廷一并迁往较为安稳的迦太基。宫中财宝已装满了船只;牧首却出面阻止了他的出逃,搬出宗教的力量来保卫祖国:他把希拉克略领到圣索菲亚教堂的祭坛前,逼他立下庄严誓言——要与上帝托付于他照管的子民同生共死。可汗当时正驻营于色雷斯平原,却掩藏起背信弃义的图谋,主动请求在赫拉克利亚城附近与皇帝会晤。双方言归于好,以赛马竞技来庆贺;元老与百姓身着最华美的盛装,云集于这场和平的庆典;阿瓦尔人则怀着艳羡与觊觎,饱看这一派罗马奢华的景象。突然间,赛马场被斯基泰骑兵团团围住——他们连夜秘密疾行,悄然赶到;可汗鞭子那可怕的一声脆响,便是进攻的号令;希拉克略把冠冕缠在臂上,全凭坐骑迅捷,历尽万险才得脱身。追击之迅猛,竟使阿瓦尔人几乎随着奔逃的人群一同冲进了君士坦丁堡的金门。 71 不过郊野的劫掠总算酬报了他们的背信;他们把二十七万名俘虏掳往多瑙河以北。在卡尔西顿的岸边,皇帝与一个较为磊落的敌人举行了一次安全些的会谈;对方不等希拉克略走下御船,便怀着敬意与怜悯,向紫袍所象征的威严致意。波斯将领萨恩友好地表示,愿代为引荐一个使团去觐见波斯大王;希拉克略满怀感激,欣然接纳了此议;求恕求和的表文,由禁卫军长官、城市长官,以及牧首座堂一位居首的高级教士,谦卑地呈递上去。 72 然而库思老的这位部将,却对主君的意图作了致命的误判。“他该带来的不是什么使团,”这位亚细亚的暴君说,“而是被锁链捆住的希拉克略本人,把他押到我的御座脚下。除非罗马皇帝背弃他那被钉上十字架的神、改奉太阳之神,否则我绝不与他讲和。”萨恩依其本国那不近人情的酷法,被活活剥皮;而将使节们分别严加囚禁一事,则既违背了万国公法,也背弃了明文约定的信义。不过,六年的经历终究使波斯君主打消了攻取君士坦丁堡的念头,转而开列出罗马帝国须年年缴纳的贡赋或赎金:黄金一千塔兰特、白银一千塔兰特、丝袍一千件、骏马一千匹、少女一千名。希拉克略在这些屈辱的条款上签了字;然而,为从贫困的东方搜罗这批财物,他争得了时间与回旋的余地,又把这段时间勤勉地用于筹备一场大胆而拼死的反击。
Of the characters conspicuous in history, that of Heraclius is one of the most extraordinary and inconsistent. In the first and last years of a long reign, the emperor appears to be the slave of sloth, of pleasure, or of superstition, the careless and impotent spectator of the public calamities. But the languid mists of the morning and evening are separated by the brightness of the meridian sun; the Arcadius of the palace arose the Caesar of the camp; and the honor of Rome and Heraclius was gloriously retrieved by the exploits and trophies of six adventurous campaigns. It was the duty of the Byzantine historians to have revealed the causes of his slumber and vigilance. At this distance we can only conjecture, that he was endowed with more personal courage than political resolution; that he was detained by the charms, and perhaps the arts, of his niece Martina, with whom, after the death of Eudocia, he contracted an incestuous marriage; 73 and that he yielded to the base advice of the counsellors, who urged, as a fundamental law, that the life of the emperor should never be exposed in the field. 74 Perhaps he was awakened by the last insolent demand of the Persian conqueror; but at the moment when Heraclius assumed the spirit of a hero, the only hopes of the Romans were drawn from the vicissitudes of fortune, which might threaten the proud prosperity of Chosroes, and must be favorable to those who had attained the lowest period of depression. 75 To provide for the expenses of war, was the first care of the emperor; and for the purpose of collecting the tribute, he was allowed to solicit the benevolence of the eastern provinces. But the revenue no longer flowed in the usual channels; the credit of an arbitrary prince is annihilated by his power; and the courage of Heraclius was first displayed in daring to borrow the consecrated wealth of churches, under the solemn vow of restoring, with usury, whatever he had been compelled to employ in the service of religion and the empire. The clergy themselves appear to have sympathized with the public distress; and the discreet patriarch of Alexandria, without admitting the precedent of sacrilege, assisted his sovereign by the miraculous or seasonable revelation of a secret treasure. 76 Of the soldiers who had conspired with Phocas, only two were found to have survived the stroke of time and of the Barbarians; 77 the loss, even of these seditious veterans, was imperfectly supplied by the new levies of Heraclius, and the gold of the sanctuary united, in the same camp, the names, and arms, and languages of the East and West. He would have been content with the neutrality of the Avars; and his friendly entreaty, that the chagan would act, not as the enemy, but as the guardian, of the empire, was accompanied with a more persuasive donative of two hundred thousand pieces of gold. Two days after the festival of Easter, the emperor, exchanging his purple for the simple garb of a penitent and warrior, 78 gave the signal of his departure. To the faith of the people Heraclius recommended his children; the civil and military powers were vested in the most deserving hands, and the discretion of the patriarch and senate was authorized to save or surrender the city, if they should be oppressed in his absence by the superior forces of the enemy.
在历史上引人注目的诸多人物之中,希拉克略的性格算得上最离奇、最前后不一的一个。在他漫长统治的头几年与末几年里,这位皇帝仿佛是懒惰、逸乐或迷信的奴隶,对国难只作漠然而无能的旁观。然而清晨与黄昏那疲沓的迷雾之间,横亘着正午骄阳的万丈光芒;那个深居宫中、形同阿卡狄乌斯的人,一朝崛起,竟成了军营中叱咤风云的恺撒;罗马与希拉克略的荣誉,终于凭着六次远征的赫赫战功与累累战利,光荣地失而复得。本该由拜占庭的史家们,来揭示他时而沉睡、时而振作的缘由。事隔久远,我们只能推测:他天生的个人勇气,多过其政治上的决断;他为外甥女马丁娜的姿色、或许还有她的手腕所羁绊——欧多西娅死后,他竟与这位外甥女结成了乱伦之姻; 73 再者,他也听从了谋臣们卑怯的进言——这些人硬把“皇帝之身绝不可涉险于战场”奉为一条根本大法。 74 或许,是波斯征服者那最后一道傲慢无礼的要求,把他唤醒了;然而,就在希拉克略振起英雄气概的这一刻,罗马人所仅存的希望,全系于命运的无常之上——这无常或许会危及库思老那骄矜的鼎盛,也势必会眷顾那些已跌到最低谷的人。 75 筹措战费,是皇帝首先要操心的事;为筹集那笔贡金,他获准向东方各行省劝募捐输。可是税赋已不再循着惯常的渠道流入国库;一个专断君主的信用,恰恰被他自己的权力所毁尽;于是,希拉克略的胆识首先表现在:他竟敢借用各教堂那些奉献于神的财富——并郑重立誓,凡为宗教与帝国之需而不得不动用的,日后必连本带利如数归还。教士们自己似乎也体恤这普遍的困厄;亚历山大里亚那位谨慎的牧首,不愿开亵渎圣物的先例,便借一笔秘藏财宝的显露——说是神迹也好,说是恰逢其时也好——帮了主君一把。 76 当年参与福卡斯谋逆的那些士兵,如今查下来,只有两人熬过了岁月与蛮族刀兵的摧折; 77 纵是这些犯上作乱的老兵折损殆尽,希拉克略新征募的兵员也未能尽数补足其缺;而那些取自圣堂的黄金,则把东方与西方的种种名号、兵器与语言,汇聚到了同一座军营之中。他本只求阿瓦尔人保持中立便心满意足;他友好地恳求可汗莫做帝国的敌人、而做帝国的守护者,随这番话奉上的,还有一份更具说服力的厚礼——黄金二十万枚。复活节过后两日,皇帝脱下紫袍,换上苦修者兼战士的朴素装束 78,发出了出征的号令。希拉克略把自己的儿女托付给民众的忠诚;军政大权交到了最堪胜任者的手中;并授权牧首与元老院便宜行事:万一他不在之时敌军压境、众寡悬殊,是死守还是献城,皆可自行定夺。
The neighboring heights of Chalcedon were covered with tents and arms: but if the new levies of Heraclius had been rashly led to the attack, the victory of the Persians in the sight of Constantinople might have been the last day of the Roman empire. As imprudent would it have been to advance into the provinces of Asia, leaving their innumerable cavalry to intercept his convoys, and continually to hang on the lassitude and disorder of his rear. But the Greeks were still masters of the sea; a fleet of galleys, transports, and store-ships, was assembled in the harbor; the Barbarians consented to embark; a steady wind carried them through the Hellespont the western and southern coast of Asia Minor lay on their left hand; the spirit of their chief was first displayed in a storm, and even the eunuchs of his train were excited to suffer and to work by the example of their master. He landed his troops on the confines of Syria and Cilicia, in the Gulf of Scanderoon, where the coast suddenly turns to the south; 79 and his discernment was expressed in the choice of this important post. 80 From all sides, the scattered garrisons of the maritime cities and the mountains might repair with speed and safety to his Imperial standard. The natural fortifications of Cilicia protected, and even concealed, the camp of Heraclius, which was pitched near Issus, on the same ground where Alexander had vanquished the host of Darius. The angle which the emperor occupied was deeply indented into a vast semicircle of the Asiatic, Armenian, and Syrian provinces; and to whatsoever point of the circumference he should direct his attack, it was easy for him to dissemble his own motions, and to prevent those of the enemy. In the camp of Issus, the Roman general reformed the sloth and disorder of the veterans, and educated the new recruits in the knowledge and practice of military virtue. Unfolding the miraculous image of Christ, he urged them to revenge the holy altars which had been profaned by the worshippers of fire; addressing them by the endearing appellations of sons and brethren, he deplored the public and private wrongs of the republic. The subjects of a monarch were persuaded that they fought in the cause of freedom; and a similar enthusiasm was communicated to the foreign mercenaries, who must have viewed with equal indifference the interest of Rome and of Persia. Heraclius himself, with the skill and patience of a centurion, inculcated the lessons of the school of tactics, and the soldiers were assiduously trained in the use of their weapons, and the exercises and evolutions of the field. The cavalry and infantry in light or heavy armor were divided into two parties; the trumpets were fixed in the centre, and their signals directed the march, the charge, the retreat or pursuit; the direct or oblique order, the deep or extended phalanx; to represent in fictitious combat the operations of genuine war. Whatever hardships the emperor imposed on the troops, he inflicted with equal severity on himself; their labor, their diet, their sleep, were measured by the inflexible rules of discipline; and, without despising the enemy, they were taught to repose an implicit confidence in their own valor and the wisdom of their leader. Cilicia was soon encompassed with the Persian arms; but their cavalry hesitated to enter the defiles of Mount Taurus, till they were circumvented by the evolutions of Heraclius, who insensibly gained their rear, whilst he appeared to present his front in order of battle. By a false motion, which seemed to threaten Armenia, he drew them, against their wishes, to a general action. They were tempted by the artful disorder of his camp; but when they advanced to combat, the ground, the sun, and the expectation of both armies, were unpropitious to the Barbarians; the Romans successfully repeated their tactics in a field of battle, 81 and the event of the day declared to the world, that the Persians were not invincible, and that a hero was invested with the purple. Strong in victory and fame, Heraclius boldly ascended the heights of Mount Taurus, directed his march through the plains of Cappadocia, and established his troops, for the winter season, in safe and plentiful quarters on the banks of the River Halys. 82 His soul was superior to the vanity of entertaining Constantinople with an imperfect triumph; but the presence of the emperor was indispensably required to soothe the restless and rapacious spirit of the Avars.
卡尔西顿附近的高地上,帐篷与刀兵密布;然而,希拉克略这批新募之兵倘若被贸然带去进攻,波斯人在君士坦丁堡眼皮底下的一场胜利,或许就会成为罗马帝国的末日。而若贸然挺进亚细亚诸行省,任凭波斯人那多如牛毛的骑兵去截断他的辎重、并不断纠缠于他那疲惫散乱的后卫,同样也是失策之举。但希腊人仍是海上的主人;一支由战船、运兵船与辎重船组成的舰队在港中集结;蛮族兵也答应登船;一阵稳劲的顺风载着他们穿过赫勒斯滂,小亚细亚的西岸与南岸则从他们左手边掠过;他们统帅的气概,在一场风暴中头一回显露出来,连他随行的宦官,也被主君的榜样激励得甘愿吃苦出力。他在叙利亚与奇里乞亚交界处、斯坎德龙湾——海岸在此骤然折向南方——让部队登陆; 79 选择这一要冲之地,正见出他的眼光。 80 四面八方那些散布于沿海城市与山地的守军,都能迅速而安全地赶来,汇聚到他的御旗之下。奇里乞亚的天然屏障,既护卫、又隐蔽了希拉克略的营地;营寨就扎在伊苏斯附近——当年亚历山大正是在这片土地上击溃了大流士的大军。皇帝所据的这个夹角,深深楔入亚细亚、亚美尼亚与叙利亚诸行省所构成的一个广阔半圆之中;无论他要攻向这半圆周上的哪一点,都便于他掩藏自己的行动,也便于他抢在敌人行动之先。在伊苏斯的营中,这位罗马统帅整肃了老兵的怠惰与散漫,又把新兵调教得既通晓、又能践行军人的武德。他展开那幅显圣的基督圣像,激励将士去为那些被拜火之徒亵渎过的圣坛复仇;又以“儿郎”“弟兄”这般亲切的称呼呼唤他们,痛陈这个共和国所蒙受的公私之辱。明明是一位君主的臣民,却被说得相信自己是在为自由而战;同样一股热忱,也传染给了那些外邦雇佣兵——他们对罗马的利害与波斯的利害,本该是同样漠不关心的。希拉克略本人则以一名百夫长的娴熟与耐心,把战术课堂上的种种要领灌输给士卒;士兵们勤加操练,习熟兵器的使用,以及野外的种种演练与阵法变换。轻装与重装的骑兵、步兵被分作两队;号角设于阵中央,以其信号指挥行军、冲锋、退却或追击,指挥列成正阵还是斜阵、结成纵深方阵还是横展方阵——以这般模拟的对战,来演练真正战场上的种种调度。皇帝加于将士的一切艰苦,也同样严格地加于自身;他们的操劳、饮食与睡眠,一概以铁一般的纪律来量度;将士既不轻敌,又被教导对自己的勇武、对主将的智谋抱有全然的信赖。奇里乞亚不久便被波斯大军团团围住;但波斯骑兵迟疑着不敢进入托罗斯山的隘道,直到希拉克略以巧妙的调动把他们诱入圈套——他表面上摆开阵势正面相待,暗中却悄然绕到了他们背后。他佯装挥师威胁亚美尼亚,以这一虚招,硬把波斯人拖入了一场他们本不情愿的会战。他营中那看似散乱、实则有意布下的破绽引诱了敌人;可等他们逼近厮杀时,地形、日光,以及两军各自的预期,却统统不利于蛮族一方;罗马人在战场上成功地把演练过的战术又施展了一遍; 81 这一日的结局向天下昭告:波斯人并非不可战胜,而身披紫袍者,乃是一位英雄。挟胜利与声威,希拉克略大胆地攀上托罗斯山的高处,挥军穿越卡帕多西亚平原,把部队安顿在哈利斯河畔既安全又给养充足的营地里过冬。 82 他胸襟高远,不屑于拿一场不圆满的凯旋去取悦君士坦丁堡;但要安抚阿瓦尔人那躁动不安、贪得无厌的心性,又非皇帝亲临不可。
Since the days of Scipio and Hannibal, no bolder enterprise has been attempted than that which Heraclius achieved for the deliverance of the empire. 83 He permitted the Persians to oppress for a while the provinces, and to insult with impunity the capital of the East; while the Roman emperor explored his perilous way through the Black Sea, 84 and the mountains of Armenia, penetrated into the heart of Persia, 85 and recalled the armies of the great king to the defence of their bleeding country. With a select band of five thousand soldiers, Heraclius sailed from Constantinople to Trebizond; assembled his forces which had wintered in the Pontic regions; and, from the mouth of the Phasis to the Caspian Sea, encouraged his subjects and allies to march with the successor of Constantine under the faithful and victorious banner of the cross. When the legions of Lucullus and Pompey first passed the Euphrates, they blushed at their easy victory over the natives of Armenia. But the long experience of war had hardened the minds and bodies of that effeminate peeple; their zeal and bravery were approved in the service of a declining empire; they abhorred and feared the usurpation of the house of Sassan, and the memory of persecution envenomed their pious hatred of the enemies of Christ. The limits of Armenia, as it had been ceded to the emperor Maurice, extended as far as the Araxes: the river submitted to the indignity of a bridge, 86 and Heraclius, in the footsteps of Mark Antony, advanced towards the city of Tauris or Gandzaca, 87 the ancient and modern capital of one of the provinces of Media. At the head of forty thousand men, Chosroes himself had returned from some distant expedition to oppose the progress of the Roman arms; but he retreated on the approach of Heraclius, declining the generous alternative of peace or of battle. Instead of half a million of inhabitants, which have been ascribed to Tauris under the reign of the Sophys, the city contained no more than three thousand houses; but the value of the royal treasures was enhanced by a tradition, that they were the spoils of Croesus, which had been transported by Cyrus from the citadel of Sardes. The rapid conquests of Heraclius were suspended only by the winter season; a motive of prudence, or superstition, 88 determined his retreat into the province of Albania, along the shores of the Caspian; and his tents were most probably pitched in the plains of Mogan, 89 the favorite encampment of Oriental princes. In the course of this successful inroad, he signalized the zeal and revenge of a Christian emperor: at his command, the soldiers extinguished the fire, and destroyed the temples, of the Magi; the statues of Chosroes, who aspired to divine honors, were abandoned to the flames; and the ruins of Thebarma or Ormia, 90 which had given birth to Zoroaster himself, made some atonement for the injuries of the holy sepulchre. A purer spirit of religion was shown in the relief and deliverance of fifty thousand captives. Heraclius was rewarded by their tears and grateful acclamations; but this wise measure, which spread the fame of his benevolence, diffused the murmurs of the Persians against the pride and obstinacy of their own sovereign.
自西庇阿与汉尼拔的时代以来,再没有哪一桩壮举,比希拉克略为拯救帝国所成就的这一番事业更为大胆。 83 他姑且听任波斯人在一段时间里压迫各行省,肆无忌惮地欺凌东方的都城;自己这位罗马皇帝,却穿过黑海 84 与亚美尼亚的群山,探寻出一条凶险的进军之路,直捣波斯腹地 85,逼得波斯大王不得不调回大军,回救他们那流血不止的国土。希拉克略率五千精兵,自君士坦丁堡渡海抵达特拉比松;会合了在本都一带过冬的各路兵马;并从法西斯河口直到里海一带,激励他的臣民与盟友,跟随君士坦丁的这位继承者,在忠贞而常胜的十字架旗帜下进军。当年卢库鲁斯与庞培的军团初次渡过幼发拉底河时,曾为轻易战胜亚美尼亚土著而感到脸红。然而长年的战争,已把这个原本柔弱的民族磨炼得身心俱坚;他们的热忱与勇武,在为一个衰落帝国效力之际得到了印证;他们既憎恶又惧怕萨珊家族的僭夺,而遭受迫害的记忆,更使他们对基督之敌那份虔诚的仇恨愈发刻骨。按当年割让给莫里斯皇帝时的划界,亚美尼亚的疆域一直延伸到阿拉克塞斯河;这条河屈辱地承受了一座桥梁的横跨 86,希拉克略踏着马克·安东尼的足迹,向大不里士(又名甘扎卡)进军 87——那是米底一个行省古今相沿的首府。库思老本人亲率四万之众,从某场远方的征战中赶回,来阻挡罗马大军的推进;可当希拉克略逼近时,他却退却了,既不肯讲和、也不敢一战——这两条堂堂正正的路,他都避开了。大不里士在萨非诸王治下据说曾有居民五十万;可此时这座城,却不过区区三千户人家;但一则传说抬高了那批王室宝藏的身价:据说它们本是克罗伊索斯的战利品,后由居鲁士从萨迪斯的城堡里搬运而来。希拉克略这一连串迅猛的征服,唯独因冬季而暂告中止;出于审慎、或出于迷信的某种考量 88,他决意沿里海之滨退入阿尔巴尼亚行省;他的营帐极可能就扎在穆甘平原上 89——那是东方君主们向来钟爱的驻营之地。在这次得手的深入进击途中,他把一位基督教皇帝的热忱与复仇之心展露无遗:奉他之命,士兵们扑灭了麻葛的圣火,捣毁了他们的神庙;库思老妄图享有神明般的尊荣,他的一座座雕像却被付之一炬;塞巴尔马(又名奥尔米亚)的废墟 90——琐罗亚斯德本人的诞生之地——多少算是为圣墓所受的损毁抵了一笔账。而在救济并释放五万名俘虏这件事上,则显露出一种更为纯正的宗教精神。希拉克略得到的回报,是这些人的热泪与感恩的欢呼;而这一明智之举,既传扬了他仁慈的美名,也在波斯人中间传开了怨言——他们纷纷抱怨自家君主的骄横固执。

Notes 注释

52
In the writers, and in the copies of those writers, there is such hesitation between the names of Priscus and Crispus, (Ducange, Fam Byzant. p. 111,) that I have been tempted to identify the son-in-law of Phocas with the hero five times victorious over the Avars.
在诸家著述及其抄本中,普里斯库斯(Priscus)与克里斯普斯(Crispus)二名每每混淆难定(Ducange, Fam Byzant. p. 111),以致我几乎要把福卡斯的这位女婿,同那位五度战胜阿瓦尔人的英雄认作同一人。
53
According to Theophanes. Cedrenus adds, which Heraclius bore as a banner in the first Persian expedition. See George Pisid. Acroas L 140. The manufacture seems to have flourished; but Foggini, the Roman editor, (p. 26,) is at a loss to determine whether this picture was an original or a copy.
据塞奥法尼斯所记。塞德雷努斯补充说,希拉克略在第一次波斯远征中曾把它当作军旗高擎。参见 George Pisid. Acroas. L. 140。这类制作似乎颇为兴盛;但罗马版的编者福吉尼(p. 26)却难以断定,这幅画究竟是原作还是摹本。
54
See the tyranny of Phocas and the elevation of Heraclius, in Chron. Paschal. p. 380—383. Theophanes, p. 242-250. Nicephorus, p. 3—7. Cedrenus, p. 404—407. Zonaras, tom. ii. l. xiv. p. 80—82.
关于福卡斯的暴政与希拉克略的登位,见 Chron. Paschal. p. 380—383;Theophanes, p. 242-250;Nicephorus, p. 3—7;Cedrenus, p. 404—407;Zonaras, tom. ii. l. xiv. p. 80—82。
55
Theophylact, l. viii. c. 15. The life of Maurice was composed about the year 628 (l. viii. c. 13) by Theophylact Simocatta, ex-præfect, a native of Egypt. Photius, who gives an ample extract of the work, (cod. lxv. p. 81—100,) gently reproves the affectation and allegory of the style. His preface is a dialogue between Philosophy and History; they seat themselves under a plane-tree, and the latter touches her lyre.
Theophylact, l. viii. c. 15。《莫里斯传》约成书于公元 628 年(l. viii. c. 13),作者塞奥菲拉克特·西摩卡塔曾任长官,是埃及本地人。佛提乌对该书作了大段摘录(cod. lxv. p. 81—100),并委婉地批评了其文风的矫饰与寓意堆砌。他的序言是一篇“哲学”与“历史”之间的对话:二者在一株梧桐树下坐定,“历史”拨响了她的七弦琴。
56
Christianis nec pactum esse, nec fidem nec foedus ..... quod si ulla illis fides fuisset, regem suum non occidissent. Eutych. Annales tom. ii. p. 211, vers. Pocock.
Christianis nec pactum esse, nec fidem nec foedus ..... quod si ulla illis fides fuisset, regem suum non occidissent.(意谓:与基督徒既无协约、无信义、亦无盟誓……倘若他们真有半点信义,就不会弑杀自己的君王。)Eutych. Annales tom. ii. p. 211, vers. Pocock。
57
We must now, for some ages, take our leave of contemporary historians, and descend, if it be a descent, from the affectation of rhetoric to the rude simplicity of chronicles and abridgments. Those of Theophanes (Chronograph. p. 244—279) and Nicephorus (p. 3—16) supply a regular, but imperfect, series of the Persian war; and for any additional facts I quote my special authorities. Theophanes, a courtier who became a monk, was born A.D. 748; Nicephorus patriarch of Constantinople, who died A.D. 829, was somewhat younger: they both suffered in the cause of images Hankius, de Scriptoribus Byzantinis, p. 200-246.
此后有几个世纪,我们不得不告别同时代的史家,从辞藻的矫饰降格(如果这也算降格的话)到编年史与节略本那粗陋的质朴。塞奥法尼斯(Chronograph. p. 244—279)与尼基弗鲁斯(p. 3—16)二人所记,为这场波斯战争提供了一份连贯却并不完备的脉络;至于任何额外的史实,我则另引专门的权威。塞奥法尼斯本是廷臣,后来出家为僧,生于公元 748 年;君士坦丁堡牧首尼基弗鲁斯稍晚,卒于公元 829 年:二人都曾为圣像之争而蒙难。Hankius, de Scriptoribus Byzantinis, p. 200-246。
58
The Persian historians have been themselves deceived: but Theophanes (p. 244) accuses Chosroes of the fraud and falsehood; and Eutychius believes (Annal. tom. ii. p. 212) that the son of Maurice, who was saved from the assassins, lived and died a monk on Mount Sinai.
波斯的史家们自己也受了蒙蔽;不过塞奥法尼斯(p. 244)指责库思老弄虚作假;欧提基乌斯则相信(Annal. tom. ii. p. 212),莫里斯那个从刺客手下逃生的儿子,后来在西奈山上以修士身份终老。
59
Eutychius dates all the losses of the empire under the reign of Phocas; an error which saves the honor of Heraclius, whom he brings not from Carthage, but Salonica, with a fleet laden with vegetables for the relief of Constantinople, (Annal. tom. ii. p. 223, 224.) The other Christians of the East, Barhebraeus, (apud Asseman, Bibliothec. Oriental. tom. iii. p. 412, 413,) Elmacin, (Hist. Saracen. p. 13—16,) Abulpharagius, (Dynast. p. 98, 99,) are more sincere and accurate. The years of the Persian war are disposed in the chronology of Pagi.
欧提基乌斯把帝国的全部失地都系于福卡斯在位之时;这一谬误倒保全了希拉克略的颜面——他笔下的希拉克略并非来自迦太基,而是来自萨洛尼卡,率一支满载蔬菜的船队前来赈济君士坦丁堡(Annal. tom. ii. p. 223, 224)。东方其他几位基督徒史家——巴尔·希伯来乌斯(apud Asseman, Bibliothec. Oriental. tom. iii. p. 412, 413)、埃尔马金(Hist. Saracen. p. 13—16)、阿布·法拉杰(Dynast. p. 98, 99)——则更为诚实而准确。这场波斯战争的纪年,帕吉的年代学中已有排定。
60
On the conquest of Jerusalem, an event so interesting to the church, see the Annals of Eutychius, (tom. ii. p. 212—223,) and the lamentations of the monk Antiochus, (apud Baronium, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 614, No. 16—26,) whose one hundred and twenty-nine homilies are still extant, if what no one reads may be said to be extant.
关于耶路撒冷的陷落——这桩教会极为关切的大事——见欧提基乌斯的《编年史》(tom. ii. p. 212—223),以及修士安条克的哀歌(apud Baronium, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 614, No. 16—26);此人的一百二十九篇布道词至今犹存——如果无人问津之物也能算作“犹存”的话。
6011
See Hist. of Jews, vol. iii. p. 240.—M.
见 Hist. of Jews, vol. iii. p. 240。—M
61
The life of this worthy saint is composed by Leontius, a contemporary bishop; and I find in Baronius (Annal. Eccles. A.D. 610, No. 10, &c.) and Fleury (tom. viii. p. 235-242) sufficient extracts of this edifying work.
这位可敬圣徒的传记,出自同时代主教莱昂提乌斯之手;在巴罗尼乌斯(Annal. Eccles. A.D. 610, No. 10, &c.)与弗勒里(tom. viii. p. 235-242)那里,我找到了这部劝善之作足够多的摘录。
62
The error of Baronius, and many others who have carried the arms of Chosroes to Carthage instead of Chalcedon, is founded on the near resemblance of the Greek words, in the text of Theophanes, &c., which have been sometimes confounded by transcribers, and sometimes by critics.
巴罗尼乌斯以及其他许多人的错误——把库思老的兵锋引到迦太基而非卡尔西顿——根源在于塞奥法尼斯等人文本中那两个希腊词形貌相近,抄写者与校勘者都时或将其混淆。
63
The genuine acts of St. Anastasius are published in those of the with general council, from whence Baronius (Annal. Eccles. A.D. 614, 626, 627) and Butler (Lives of the Saints, vol. i. p. 242—248) have taken their accounts. The holy martyr deserted from the Persian to the Roman army, became a monk at Jerusalem, and insulted the worship of the Magi, which was then established at Caesarea in Palestine.
圣阿纳斯塔修斯的真本行传,收录于某次公会议的文献之中;巴罗尼乌斯(Annal. Eccles. A.D. 614, 626, 627)与巴特勒(Lives of the Saints, vol. i. p. 242—248)的记述皆取材于此。这位神圣的殉道者本从波斯军中投奔罗马一方,在耶路撒冷出家为僧,并公然亵渎当时设立于巴勒斯坦凯撒里亚的麻葛崇拜。
64
Abulpharagius, Dynast. p. 99. Elmacin, Hist. Saracen. p. 14.
Abulpharagius, Dynast. p. 99. Elmacin, Hist. Saracen. p. 14.
65
D’Anville, Mem. de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxxii. p. 568—571.
D’Anville, Mem. de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxxii. p. 568—571.
66
The difference between the two races consists in one or two humps; the dromedary has only one; the size of the proper camel is larger; the country he comes from, Turkistan or Bactriana; the dromedary is confined to Arabia and Africa. Buffon, Hist. Naturelle, tom. xi. p. 211, &c. Aristot. Hist. Animal. tom. i. l. ii. c. 1, tom. ii. p. 185.
两种骆驼的区别,在于驼峰的多寡:单峰驼只有一个峰;真正的骆驼(双峰驼)体型较大,产自突厥斯坦或巴克特里亚;单峰驼则仅见于阿拉伯与非洲。Buffon, Hist. Naturelle, tom. xi. p. 211, &c. Aristot. Hist. Animal. tom. i. l. ii. c. 1, tom. ii. p. 185。
6611
The ruins of these scenes of Khoosroo’s magnificence have been visited by Sir R. K. Porter. At the ruins of Tokht i Bostan, he saw a gorgeous picture of a hunt, singularly illustrative of this passage. Travels, vol. ii. p. 204. Kisra Shirene, which he afterwards examined, appears to have been the palace of Dastagerd. Vol. ii. p. 173—175.—M.
库思老(Khoosroo)当年那些奢华场景的遗址,已由罗伯特·K·波特爵士到访。在塔克·博斯坦(Tokht i Bostan)的废墟上,他见到一幅富丽的狩猎图,恰可为本段文字作绝妙的印证。Travels, vol. ii. p. 204。他后来考察的基斯拉·希琳(Kisra Shirene),似乎正是达斯塔格尔德的宫殿。Vol. ii. p. 173—175。—M
67
Theophanes, Chronograph. p. 268. D’Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 997. The Greeks describe the decay, the Persians the splendor, of Dastagerd; but the former speak from the modest witness of the eye, the latter from the vague report of the ear.
Theophanes, Chronograph. p. 268。D’Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orientale, p. 997。希腊人描述达斯塔格尔德的衰败,波斯人则描述它的辉煌;然而前者所据,是亲眼目睹的朴实见证,后者所凭,不过是道听途说的含糊传闻。
68
The historians of Mahomet, Abulfeda (in Vit. Mohammed, p. 92, 93) and Gagnier, (Vie de Mahomet, tom. ii. p. 247,) date this embassy in the viith year of the Hegira, which commences A.D. 628, May 11. Their chronology is erroneous, since Chosroes died in the month of February of the same year, (Pagi, Critica, tom. ii. p. 779.) The count de Boulainvilliers (Vie de Mahomed, p. 327, 328) places this embassy about A.D. 615, soon after the conquest of Palestine. Yet Mahomet would scarcely have ventured so soon on so bold a step.
穆罕默德的两位传记作者——阿布尔费达(in Vit. Mohammed, p. 92, 93)与加尼耶(Vie de Mahomet, tom. ii. p. 247)——把这次遣使系于希吉拉历第七年,即始于公元 628 年 5 月 11 日。他们的纪年有误,因为库思老死于同年二月(Pagi, Critica, tom. ii. p. 779)。布兰维利耶伯爵(Vie de Mahomed, p. 327, 328)则把这次遣使定在公元 615 年前后,即征服巴勒斯坦之后不久。然而穆罕默德恐怕不至于这么早便敢迈出如此大胆的一步。
6811
Khoosroo Purveez was encamped on the banks of the Karasoo River when he received the letter of Mahomed. He tore the letter and threw it into the Karasoo. For this action, the moderate author of the Zeenut-ul-Tuarikh calls him a wretch, and rejoices in all his subsequent misfortunes. These impressions still exist. I remarked to a Persian, when encamped near the Karasoo, in 1800, that the banks were very high, which must make it difficult to apply its waters to irrigation. “It once fertilized the whole country,” said the zealous Mahomedan, “but its channel sunk with honor from its banks, when that madman, Khoosroo, threw our holy Prophet’s letter into its stream; which has ever since been accursed and useless.” Malcolm’s Persia, vol. i. p. 126—M.
库思老·帕尔维兹(Khoosroo Purveez)收到穆罕默德的书信时,正驻营于卡拉苏河(Karasoo)畔。他撕碎信件,掷入卡拉苏河中。因这一举动,《Zeenut-ul-Tuarikh》一书那位持论平和的作者骂他是个恶徒,并对他此后种种的不幸大感快意。这类看法至今仍在流传。1800 年,我在卡拉苏河附近扎营时,曾向一名波斯人提起:这河两岸甚高,取水灌溉必定困难。“它从前可是滋养了整片土地的,”那位虔诚的穆斯林说,“可自打库思老那疯子把我们神圣先知的信投进河里,河床便含羞从两岸沉降下去;此后这河便一直遭了诅咒,再无用处。”Malcolm’s Persia, vol. i. p. 126。—M
69
See the xxxth chapter of the Koran, entitled the Greeks. Our honest and learned translator, Sale, (p. 330, 331,) fairly states this conjecture, guess, wager, of Mahomet; but Boulainvilliers, (p. 329—344,) with wicked intentions, labors to establish this evident prophecy of a future event, which must, in his opinion, embarrass the Christian polemics.
见《古兰经》第三十章,题为“希腊人”。我们那位诚实而博学的译者塞尔(p. 330, 331)如实道出了穆罕默德这番猜测、臆断兼打赌之言;而布兰维利耶(p. 329—344)却居心叵测,力图把它坐实为一则关于未来之事的确凿预言——照他看来,这必能叫基督教的论辩者们下不来台。
70
Footnote 70: Paul Warnefrid, de Gestis Langobardorum, l. iv. c. 38, 42. Muratori, Annali d’Italia, tom. v. p. 305, &c.
Paul Warnefrid, de Gestis Langobardorum, l. iv. c. 38, 42. Muratori, Annali d’Italia, tom. v. p. 305, &c.
71
The Paschal Chronicle, which sometimes introduces fragments of history into a barren list of names and dates, gives the best account of the treason of the Avars, p. 389, 390. The number of captives is added by Nicephorus.
《复活节编年史》有时会在一份枯燥的人名与日期清单中,穿插些许史事片段;关于阿瓦尔人的背信,便属它记述得最好(p. 389, 390)。俘虏的数目,则是尼基弗鲁斯补入的。
72
Some original pieces, such as the speech or letter of the Roman ambassadors, (p. 386—388,) likewise constitute the merit of the Paschal Chronicle, which was composed, perhaps at Alexandria, under the reign of Heraclius.
一些原始文献,譬如罗马使节的讲辞或信函(p. 386—388),同样构成了《复活节编年史》的价值所在;此书或许是在希拉克略在位时于亚历山大里亚编成的。
73
Nicephorus, (p. 10, 11,) is happy to observe, that of two sons, its incestuous fruit, the elder was marked by Providence with a stiff neck, the younger with the loss of hearing.
尼基弗鲁斯(p. 10, 11)不无快意地指出:这桩乱伦所生的两个儿子中,天意在长子身上留下了僵直的脖颈,在幼子身上则留下了失聪之疾。
74
George of Pisidia, (Acroas. i. 112—125, p. 5,) who states the opinions, acquits the pusillanimous counsellors of any sinister views. Would he have excused the proud and contemptuous admonition of Crispus?
皮西迪亚的乔治(Acroas. i. 112—125, p. 5)陈述了各方意见,认为那些怯懦的谋臣并无任何居心叵测之处。可他会不会也替克里斯普斯那番傲慢轻蔑的谏言开脱呢?
75
George Pisid. Acroas. i. 51, &c. p: 4. The Orientals are not less fond of remarking this strange vicissitude; and I remember some story of Khosrou Parviz, not very unlike the ring of Polycrates of Samos.
George Pisid. Acroas. i. 51, &c. p. 4。东方人同样爱谈论这种离奇的时运翻覆;我记得有个关于库思老·帕尔维兹(Khosrou Parviz)的故事,与萨摩斯僭主波吕克拉底的指环颇为相似。
76
Baronius gravely relates this discovery, or rather transmutation, of barrels, not of honey, but of gold, (Annal. Eccles. A.D. 620, No. 3, &c.) Yet the loan was arbitrary, since it was collected by soldiers, who were ordered to leave the patriarch of Alexandria no more than one hundred pounds of gold. Nicephorus, (p. 11,) two hundred years afterwards, speaks with ill humor of this contribution, which the church of Constantinople might still feel.
巴罗尼乌斯一本正经地讲述了这次发现——毋宁说是“变换”:一桶桶原以为盛蜜、实则盛金之物(Annal. Eccles. A.D. 620, No. 3, &c.)。然而这笔借款实属强征,因为它是由士兵征收的,而他们奉命只给亚历山大里亚的牧首留下一百磅黄金。两百年后,尼基弗鲁斯(p. 11)谈起这笔摊派仍面有愠色——君士坦丁堡教会大约至今仍感其痛。
77
Theophylact Symocatta, l. viii. c. 12. This circumstance need not excite our surprise. The muster-roll of a regiment, even in time of peace, is renewed in less than twenty or twenty-five years.
Theophylact Symocatta, l. viii. c. 12。这一情形无须令我们惊讶。一支部队的花名册,即便在太平年月,不出二十至二十五年也会更换一新。
78
He changed his purple for black, buckskins, and dyed them red in the blood of the Persians, (Georg. Pisid. Acroas. iii. 118, 121, 122 See the notes of Foggini, p. 35.)
他把紫袍换成了黑色鹿皮靴,又用波斯人的鲜血将它们染红(Georg. Pisid. Acroas. iii. 118, 121, 122;参见福吉尼的注释,p. 35)。
79
George of Pisidia, (Acroas. ii. 10, p. 8) has fixed this important point of the Syrian and Cilician gates. They are elegantly described by Xenophon, who marched through them a thousand years before. A narrow pass of three stadia between steep, high rocks, and the Mediterranean, was closed at each end by strong gates, impregnable to the land, accessible by sea, (Anabasis, l. i. p. 35, 36, with Hutchinson’s Geographical Dissertation, p. vi.) The gates were thirty-five parasangs, or leagues, from Tarsus, (Anabasis, l. i. p. 33, 34,) and eight or ten from Antioch. Compare Itinerar. Wesseling, p. 580, 581. Schultens, Index Geograph. ad calcem Vit. Saladin. p. 9. Voyage en Turquie et en Perse, par M. Otter, tom. i. p. 78, 79.
皮西迪亚的乔治(Acroas. ii. 10, p. 8)确定了叙利亚门与奇里乞亚门这一要地的方位。色诺芬对它们有过优美的描述——一千年前他曾率军穿行其间。那是一道仅三斯塔迪亚宽的隘口,夹在陡峭的高岩与地中海之间,两端各有坚固的关门封锁,从陆路无从攻破,唯有海道可通(Anabasis, l. i. p. 35, 36,并见 Hutchinson 的地理论考,p. vi)。此门距塔尔苏斯三十五帕拉桑(或曰里格)(Anabasis, l. i. p. 33, 34),距安条克则为八至十帕拉桑。可比对 Itinerar. Wesseling, p. 580, 581;Schultens, Index Geograph. ad calcem Vit. Saladin. p. 9;Voyage en Turquie et en Perse, par M. Otter, tom. i. p. 78, 79。
80
Heraclius might write to a friend in the modest words of Cicero: “Castra habuimus ea ipsa quae contra Darium habuerat apud Issum Alexander, imperator haud paulo melior quam aut tu aut ego.” Ad Atticum, v. 20. Issus, a rich and flourishing city in the time of Xenophon, was ruined by the prosperity of Alexandria or Scanderoon, on the other side of the bay.
希拉克略大可用西塞罗那句谦逊的话写信给友人:“Castra habuimus ea ipsa quae contra Darium habuerat apud Issum Alexander, imperator haud paulo melior quam aut tu aut ego.”(意谓:我们扎营之处,正是当年亚历山大在伊苏斯迎击大流士时所据的营地——那位统帅可比你我高明得多。)Ad Atticum, v. 20。伊苏斯在色诺芬时代还是一座富庶繁华的城市,后来却因海湾对岸亚历山大里亚(即斯坎德龙)的兴盛而衰败。
81
Foggini (Annotat. p. 31) suspects that the Persians were deceived by the of Aelian, (Tactic. c. 48,) an intricate spiral motion of the army. He observes (p. 28) that the military descriptions of George of Pisidia are transcribed in the Tactics of the emperor Leo.
福吉尼(Annotat. p. 31)怀疑波斯人是中了埃利安(Tactic. c. 48)所述的那种圈套——一种繁复的螺旋式行军机动。他还指出(p. 28),皮西迪亚的乔治笔下那些军事描写,被抄入了利奥皇帝的《战术》一书。
82
George of Pisidia, an eye-witness, (Acroas. ii. 122, &c.,) described in three acroaseis, or cantos, the first expedition of Heraclius. The poem has been lately (1777) published at Rome; but such vague and declamatory praise is far from corresponding with the sanguine hopes of Pagi, D’Anville, &c.
皮西迪亚的乔治身为目击者(Acroas. ii. 122, &c.),以三篇 acroasis(即三个诗章)记述了希拉克略的第一次远征。这首诗近来(1777 年)已在罗马刊行;不过其中那些空泛而浮夸的颂扬,远不能满足帕吉、当维尔等人先前的殷切期望。
83
Footnote 83: Theophanes (p. 256) carries Heraclius swiftly into Armenia. Nicephorus, (p. 11,) though he confounds the two expeditions, defines the province of Lazica. Eutychius (Annal. tom. ii. p. 231) has given the 5000 men, with the more probable station of Trebizond.
塞奥法尼斯(p. 256)让希拉克略迅速进入亚美尼亚。尼基弗鲁斯(p. 11)虽把两次远征混为一谈,却指明了拉齐卡这一行省。欧提基乌斯(Annal. tom. ii. p. 231)给出了五千之众这一数字,并给出更可信的驻地——特拉比松。
84
From Constantinople to Trebizond, with a fair wind, four or five days; from thence to Erzerom, five; to Erivan, twelve; to Taurus, ten; in all, thirty-two. Such is the Itinerary of Tavernier, (Voyages, tom. i. p. 12—56,) who was perfectly conversant with the roads of Asia. Tournefort, who travelled with a pacha, spent ten or twelve days between Trebizond and Erzerom, (Voyage du Levant, tom. iii. lettre xviii.;) and Chardin (Voyages, tom. i. p. 249—254) gives the more correct distance of fifty-three parasangs, each of 5000 paces, (what paces?) between Erivan and Tauris.
从君士坦丁堡到特拉比松,顺风只需四五日;由此到埃尔祖鲁姆,五日;到埃里温,十二日;到大不里士,十日;合计三十二日。这便是塔韦尼耶的行程记(Voyages, tom. i. p. 12—56),他对亚洲的道路了如指掌。图尔内福尔曾随一位帕夏同行,在特拉比松与埃尔祖鲁姆之间花了十到十二天(Voyage du Levant, tom. iii. lettre xviii.);夏尔丹(Voyages, tom. i. p. 249—254)则给出了埃里温到大不里士之间更为准确的距离——五十三帕拉桑,每帕拉桑合五千步(可这“步”究竟是多长?)。
85
The expedition of Heraclius into Persia is finely illustrated by M. D’Anville, (Memoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxviii. p. 559—573.) He discovers the situation of Gandzaca, Thebarma, Dastagerd, &c., with admirable skill and learning; but the obscure campaign of 624 he passes over in silence.
希拉克略进军波斯一役,当维尔先生有精彩的考订(Memoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxviii. p. 559—573)。他以令人叹服的功力与学识,考定了甘扎卡、塞巴尔马、达斯塔格尔德等地的方位;唯独对 624 年那场晦暗不明的战事,他略而不谈。
86
Et pontem indignatus Araxes.—Virgil, Aeneid, viii. 728. The River Araxes is noisy, rapid, vehement, and, with the melting of the snows, irresistible: the strongest and most massy bridges are swept away by the current; and its indignation is attested by the ruins of many arches near the old town of Zulfa. Voyages de Chardin, tom. i. p. 252.
Et pontem indignatus Araxes.(“阿拉克塞斯河怒撼其桥。”——维吉尔《埃涅阿斯纪》viii. 728。)阿拉克塞斯河水声喧腾、湍急凶猛,一遇积雪消融便势不可挡:最坚固厚重的桥梁也会被激流冲垮;旧城朱勒法附近那许多残存的桥拱,便是它“怒火”的见证。Voyages de Chardin, tom. i. p. 252。
87
Chardin, tom. i. p. 255—259. With the Orientals, (D’Herbelot, Biblioth. Orient. p. 834,) he ascribes the foundation of Tauris, or Tebris, to Zobeide, the wife of the famous Khalif Haroun Alrashid; but it appears to have been more ancient; and the names of Gandzaca, Gazaca, Gaza, are expressive of the royal treasure. The number of 550,000 inhabitants is reduced by Chardin from 1,100,000, the popular estimate.
Chardin, tom. i. p. 255—259。他同东方人一样(D’Herbelot, Biblioth. Orient. p. 834),把大不里士(或作 Tebris)的始建归于著名哈里发哈伦·拉希德之妻佐贝黛;但此城看来更为古老;而甘扎卡、加扎卡、加沙这几个名字,都含有“王室宝库”之意。至于居民人数,夏尔丹把民间常说的一百一十万削减为五十五万。
88
He opened the gospel, and applied or interpreted the first casual passage to the name and situation of Albania. Theophanes, p. 258.
他翻开福音书,把随手翻到的头一段经文,附会或解读成了与阿尔巴尼亚的地名及方位相关。Theophanes, p. 258。
89
The heath of Mogan, between the Cyrus and the Araxes, is sixty parasangs in length and twenty in breadth, (Olearius, p. 1023, 1024,) abounding in waters and fruitful pastures, (Hist. de Nadir Shah, translated by Mr. Jones from a Persian Ms., part ii. p. 2, 3.) See the encampments of Timur, (Hist. par Sherefeddin Ali, l. v. c. 37, l. vi. c. 13,) and the coronation of Nadir Shah, (Hist. Persanne, p. 3—13 and the English Life by Mr. Jones, p. 64, 65.)
穆甘荒原位于库尔河与阿拉克塞斯河之间,长六十帕拉桑,宽二十帕拉桑(Olearius, p. 1023, 1024),水源丰沛,牧草肥美(Hist. de Nadir Shah, translated by Mr. Jones from a Persian Ms., part ii. p. 2, 3)。参见帖木儿的驻营(Hist. par Sherefeddin Ali, l. v. c. 37, l. vi. c. 13),以及纳迪尔沙的加冕(Hist. Persanne, p. 3—13,及 Mr. Jones 所撰英文传记 p. 64, 65)。
90
Thebarma and Ormia, near the Lake Spauta, are proved to be the same city by D’Anville, (Memoires de l’Academie, tom. xxviii. p. 564, 565.) It is honored as the birthplace of Zoroaster, according to the Persians, (Schultens, Index Geograph. p. 48;) and their tradition is fortified by M. Perron d’Anquetil, (Mem. de l’Acad. des Inscript. tom. xxxi. p. 375,) with some texts from his, or their, Zendavesta. * Note: D’Anville (Mem. de l’Acad. des Inscript. tom. xxxii. p. 560) labored to prove the identity of these two cities; but according to M. St. Martin, vol. xi. p. 97, not with perfect success. Ourmiah. called Ariema in the ancient Pehlvi books, is considered, both by the followers of Zoroaster and by the Mahometans, as his birthplace. It is situated in the southern part of Aderbidjan.—M.
塞巴尔马与奥尔米亚位于斯保塔湖畔,当维尔已证明二者实为同一座城(Memoires de l’Academie, tom. xxviii. p. 564, 565)。据波斯人所传,此城作为琐罗亚斯德的诞生地而备受尊崇(Schultens, Index Geograph. p. 48);昂克蒂尔·迪佩龙先生(Mem. de l’Acad. des Inscript. tom. xxxi. p. 375)引其(或波斯人)《阿维斯塔》中的若干经文,进一步佐证了这一传说。* 编者按:当维尔(Mem. de l’Acad. des Inscript. tom. xxxii. p. 560)曾力图证明这两座城为同一地;但据圣马丁先生(vol. xi. p. 97)所言,并未完全成功。乌尔米亚——古巴列维文典籍中称作阿里埃玛——无论在琐罗亚斯德的信徒还是穆斯林看来,都是他的诞生之地。此城位于阿塞拜疆南部。—M