罗马帝国衰亡史 Vol. 4 · Chapter 44 · Part 7

Chapter XLIV: Idea Of The Roman Jurisprudence.—Part VII. 第四十四章 罗马法学述要——第七节

1. The goddess of faith (of human and social faith) was worshipped, not only in her temples, but in the lives of the Romans; and if that nation was deficient in the more amiable qualities of benevolence and generosity, they astonished the Greeks by their sincere and simple performance of the most burdensome engagements. 159 Yet among the same people, according to the rigid maxims of the patricians and decemvirs, a naked pact, a promise, or even an oath, did not create any civil obligation, unless it was confirmed by the legal form of a stipulation. Whatever might be the etymology of the Latin word, it conveyed the idea of a firm and irrevocable contract, which was always expressed in the mode of a question and answer. Do you promise to pay me one hundred pieces of gold? was the solemn interrogation of Seius. I do promise, was the reply of Sempronius. The friends of Sempronius, who answered for his ability and inclination, might be separately sued at the option of Seius; and the benefit of partition, or order of reciprocal actions, insensibly deviated from the strict theory of stipulation. The most cautious and deliberate consent was justly required to sustain the validity of a gratuitous promise; and the citizen who might have obtained a legal security, incurred the suspicion of fraud, and paid the forfeit of his neglect. But the ingenuity of the civilians successfully labored to convert simple engagements into the form of solemn stipulations. The praetors, as the guardians of social faith, admitted every rational evidence of a voluntary and deliberate act, which in their tribunal produced an equitable obligation, and for which they gave an action and a remedy. 160
一、信义女神——司掌人间信义与社会信义的女神——不仅在神庙中受人崇奉，也活在罗马人的立身行事之中。罗马民族纵然缺少仁爱与慷慨这类更可亲的品性，履行最苛重的约定时却诚实而质朴，令希腊人为之惊叹。159然而，依照贵族与十人委员会那森严的法理，在这同一民族中，单凭空口之约、一句承诺、乃至一句誓言，都不足以产生任何民事义务——除非它经由“要式口约”（stipulatio）这一法定形式加以确认。无论这个拉丁词的词源如何，它所传达的，都是一种坚定而不可撤回的契约之意，且总是以一问一答的方式订立。“你可答应付我一百枚金币？”塞尤斯郑重发问。“我答应。”森普罗尼乌斯回答。森普罗尼乌斯的友人若为其偿付能力与意愿作保，塞尤斯便可任择其一，分别起诉；而让保证人分担债务的“分别利益”，以及规定诉讼须循一定次第的“顺序利益”，都在不知不觉间背离了要式口约的严格法理。一项无偿的允诺要想有效，理当出于最审慎、最深思熟虑的同意；一个本可取得法律保障的公民，若不知取用，便会招致欺诈之嫌，并为这份疏忽自食其果。但民法学家们凭其巧思苦心经营，终于成功地把简单的约定纳入庄严的要式口约之列。裁判官身为社会信义的守护者，凡属出于自愿而经过深思的行为，只要有合乎情理的证据，便一概采信；此类行为在他们的法庭上便产生一种衡平法上的义务，他们也为之提供诉权与救济。160
2. The obligations of the second class, as they were contracted by the delivery of a thing, are marked by the civilians with the epithet of real. 161 A grateful return is due to the author of a benefit; and whoever is intrusted with the property of another, has bound himself to the sacred duty of restitution. In the case of a friendly loan, the merit of generosity is on the side of the lender only; in a deposit, on the side of the receiver; but in a pledge, and the rest of the selfish commerce of ordinary life, the benefit is compensated by an equivalent, and the obligation to restore is variously modified by the nature of the transaction. The Latin language very happily expresses the fundamental difference between the commodatum and the mutuum, which our poverty is reduced to confound under the vague and common appellation of a loan. In the former, the borrower was obliged to restore the same individual thing with which he had been accommodated for the temporary supply of his wants; in the latter, it was destined for his use and consumption, and he discharged this mutual engagement, by substituting the same specific value according to a just estimation of number, of weight, and of measure. In the contract of sale, the absolute dominion is transferred to the purchaser, and he repays the benefit with an adequate sum of gold or silver, the price and universal standard of all earthly possessions. The obligation of another contract, that of location, is of a more complicated kind. Lands or houses, labor or talents, may be hired for a definite term; at the expiration of the time, the thing itself must be restored to the owner, with an additional reward for the beneficial occupation and employment. In these lucrative contracts, to which may be added those of partnership and commissions, the civilians sometimes imagine the delivery of the object, and sometimes presume the consent of the parties. The substantial pledge has been refined into the invisible rights of a mortgage or hypotheca; and the agreement of sale, for a certain price, imputes, from that moment, the chances of gain or loss to the account of the purchaser. It may be fairly supposed, that every man will obey the dictates of his interest; and if he accepts the benefit, he is obliged to sustain the expense, of the transaction. In this boundless subject, the historian will observe the location of land and money, the rent of the one and the interest of the other, as they materially affect the prosperity of agriculture and commerce. The landlord was often obliged to advance the stock and instruments of husbandry, and to content himself with a partition of the fruits. If the feeble tenant was oppressed by accident, contagion, or hostile violence, he claimed a proportionable relief from the equity of the laws: five years were the customary term, and no solid or costly improvements could be expected from a farmer, who, at each moment might be ejected by the sale of the estate. 162 Usury, 163 the inveterate grievance of the city, had been discouraged by the Twelve Tables, 164 and abolished by the clamors of the people. It was revived by their wants and idleness, tolerated by the discretion of the praetors, and finally determined by the Code of Justinian. Persons of illustrious rank were confined to the moderate profit of four per cent.; six was pronounced to be the ordinary and legal standard of interest; eight was allowed for the convenience of manufactures and merchants; twelve was granted to nautical insurance, which the wiser ancients had not attempted to define; but, except in this perilous adventure, the practice of exorbitant usury was severely restrained. 165 The most simple interest was condemned by the clergy of the East and West; 166 but the sense of mutual benefit, which had triumphed over the law of the republic, has resisted with equal firmness the decrees of the church, and even the prejudices of mankind. 167
二、第二类义务因交付某物而成立，民法学家称之为“要物之债”（real）。161凡受人恩惠者，理当知恩图报；凡受托保管他人财物者，也就自当担起返还的神圣义务。若是朋友间的借用，慷慨之德全在出借一方；若是寄托保管，则在受托一方；至于质押，以及日常生活中其余种种各图其利的往来，所受之惠都有对价相偿，而返还的义务也随交易性质之不同而有种种变通。拉丁语极其巧妙地道出了“使用借贷”（commodatum）与“消费借贷”（mutuum）之间的根本区别，而我们（英语）语汇贫乏，只得把二者笼统混称为“借贷”（loan）一词了事。前者，借用人为一时之需而借得某物，事后须原物归还；后者，借得之物本供其使用与消耗，故他只须按数目、重量、尺度公平折算，以同等价值之物抵还，即算履行了这一相互的约定。在买卖契约中，标的物的绝对所有权移转于买受人，而买受人则以相应数额的金银——这世间一切财物的价格与通用标准——回报所得之利。另有一种契约，即租赁（locatio），其所生之义务则更为复杂。田地或房屋、劳力或才艺，皆可在约定期限内租雇；期满之时，标的物须归还其主，另加一笔报酬，以偿占用与役使之利。在这类营利性契约（此外尚可加上合伙与委托）中，民法学家有时假想标的物业已交付，有时则推定双方业已合意。实体的质物已升华为抵押权（hypotheca）这种无形的权利；而一旦以确定价格达成买卖之约，自那一刻起，盈亏之数便都算在买受人头上。不妨合理地假定：人人都会听从自身利益的驱使；既然领受了交易之利，便也须承担交易之费。在这一浩瀚无边的题目中，史家所要留意的，是土地与钱财的租赁——前者的地租与后者的利息——因为它们实实在在地关乎农业与商业的兴衰。地主往往不得不预先垫付耕作所需的牲畜与农具，而后只能满足于与佃农分收其成。倘若孱弱的佃农遭逢意外、瘟疫或兵燹之祸，他便可依法律的衡平之义，请求相应的减免。租期惯例为五年；而一个佃农随时都可能因田产易主而被逐走，自然指望不上他去做什么坚固而费钱的修缮改良了。162放高利贷163是这座城邦积久难除的痼疾，《十二铜表法》曾加以抑制164，后又在民众的鼓噪声中被彻底废止。然而人们的需求与懒惰又使它死灰复燃，裁判官出于自由裁量对它听之任之，最终由《查士丁尼法典》加以厘定。显贵之人只许收取百分之四的适度利息；百分之六被定为通常而合法的利率标准；为便利工商，则容许百分之八；至于海上保险，则准至百分之十二——这一行当，较为明智的古人尚不曾试图加以界定。然而，除这一风险极高的冒险营生之外，凡索取过高利息的行径，都受到严厉约束。165东西方的教士都谴责哪怕最简单的取息之举166；但那种互利互惠的观念，既已战胜了共和国的法律，此后也同样坚定地顶住了教会的谕令，乃至世人的成见。167
3. Nature and society impose the strict obligation of repairing an injury; and the sufferer by private injustice acquires a personal right and a legitimate action. If the property of another be intrusted to our care, the requisite degree of care may rise and fall according to the benefit which we derive from such temporary possession; we are seldom made responsible for inevitable accident, but the consequences of a voluntary fault must always be imputed to the author. 168 A Roman pursued and recovered his stolen goods by a civil action of theft; they might pass through a succession of pure and innocent hands, but nothing less than a prescription of thirty years could extinguish his original claim. They were restored by the sentence of the praetor, and the injury was compensated by double, or threefold, or even quadruple damages, as the deed had been perpetrated by secret fraud or open rapine, as the robber had been surprised in the fact, or detected by a subsequent research. The Aquilian law 169 defended the living property of a citizen, his slaves and cattle, from the stroke of malice or negligence: the highest price was allowed that could be ascribed to the domestic animal at any moment of the year preceding his death; a similar latitude of thirty days was granted on the destruction of any other valuable effects. A personal injury is blunted or sharpened by the manners of the times and the sensibility of the individual: the pain or the disgrace of a word or blow cannot easily be appreciated by a pecuniary equivalent. The rude jurisprudence of the decemvirs had confounded all hasty insults, which did not amount to the fracture of a limb, by condemning the aggressor to the common penalty of twenty-five asses. But the same denomination of money was reduced, in three centuries, from a pound to the weight of half an ounce: and the insolence of a wealthy Roman indulged himself in the cheap amusement of breaking and satisfying the law of the twelve tables. Veratius ran through the streets striking on the face the inoffensive passengers, and his attendant purse-bearer immediately silenced their clamors by the legal tender of twenty-five pieces of copper, about the value of one shilling. 170 The equity of the praetors examined and estimated the distinct merits of each particular complaint. In the adjudication of civil damages, the magistrate assumed a right to consider the various circumstances of time and place, of age and dignity, which may aggravate the shame and sufferings of the injured person; but if he admitted the idea of a fine, a punishment, an example, he invaded the province, though, perhaps, he supplied the defects, of the criminal law.
三、自然与社会都课以一项严格的义务：损害他人者须予赔偿；而蒙受私人不义之害者，则由此取得一项对人的权利与一项正当的诉权。倘若他人之物托付我们看管，我们所应尽的注意程度，可随由此暂时占有所得利益的多寡而升降；对于无从避免的意外，我们鲜少担责，但凡出于自身过错所致的后果，则总要归咎于行为之人。168罗马人可凭一桩盗窃的民事诉讼，追索并取回自己被盗之物；这些赃物纵然辗转经过一连串清白无辜之人的手，若非经过三十年的时效，其原主的请求权终究不能消灭。赃物凭裁判官的判决予以返还，而损害则视情形赔以两倍、三倍乃至四倍：作案是出于暗中欺诈还是公然抢夺，盗贼是当场被擒还是事后被查获，赔偿之数各有不同。《阿奎利亚法》169保护公民的“活财产”——即其奴隶与牲畜——免遭恶意或疏忽的戕害：凡牲畜致死者，可按其死前一年内任一时刻所值的最高价格赔偿；其余贵重物品若遭毁损，也准以毁损前三十天内的最高价为准，一体从宽。对人身的侵辱，其轻重会因时代风尚与当事人感受之不同而或钝或锐：一句恶言、一记殴击所带来的痛楚或羞辱，殊难以金钱来折算衡量。十人委员会那套粗陋的法理，把一切尚不至于打断肢体的一时凌辱都笼统归为一类，一律判处施暴者缴纳二十五阿斯的罚金了事。可是同一名目的钱币，在三个世纪间竟由一磅之重贬值到只剩半盎司；于是某个骄横的富有罗马人，便得以拿触犯又“了结”《十二铜表法》当作一桩廉价的消遣来自娱。维拉提乌斯便曾在街市上横冲直撞，逢人便掌掴其面，全然不管对方是否惹了他；而尾随其后、替他掌钱袋的仆从，则当即依法奉上二十五枚铜币——约值一先令——把挨打之人的叫嚷堵了回去。170裁判官则本着衡平之义，对每一桩具体的控诉逐一审察，酌量其曲直。在裁定民事损害赔偿时，长官自认有权斟酌时、地、年龄、身份等种种情形——这些都可能加重受害者的羞辱与苦痛；然而，他一旦掺入罚款、惩戒、儆戒之意，便侵入了刑法的领地——尽管这或许恰恰补了刑法之阙。
The execution of the Alban dictator, who was dismembered by eight horses, is represented by Livy as the first and the fast instance of Roman cruelty in the punishment of the most atrocious crimes. 171 But this act of justice, or revenge, was inflicted on a foreign enemy in the heat of victory, and at the command of a single man. The twelve tables afford a more decisive proof of the national spirit, since they were framed by the wisest of the senate, and accepted by the free voices of the people; yet these laws, like the statutes of Draco, 172 are written in characters of blood. 173 They approve the inhuman and unequal principle of retaliation; and the forfeit of an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth, a limb for a limb, is rigorously exacted, unless the offender can redeem his pardon by a fine of three hundred pounds of copper. The decemvirs distributed with much liberality the slighter chastisements of flagellation and servitude; and nine crimes of a very different complexion are adjudged worthy of death.
那位阿尔巴独裁官被八匹马分尸而死；李维把这场极刑说成是罗马人在惩治穷凶极恶之罪时，头一遭、也是最后一遭施以酷刑。171但这桩或谓正义、或谓复仇之举，毕竟是在大胜之际的一时激愤中，凭一人之命，施于一个外邦之敌的。《十二铜表法》则更能确凿地印证这一民族的精神，因为它出自元老院中最睿智者之手，又经人民自由投票所认可；然而这部法律，正如德拉古的立法一般172，是用血写成的。173它认可那种不近人情、以牙还牙的报复原则：以眼偿眼、以齿偿齿、以肢偿肢，都被严加索偿——除非犯者能以三百磅铜的罚金换取宽宥。十人委员会又极其慷慨地遍施鞭笞与罚为奴役这类较轻的责罚；另有九种性质迥异的罪行，则被判处死刑。
1. Any act of treason against the state, or of correspondence with the public enemy. The mode of execution was painful and ignominious: the head of the degenerate Roman was shrouded in a veil, his hands were tied behind his back, and after he had been scourged by the lictor, he was suspended in the midst of the forum on a cross, or inauspicious tree.
一、凡背叛国家、或与公敌暗通款曲者。行刑之法既痛苦又羞辱：这堕落的罗马人被蒙住头脸，双手反绑于背后，先经扈从吏（lictor）一顿鞭笞，然后被高悬在广场正中的一具十字架、亦即那株“不祥之木”上。
2. Nocturnal meetings in the city; whatever might be the pretence, of pleasure, or religion, or the public good.
二、凡在城中夜聚者——无论托词是寻欢、是奉神，还是为了公众之利，一概论死。
3. The murder of a citizen; for which the common feelings of mankind demand the blood of the murderer. Poison is still more odious than the sword or dagger; and we are surprised to discover, in two flagitious events, how early such subtle wickedness had infected the simplicity of the republic, and the chaste virtues of the Roman matrons. 174 The parricide, who violated the duties of nature and gratitude, was cast into the river or the sea, enclosed in a sack; and a cock, a viper, a dog, and a monkey, were successively added, as the most suitable companions. 175 Italy produces no monkeys; but the want could never be felt, till the middle of the sixth century first revealed the guilt of a parricide. 176
三、凡杀害公民者——人类共通的情感都要求以凶手之血来偿。毒杀较之刀剑更为可憎；令人诧异的是，从两桩伤风败俗的事件可以看出，这般阴狠的恶行竟这么早就侵蚀了共和国的淳朴风气，玷污了罗马主妇们贞洁的德操。174弑亲者背弃了天性与感恩的本分，遂被装入一只皮袋，投入河中或海里；袋中还依次添入一只公鸡、一条毒蛇、一只狗和一只猴子，作为最相称的同伴。175意大利本不产猴子，但这一短缺却始终无人感到不便——直到建城第六个世纪的中叶，罗马才头一次出现弑亲之罪。176
4. The malice of an incendiary. After the previous ceremony of whipping, he himself was delivered to the flames; and in this example alone our reason is tempted to applaud the justice of retaliation.
四、凡怀恶意纵火者。先行鞭笞之礼后，纵火者本人即被投入火中焚烧；也唯有在这一例上，我们的理性才不禁想要为这“以牙还牙”的公道叫一声好。
5. Judicial perjury. The corrupt or malicious witness was thrown headlong from the Tarpeian rock, to expiate his falsehood, which was rendered still more fatal by the severity of the penal laws, and the deficiency of written evidence.
五、凡在庭上作伪证者。那腐败或存心不良的证人，被从塔尔佩亚岩上头朝下抛下，以赎其谎言之罪；而刑律的严苛与书面证据的匮乏，更使这等伪证足以致人于死。
6. The corruption of a judge, who accepted bribes to pronounce an iniquitous sentence.
六、凡法官贪赃者——即收受贿赂而作出不公判决之人。
7. Libels and satires, whose rude strains sometimes disturbed the peace of an illiterate city. The author was beaten with clubs, a worthy chastisement, but it is not certain that he was left to expire under the blows of the executioner. 177
七、凡作诽谤讥刺之文者——这类粗鄙的辞句，有时会搅扰这座尚不通文墨的城邦的安宁。作者要被乱棒痛打，此责罚倒也相称；只是他是否被行刑者活活打死，则不得而知。177
8. The nocturnal mischief of damaging or destroying a neighbor’s corn. The criminal was suspended as a grateful victim to Ceres. But the sylvan deities were less implacable, and the extirpation of a more valuable tree was compensated by the moderate fine of twenty-five pounds of copper.
八、凡趁夜损毁邻人庄稼者。犯者被吊起处死，充作献给刻瑞斯的祭品，以博女神欢心。至于那些林野之神则没那么难平息：即便刨掉一棵更值钱的树木，也只须缴纳二十五磅铜的适度罚金来抵偿。
9. Magical incantations; which had power, in the opinion of the Latin shepherds, to exhaust the strength of an enemy, to extinguish his life, and to remove from their seats his deep-rooted plantations.
九、凡施行巫术咒语者。在拉丁牧人看来，这类咒语能耗尽仇敌的气力，夺去他的性命，甚至能把他根深叶茂的庄稼连根从地里挪走。
The cruelty of the twelve tables against insolvent debtors still remains to be told; and I shall dare to prefer the literal sense of antiquity to the specious refinements of modern criticism. 178 1781 After the judicial proof or confession of the debt, thirty days of grace were allowed before a Roman was delivered into the power of his fellow-citizen. In this private prison, twelve ounces of rice were his daily food; he might be bound with a chain of fifteen pounds weight; and his misery was thrice exposed in the market place, to solicit the compassion of his friends and countrymen. At the expiration of sixty days, the debt was discharged by the loss of liberty or life; the insolvent debtor was either put to death, or sold in foreign slavery beyond the Tyber: but, if several creditors were alike obstinate and unrelenting, they might legally dismember his body, and satiate their revenge by this horrid partition. The advocates for this savage law have insisted, that it must strongly operate in deterring idleness and fraud from contracting debts which they were unable to discharge; but experience would dissipate this salutary terror, by proving that no creditor could be found to exact this unprofitable penalty of life or limb. As the manners of Rome were insensibly polished, the criminal code of the decemvirs was abolished by the humanity of accusers, witnesses, and judges; and impunity became the consequence of immoderate rigor. The Porcian and Valerian laws prohibited the magistrates from inflicting on a free citizen any capital, or even corporal, punishment; and the obsolete statutes of blood were artfully, and perhaps truly, ascribed to the spirit, not of patrician, but of regal, tyranny.
《十二铜表法》对无力偿债者的残酷，尚有待细说；在这一点上，我宁愿采信古人字面上的本意，也不取近人那些貌似精微的曲解。178 1781待债务经审判查实或经本人招认之后，先给三十天的宽限期，届满，这罗马人便被交到债主同胞的手中，任其处置。在这私设的牢狱里，他每日的口粮只有十二盎司谷米；债主可用十五磅重的锁链把他锁住；还要把他三度拉到市场上示众，以博取亲友与同胞的怜悯。六十天期满，这笔债便以他的自由或性命来了结：这无力偿债者，要么被处死，要么被卖到台伯河对岸去做异邦的奴隶。倘若数名债主同样冥顽而不肯相让，他们甚至可以合法地将他碎尸分割，以这骇人的“分尸”来餍足各自的复仇之念。为这条野蛮法律辩护的人坚称，它必能有力地震慑那些游手好闲、心怀欺诈之徒，使他们不敢去欠下自己还不起的债；然而事实经验却会驱散这份“有益的恐惧”，因为它证明：根本找不到哪个债主，肯去索取这种既要人命、又要肢体、于己却毫无所得的刑罚。随着罗马风气在不知不觉间日趋文明，十人委员会那部刑法典，便在告发者、证人与法官的仁心之下渐渐废弃；于是，过度的严苛反倒招来了逍遥法外的结果。《波尔基亚法》与《瓦莱里乌斯法》禁止长官对自由公民施加任何死刑，乃至任何肉刑；而那些早已废弛的血腥旧律，也被人巧妙地——或许也确实如此地——归咎于并非贵族、而是王政时代的暴虐精神。
In the absence of penal laws, and the insufficiency of civil actions, the peace and justice of the city were imperfectly maintained by the private jurisdiction of the citizens. The malefactors who replenish our jails are the outcasts of society, and the crimes for which they suffer may be commonly ascribed to ignorance, poverty, and brutal appetite. For the perpetration of similar enormities, a vile plebeian might claim and abuse the sacred character of a member of the republic: but, on the proof or suspicion of guilt, the slave, or the stranger, was nailed to a cross; and this strict and summary justice might be exercised without restraint over the greatest part of the populace of Rome.
既无刑法可依，民事诉讼又力有不逮，这座城邦的安宁与公道，便只能靠公民各自的私人裁断来勉强维系。如今充塞我们牢狱的那些歹徒，都是社会的弃儿，他们所以获罪受刑，其缘由多半可归于无知、贫困与兽性的欲望。即便犯下同样的滔天罪行，一个卑贱的平民也可打着“共和国一员”这一神圣身份的旗号，肆意妄为、逃脱惩处；然而奴隶或外乡人，一经罪证确凿、甚或只是嫌疑在身，便会被钉上十字架。而这般严酷而不经审讯的裁断，可以毫无节制地施加在罗马绝大多数下层民众身上。
Each family contained a domestic tribunal, which was not confined, like that of the praetor, to the cognizance of external actions: virtuous principles and habits were inculcated by the discipline of education; and the Roman father was accountable to the state for the manners of his children, since he disposed, without appeal, of their life, their liberty, and their inheritance. In some pressing emergencies, the citizen was authorized to avenge his private or public wrongs. The consent of the Jewish, the Athenian, and the Roman laws approved the slaughter of the nocturnal thief; though in open daylight a robber could not be slain without some previous evidence of danger and complaint. Whoever surprised an adulterer in his nuptial bed might freely exercise his revenge; 179 the most bloody and wanton outrage was excused by the provocation; 180 nor was it before the reign of Augustus that the husband was reduced to weigh the rank of the offender, or that the parent was condemned to sacrifice his daughter with her guilty seducer. After the expulsion of the kings, the ambitious Roman, who should dare to assume their title or imitate their tyranny, was devoted to the infernal gods: each of his fellow-citizens was armed with the sword of justice; and the act of Brutus, however repugnant to gratitude or prudence, had been already sanctified by the judgment of his country. 181 The barbarous practice of wearing arms in the midst of peace, 182 and the bloody maxims of honor, were unknown to the Romans; and, during the two purest ages, from the establishment of equal freedom to the end of the Punic wars, the city was never disturbed by sedition, and rarely polluted with atrocious crimes. The failure of penal laws was more sensibly felt, when every vice was inflamed by faction at home and dominion abroad. In the time of Cicero, each private citizen enjoyed the privilege of anarchy; each minister of the republic was exalted to the temptations of regal power, and their virtues are entitled to the warmest praise, as the spontaneous fruits of nature or philosophy. After a triennial indulgence of lust, rapine, and cruelty, Verres, the tyrant of Sicily, could only be sued for the pecuniary restitution of three hundred thousand pounds sterling; and such was the temper of the laws, the judges, and perhaps the accuser himself, 183 that, on refunding a thirteenth part of his plunder, Verres could retire to an easy and luxurious exile. 184
每个家庭都自成一座家内的法庭，且不像裁判官的法庭那样，只管外在的行为：它还借教育的训导，把善良的原则与习惯灌注于子女心中。罗马的父亲要为子女的品行向国家负责，因为他对子女的生命、自由与继承之权，都可径行处置，别人无从申诉。在某些紧迫的情势下，公民还获准亲手为自己所受的私怨或公愤复仇。犹太、雅典与罗马三方的法律一致认可：可将夜间行窃的盗贼当场格杀；不过在光天化日之下，若事先并无危险的证据、亦无人呼救，却不得擅杀劫盗。凡当场在婚床上撞见奸夫者，都可随意施行报复179；纵是最血腥、最恣肆的暴行，也因这奸情的挑衅而得到宽宥180。直到奥古斯都在位，做丈夫的才被迫要掂量一下奸夫的身份高低；做父亲的，也只能在处死那勾引者的同时，连自己有罪的女儿一并牺牲。自诸王被逐之后，凡野心勃勃、胆敢僭称王号或效其暴政的罗马人，都要被献给冥府诸神：他的每一个同胞都手持正义之剑，人人得而诛之。布鲁图斯之举，纵然有悖于感恩与审慎，却早已由国人的公断奉为神圣。181太平之世仍随身佩带兵器这种野蛮习俗182，以及那套嗜血的“荣誉”信条，罗马人都闻所未闻；在最为纯正的两个时代里——自平等自由确立之日起，直到布匿战争结束——这座城邦从未因叛乱而动荡，也极少被穷凶极恶之罪所玷污。待到内有党争、外握霸权，将种种恶行一齐煽起，人们才切实地感到刑法的阙失。在西塞罗的时代，每个平民都享有一份无法无天的“特权”；共和国的每个当权者都被抬举到足以觊觎王权的地位；正因如此，他们的德行才配得上最热烈的赞誉——因为那全是天性或哲理所自然结出的果实。维雷斯这个西西里的暴君，纵情声色、大肆劫掠、恣行残暴达三年之久，事后所能被诉请的，也不过是折成三十万英镑的钱财赔偿而已；而当时法律、法官、乃至也许连原告本人的心性183竟是这般——维雷斯只须退还其所掠赃物的十三分之一，便可安然引退，去过他那奢华的流亡生活了。184
The first imperfect attempt to restore the proportion of crimes and punishments was made by the dictator Sylla, who, in the midst of his sanguinary triumph, aspired to restrain the license, rather than to oppress the liberty, of the Romans. He gloried in the arbitrary proscription of four thousand seven hundred citizens. 185 But, in the character of a legislator, he respected the prejudices of the times; and, instead of pronouncing a sentence of death against the robber or assassin, the general who betrayed an army, or the magistrate who ruined a province, Sylla was content to aggravate the pecuniary damages by the penalty of exile, or, in more constitutional language, by the interdiction of fire and water. The Cornelian, and afterwards the Pompeian and Julian, laws introduced a new system of criminal jurisprudence; 186 and the emperors, from Augustus to Justinian, disguised their increasing rigor under the names of the original authors. But the invention and frequent use of extraordinary pains proceeded from the desire to extend and conceal the progress of despotism. In the condemnation of illustrious Romans, the senate was always prepared to confound, at the will of their masters, the judicial and legislative powers. It was the duty of the governors to maintain the peace of their province, by the arbitrary and rigid administration of justice; the freedom of the city evaporated in the extent of empire, and the Spanish malefactor, who claimed the privilege of a Roman, was elevated by the command of Galba on a fairer and more lofty cross. 187 Occasional rescripts issued from the throne to decide the questions which, by their novelty or importance, appeared to surpass the authority and discernment of a proconsul. Transportation and beheading were reserved for honorable persons; meaner criminals were either hanged, or burnt, or buried in the mines, or exposed to the wild beasts of the amphitheatre. Armed robbers were pursued and extirpated as the enemies of society; the driving away horses or cattle was made a capital offence; 188 but simple theft was uniformly considered as a mere civil and private injury. The degrees of guilt, and the modes of punishment, were too often determined by the discretion of the rulers, and the subject was left in ignorance of the legal danger which he might incur by every action of his life.
使罪与罚重归相称的头一回尝试——尽管仍不完善——出自独裁官苏拉之手。他正当血腥凯旋之际，所图的乃是约束罗马人的放纵，而非压制他们的自由。他曾专擅地把四千七百名公民列入“公敌名单”加以诛除，并以此为荣。185但当他以立法者自居时，却又顾及了当世的成见：他并不对盗匪、刺客、出卖军队的将领或祸害一省的长官宣判死刑，而是甘于在钱财赔偿之外，再加一重流放之罚——用较合乎宪制的说法，即“禁绝其水火”。《科尔内利亚法》，以及后来的《庞培法》与《尤利亚法》，引入了一套全新的刑事法学体系186；而自奥古斯都到查士丁尼的历代皇帝，则把自己日益加重的严酷，一概托庇于这些法律最初制定者的名义之下。然而，各种法外酷刑的发明与频繁施用，其根由却在于一种欲念：既要扩张专制，又要把专制的步步推进遮掩起来。每逢要给显贵的罗马人定罪，元老院总是随时准备秉承其主子的意旨，把司法与立法两种权力混为一谈。各行省总督的职责，便是以专断而严峻的司法来维持一省的治安；随着帝国版图的扩展，罗马城邦的自由也随之烟消云散。那个西班牙的恶徒曾援引罗马公民的特权，加尔巴却下令把他钉上一具更漂亮、更高耸的十字架，以示“优待”。187遇有某些案情，因其新奇或重大而似乎超出了一位代执政官（proconsul）的权限与识断，皇帝便不时颁下敕答（rescriptum）予以裁决。流放与斩首留给身份尊贵之人；至于地位卑下的罪犯，则或被绞死，或被火焚，或被投入矿坑埋没，或被丢去角斗场喂野兽。持械抢劫者被当作社会之敌加以追捕铲除；盗赶马匹或牛羊也被定为死罪188；但寻常的偷窃，则一律只当作一桩民事的、私人间的侵害看待。罪责的轻重与刑罚的方式，往往只凭统治者一时的裁量而定；至于臣民，则对自己日常一举一动可能招致的法律风险，始终蒙在鼓里。
A sin, a vice, a crime, are the objects of theology, ethics, and jurisprudence. Whenever their judgments agree, they corroborate each other; but, as often as they differ, a prudent legislator appreciates the guilt and punishment according to the measure of social injury. On this principle, the most daring attack on the life and property of a private citizen is judged less atrocious than the crime of treason or rebellion, which invades the majesty of the republic: the obsequious civilians unanimously pronounced, that the republic is contained in the person of its chief; and the edge of the Julian law was sharpened by the incessant diligence of the emperors. The licentious commerce of the sexes may be tolerated as an impulse of nature, or forbidden as a source of disorder and corruption; but the fame, the fortunes, the family of the husband, are seriously injured by the adultery of the wife. The wisdom of Augustus, after curbing the freedom of revenge, applied to this domestic offence the animadversion of the laws: and the guilty parties, after the payment of heavy forfeitures and fines, were condemned to long or perpetual exile in two separate islands. 189 Religion pronounces an equal censure against the infidelity of the husband; but, as it is not accompanied by the same civil effects, the wife was never permitted to vindicate her wrongs; 190 and the distinction of simple or double adultery, so familiar and so important in the canon law, is unknown to the jurisprudence of the Code and the Pandects. I touch with reluctance, and despatch with impatience, a more odious vice, of which modesty rejects the name, and nature abominates the idea. The primitive Romans were infected by the example of the Etruscans 191 and Greeks: 192 and in the mad abuse of prosperity and power, every pleasure that is innocent was deemed insipid; and the Scatinian law, 193 which had been extorted by an act of violence, was insensibly abolished by the lapse of time and the multitude of criminals. By this law, the rape, perhaps the seduction, of an ingenuous youth, was compensated, as a personal injury, by the poor damages of ten thousand sesterces, or fourscore pounds; the ravisher might be slain by the resistance or revenge of chastity; and I wish to believe, that at Rome, as in Athens, the voluntary and effeminate deserter of his sex was degraded from the honors and the rights of a citizen. 194 But the practice of vice was not discouraged by the severity of opinion: the indelible stain of manhood was confounded with the more venial transgressions of fornication and adultery, nor was the licentious lover exposed to the same dishonor which he impressed on the male or female partner of his guilt. From Catullus to Juvenal, 195 the poets accuse and celebrate the degeneracy of the times; and the reformation of manners was feebly attempted by the reason and authority of the civilians till the most virtuous of the Caesars proscribed the sin against nature as a crime against society. 196
罪愆、恶习、罪行，分别是神学、伦理学与法学所要处置的对象。三者的判断若相一致，便彼此印证；一旦相互抵牾，明智的立法者便当依据对社会危害的大小，来衡量罪责与刑罚。依此原则，对一个平民的生命财产再肆无忌惮的侵害，其穷凶极恶的程度，也被判为不及叛国或谋反之罪——因为后者冒犯的是共和国的威严。那些曲意逢迎的民法学家又异口同声地宣称：共和国即寓于其元首一身；于是历代皇帝孜孜不倦，把《尤利亚法》的刀锋磨得愈发锋利。男女间放纵的苟合，既可当作天性的冲动而予以容忍，也可当作败坏风纪、滋生腐化的祸源而加以禁绝；然而妻子的通奸，却实实在在地损害了丈夫的名声、家财与家门。奥古斯都的明智之处，是在遏止了私自复仇之后，又把法律的惩处施于这桩家门之内的罪过：有罪的双方在缴纳沉重的没产与罚金之后，还被判处长期乃至终身流放，且分置于两座不同的海岛。189宗教对丈夫的不忠也施以同等的谴责；但由于它并不引起同样的民事后果，妻子便始终不得为自己所受的委屈讨还公道190；而“单方通奸”与“双方通奸”之别——这在教会法中是那样耳熟能详、那样举足轻重——在《法典》与《学说汇纂》的法理中却闻所未闻。还有一桩更可憎的恶习，其名为廉耻所不齿，其念为天性所深恶——对此我实不愿多着笔墨，只想匆匆带过。早期的罗马人步伊特鲁里亚人191与希腊人192的后尘，也沾染了这一恶习；他们疯狂滥用财富与权势，把一切清白无邪的乐趣都看得寡淡无味；而《斯卡蒂尼亚法》193当初本是靠一桩暴力事件才勉强逼出来的，此后随着岁月流逝、犯者众多，也就在不知不觉间废弃了。依这条法律，对一名出身良家的少年施以强暴（或者说是诱奸），只当作一桩人身侵害，赔以区区一万塞斯特斯、合八十英镑的菲薄损害金了事；施暴者则可能死于贞洁一方的反抗或复仇。我也宁愿相信：在罗马，一如在雅典，凡自甘堕落、丧失男子气概、背弃其性别本分之人，都会被褫夺公民的荣誉与权利。194但世人虽在言论上严加责难，却丝毫无碍于此等恶行的施行：那玷污男子气概、无从洗刷的污名，竟与私通、通奸这类较可宽宥的过犯混为一谈；而那荒淫的施爱者，也并未蒙受他加诸其同罪的男女伙伴身上的那份耻辱。从卡图卢斯到尤维纳利斯195，诗人们一面痛斥、一面又吟咏这世风的堕落；民法学家们凭其理性与权威，也只是软弱无力地试图整饬风纪——直到诸恺撒中最有德的一位，才把这“违逆天性之罪”明令定为危害社会之罪。196

Notes 注释

159 ↩
How much is the cool, rational evidence of Polybius (l. vi. p. 693, l. xxxi. p. 1459, 1460) superior to vague, indiscriminate applause—omnium maxime et praecipue fidem coluit, (A. Gellius, xx. l.)
波利比乌斯（l. vi. p. 693, l. xxxi. p. 1459, 1460）那冷静而理性的佐证，较之含糊笼统、不加分辨的一味称颂，实在高明得多——所谓“omnium maxime et praecipue fidem coluit”（在一切事上，他最看重、尤其推崇信义）（A. Gellius, xx. l.）。
160 ↩
The Jus Praetorium de Pactis et Transactionibus is a separate and satisfactory treatise of Gerard Noodt, (Opp. tom. i. p. 483—564.) And I will here observe, that the universities of Holland and Brandenburg, in the beginning of the present century, appear to have studied the civil law on the most just and liberal principles. * Note: Simple agreements (pacta) formed as valid an obligation as a solemn contract. Only an action, or the right to a direct judicial prosecution, was not permitted in every case of compact. In all other respects, the judge was bound to maintain an agreement made by pactum. The stipulation was a form common to every kind of agreement, by which the right of action was given to this.—W.
《裁判官法论合意与和解》（Jus Praetorium de Pactis et Transactionibus）是杰拉德·诺特一部独立而精当的专论（Opp. tom. i. p. 483—564）。我要在此指出：本世纪初，荷兰与勃兰登堡的各大学研治民法，似乎都遵循着最为公正而开明的原则。按：简单的合意（pacta）所产生的义务，与庄严的契约同样有效。只是并非对每一桩约定都准许提起诉讼，即准予直接诉诸司法追索的权利；除此之外，法官都有义务维护凭“简约”（pactum）所达成的协议。而“要式口约”（stipulatio）则是一切协议所共有的一种形式，诉权正是由它而赋予的。—W
161 ↩
The nice and various subject of contracts by consent is spread over four books (xvii.—xx.) of the Pandects, and is one of the parts best deserving of the attention of an English student. * Note: This is erroneously called “benefits.” Gibbon enumerates various kinds of contracts, of which some alone are properly called benefits.—W.
关于“合意契约”这一精微而繁复的题目，散见于《学说汇纂》的四卷（xvii.—xx.）之中，是最值得英国学子留意的部分之一。按：此处误称之为“恩惠”（benefits）。吉本所列举的乃是各种契约，其中唯有一部分才可确当地称为恩惠。—W
162 ↩
The covenants of rent are defined in the Pandects (l. xix.) and the Code, (l. iv. tit. lxv.) The quinquennium, or term of five years, appears to have been a custom rather than a law; but in France all leases of land were determined in nine years. This limitation was removed only in the year 1775, (Encyclopedie Methodique, tom. i. de la Jurisprudence, p. 668, 669;) and I am sorry to observe that it yet prevails in the beauteous and happy country where I am permitted to reside.
关于租赁的约款，《学说汇纂》（l. xix.）与《法典》（l. iv. tit. lxv.）均有界定。所谓“五年之期”（quinquennium），看来只是一种习惯，而非成文之法；但在法国，一切土地租约都以九年为限。这一限制迟至1775年才被取消（Encyclopedie Methodique, tom. i. de la Jurisprudence, p. 668, 669）；而令我遗憾的是，在我得以栖身的这个美丽而幸福的国度，它至今仍然通行。
163 ↩
I might implicitly acquiesce in the sense and learning of the three books of G. Noodt, de foenore et usuris. (Opp. tom. i. p. 175—268.) The interpretation of the asses or centesimoe usuroe at twelve, the unciarioe at one per cent., is maintained by the best critics and civilians: Noodt, (l. ii. c. 2, p. 207,) Gravina, (Opp. p. 205, &c., 210,) Heineccius, (Antiquitat. ad Institut. l. iii. tit. xv.,) Montesquieu, (Esprit des Loix, l. xxii. c. 22, tom. ii. p. 36). Defense de l’Esprit des Loix, (tom. iii. p. 478, &c.,) and above all, John Frederic Gronovius (de Pecunia Veteri, l. iii. c. 13, p. 213—227,) and his three Antexegeses, (p. 455—655), the founder, or at least the champion, of this probable opinion; which is, however, perplexed with some difficulties.
诺特那三卷《论生息与放贷》（de foenore et usuris，Opp. tom. i. p. 175—268）的见解与学识，我大体上可以无异议地接受。把“阿斯利息”即“百息”（centesimae usurae）定为年利百分之十二、把“铢息”（unciariae）定为百分之一，这一说法为最优秀的考据家与民法学家所主张：诺特（l. ii. c. 2, p. 207）、格拉维纳（Opp. p. 205, &c., 210）、海涅克丘斯（Antiquitat. ad Institut. l. iii. tit. xv.）、孟德斯鸠（《论法的精神》，l. xxii. c. 22, tom. ii. p. 36），以及《为〈论法的精神〉辩护》（tom. iii. p. 478, &c.）；而尤以约翰·弗雷德里克·格罗诺维乌斯（de Pecunia Veteri, l. iii. c. 13, p. 213—227）及其三篇《驳诘》（Antexegeses, p. 455—655）为最——他是这一大致可信之说的首创者，至少也是其主要捍卫者；不过此说仍纠缠着若干难解之处。
164 ↩
Primo xii. Tabulis sancitum est ne quis unciario foenore amplius exerceret, (Tacit. Annal. vi. 16.) Pour peu (says Montesquieu, Esprit des Loix, l. xxii. 22) qu’on soit verse dans l’histoire de Rome, on verra qu’une pareille loi ne devoit pas etre l’ouvrage des decemvirs. Was Tacitus ignorant—or stupid? But the wiser and more virtuous patricians might sacrifice their avarice to their ambition, and might attempt to check the odious practice by such interest as no lender would accept, and such penalties as no debtor would incur. * Note: The real nature of the foenus unciarium has been proved; it amounted in a year of twelve months to ten per cent. See, in the Magazine for Civil Law, by M. Hugo, vol. v. p. 180, 184, an article of M. Schrader, following up the conjectures of Niebuhr, Hist. Rom. tom. ii. p. 431.—W. Compare a very clear account of this question in the appendix to Mr. Travers Twiss’s Epitome of Niebuhr, vol. ii. p. 257.—M.
“Primo xii. Tabulis sancitum est ne quis unciario foenore amplius exerceret”（《十二铜表法》首先规定，任何人放贷不得超过“十二分之一息”）（Tacit. Annal. vi. 16.）。孟德斯鸠说（《论法的精神》，l. xxii. 22）：“Pour peu qu'on soit verse dans l'histoire de Rome, on verra qu'une pareille loi ne devoit pas etre l'ouvrage des decemvirs.”（只要对罗马史稍有涉猎，便会看出这样一条法律绝不会出自十人委员会之手。）难道塔西佗当真无知——抑或愚钝？其实，那些较为明智、较有德行的贵族，未尝不会为其野心而牺牲其贪欲：他们或许有意以一种没有哪个放贷人肯接受的利率、以及一种没有哪个借债人会去触犯的刑罚，来遏止这一可憎的行当。按：“十二分之一息”（foenus unciarium）的真实性质已经证实：在十二个月为一年的算法下，它相当于年息百分之十。参见胡果先生主编的《民法杂志》第五卷第180、184页所载施拉德尔先生的一篇文章——该文接续了尼布尔的推断（Hist. Rom. tom. ii. p. 431）。—W 关于此题，另可参看特拉弗斯·特威斯先生《尼布尔史节本》附录中一段极清晰的说明（vol. ii. p. 257.）。—M
165 ↩
Justinian has not condescended to give usury a place in his Institutes; but the necessary rules and restrictions are inserted in the Pandects (l. xxii. tit. i. ii.) and the Code, (l. iv. tit. xxxii. xxxiii.)
查士丁尼不屑于在其《法学阶梯》中给放贷取息留一席之地；但必要的规则与限制，则载入了《学说汇纂》（l. xxii. tit. i. ii.）与《法典》（l. iv. tit. xxxii. xxxiii.）之中。
166 ↩
The Fathers are unanimous, (Barbeyrac, Morale des Peres, p. 144. &c.:) Cyprian, Lactantius, Basil, Chrysostom, (see his frivolous arguments in Noodt, l. i. c. 7, p. 188,) Gregory of Nyssa, Ambrose, Jerom, Augustin, and a host of councils and casuists.
诸教父众口一词（Barbeyrac, Morale des Peres, p. 144. &c.）：西普里安、拉克坦提乌斯、巴西尔、克里索斯托（其浅薄的论辩见 Noodt, l. i. c. 7, p. 188）、尼撒的格列高利、安布罗斯、哲罗姆、奥古斯丁，以及一大批公会议与决疑论者，无不如此。
167 ↩
Cato, Seneca, Plutarch, have loudly condemned the practice or abuse of usury. According to the etymology of foenus, the principal is supposed to generate the interest: a breed of barren metal, exclaims Shakespeare—and the stage is the echo of the public voice.
加图、塞涅卡、普鲁塔克都曾大声谴责放贷取息之举，或至少谴责其流弊。按拉丁词“foenus”（生息）的词源，本金被想象为能生出利息来：莎士比亚惊呼那是“不能生育的金属所繁衍的崽子”——而舞台之声，正是民间之声的回响。
168 ↩
Sir William Jones has given an ingenious and rational Essay on the law of Bailment, (London, 1781, p. 127, in 8vo.) He is perhaps the only lawyer equally conversant with the year-books of Westminster, the Commentaries of Ulpian, the Attic pleadings of Isaeus, and the sentences of Arabian and Persian cadhis.
威廉·琼斯爵士就寄托保管之法写过一篇精巧而合理的论文（London, 1781, p. 127, in 8vo.）。他大概是唯一一位法学家，能对威斯敏斯特的判例年鉴、乌尔比安的法学注疏、伊塞乌斯的阿提卡式诉状，以及阿拉伯与波斯卡迪（qadi，法官）的判词，一并烂熟于胸。
169 ↩
Noodt (Opp. tom. i. p. 137—172) has composed a separate treatise, ad Legem Aquilian, (Pandect. l. ix. tit. ii.)
诺特（Opp. tom. i. p. 137—172）另撰有一部专论《阿奎利亚法》的著作（ad Legem Aquilian，见 Pandect. l. ix. tit. ii.）。
170 ↩
Aulus Gellius (Noct. Attic. xx. i.) borrowed this story from the Commentaries of Q. Labeo on the xii. tables.
奥卢斯·革利乌斯（Noct. Attic. xx. i.）的这则故事，取自昆图斯·拉贝奥（Q. Labeo）关于《十二铜表法》的注疏。
171 ↩
The narrative of Livy (i. 28) is weighty and solemn. At tu, Albane, maneres, is a harsh reflection, unworthy of Virgil’s humanity, (Aeneid, viii. 643.) Heyne, with his usual good taste, observes that the subject was too horrid for the shield of Aencas, (tom. iii. p. 229.)
李维的叙述（i. 28）凝重而肃穆。“At tu, Albane, maneres”（阿尔巴人啊，你本该信守誓约！）一句则是一句苛刻的谴责，有失维吉尔素来的仁厚（Aeneid, viii. 643.）。海涅一如其惯有的雅正品味，评说此事太过骇人，实不宜铸于埃涅阿斯之盾上（tom. iii. p. 229.）。
172 ↩
The age of Draco (Olympiad xxxix. l) is fixed by Sir John Marsham (Canon Chronicus, p. 593—596) and Corsini, (Fasti Attici, tom. iii. p. 62.) For his laws, see the writers on the government of Athens, Sigonius, Meursius, Potter, &c.
德拉古所处的年代（第三十九届奥林匹亚德，1年）由约翰·马香爵士（Canon Chronicus, p. 593—596）与科尔西尼（Fasti Attici, tom. iii. p. 62.）加以考定。至于他的立法，可参看论述雅典政制的诸家——西戈尼乌斯、默尔修斯、波特等人。
173 ↩
The viith, de delictis, of the xii. tables is delineated by Gravina, (Opp. p. 292, 293, with a commentary, p. 214—230.) Aulus Gellius (xx. 1) and the Collatio Legum Mosaicarum et Romanarum afford much original information.
《十二铜表法》第七表《论私犯》（de delictis）由格拉维纳予以勾勒（Opp. p. 292, 293，另附注释，p. 214—230.）。奥卢斯·革利乌斯（xx. 1）与《摩西法与罗马法比较汇编》（Collatio Legum Mosaicarum et Romanarum）则提供了大量原始材料。
174 ↩
Livy mentions two remarkable and flagitious aeras, of 3000 persons accused, and of 190 noble matrons convicted, of the crime of poisoning, (xl. 43, viii. 18.) Mr. Hume discriminates the ages of private and public virtue, (Essays, vol. i. p. 22, 23.) I would rather say that such ebullitions of mischief (as in France in the year 1680) are accidents and prodigies which leave no marks on the manners of a nation.
李维提到两个骇人而伤风败俗的时期：一次有三千人被控、另一次有一百九十名贵妇被判犯下投毒之罪（xl. 43, viii. 18.）。休谟先生曾区分“私德的时代”与“公德的时代”（Essays, vol. i. p. 22, 23.）。而我倒宁愿说：这类恶行的骤然迸发（一如1680年的法国），不过是些偶发的怪象，并不会在一个民族的风气上留下什么印记。
175 ↩
The xii. tables and Cicero (pro Roscio Amerino, c. 25, 26) are content with the sack; Seneca (Excerpt. Controvers. v 4) adorns it with serpents; Juvenal pities the guiltless monkey (innoxia simia—156.) Adrian (apud Dositheum Magistrum, l. iii. c. p. 874—876, with Schulting’s Note,) Modestinus, (Pandect. xlviii. tit. ix. leg. 9,) Constantine, (Cod. l. ix. tit. xvii.,) and Justinian, (Institut. l. iv. tit. xviii.,) enumerate all the companions of the parricide. But this fanciful execution was simplified in practice. Hodie tamen viv exuruntur vel ad bestias dantur, (Paul. Sentent. Recept. l. v. tit. xxiv p. 512, edit. Schulting.)
《十二铜表法》与西塞罗（pro Roscio Amerino, c. 25, 26）都只提到那只皮袋；塞涅卡（Excerpt. Controvers. v 4）替袋中添了毒蛇；尤维纳利斯则怜悯那无辜的猴子（“innoxia simia”——第156行）。哈德良（apud Dositheum Magistrum, l. iii. c. p. 874—876，并附斯胡尔廷的注释）、莫德斯提努斯（Pandect. xlviii. tit. ix. leg. 9）、君士坦丁（Cod. l. ix. tit. xvii.）与查士丁尼（Institut. l. iv. tit. xviii.），一一列举了与弑亲者同装一袋的诸般“同伴”。但这套异想天开的极刑，在实际执行时已被简化。“Hodie tamen vivi exuruntur vel ad bestias dantur”（然而如今则或被活活烧死，或被投喂猛兽）（Paul. Sentent. Recept. l. v. tit. xxiv p. 512, edit. Schulting.）。
176 ↩
The first parricide at Rome was L. Ostius, after the second Punic war, (Plutarch, in Romulo, tom. i. p. 54.) During the Cimbric, P. Malleolus was guilty of the first matricide, (Liv. Epitom. l. lxviii.)
罗马第一桩弑父案的凶手是L.奥斯提乌斯，事在第二次布匿战争之后（Plutarch, in Romulo, tom. i. p. 54.）。第一桩弑母案则出在金布里战争期间，凶手为P.马莱奥卢斯（Liv. Epitom. l. lxviii.）。
177 ↩
Horace talks of the formidine fustis, (l. ii. epist. ii. 154,) but Cicero (de Republica, l. iv. apud Augustin. de Civitat. Dei, ix. 6, in Fragment. Philosoph. tom. iii. p. 393, edit. Olivet) affirms that the decemvirs made libels a capital offence: cum perpaucas res capite sanxisent—perpaucus!
贺拉斯提到“对棍棒的畏惧”（formidine fustis，l. ii. epist. ii. 154），而西塞罗（de Republica, l. iv.，转引自 Augustin. de Civitat. Dei, ix. 6，见 Fragment. Philosoph. tom. iii. p. 393, edit. Olivet）却断言：十人委员会曾把诽谤定为死罪——“cum perpaucas res capite sanxissent”（他们只把极少数事项定为死罪）——极少数啊！
178 ↩
Bynkershoek (Observat. Juris Rom. l. i. c. 1, in Opp. tom. i. p. 9, 10, 11) labors to prove that the creditors divided not the body, but the price, of the insolvent debtor. Yet his interpretation is one perpetual harsh metaphor; nor can he surmount the Roman authorities of Quintilian, Caecilius, Favonius, and Tertullian. See Aulus Gellius, Noct. Attic. xxi.
宾克斯胡克（Observat. Juris Rom. l. i. c. 1，见 Opp. tom. i. p. 9, 10, 11）煞费苦心地想要证明：债主们所分割的并非无力偿债者的“身体”，而是变卖他所得的“价款”。然而他的解读通篇不过是一个牵强而生硬的比喻，且始终无法驳倒昆体良、凯基利乌斯、法沃尼乌斯与德尔图良这几位罗马权威的说法。参见奥卢斯·革利乌斯《阿提卡之夜》（Noct. Attic. xxi.）。
1781 ↩
Hugo (Histoire du Droit Romain, tom. i. p. 234) concurs with Gibbon See Niebuhr, vol. ii. p. 313.—M.
胡果（Histoire du Droit Romain, tom. i. p. 234）赞同吉本的看法。另见尼布尔（vol. ii. p. 313.）。—M
179 ↩
The first speech of Lysias (Reiske, Orator. Graec. tom. v. p. 2—48) is in defence of a husband who had killed the adulterer. The rights of husbands and fathers at Rome and Athens are discussed with much learning by Dr. Taylor, (Lectiones Lysiacae, c. xi. in Reiske, tom. vi. p. 301—308.)
吕西亚斯的第一篇演说（Reiske, Orator. Graec. tom. v. p. 2—48）是为一名杀死奸夫的丈夫辩护。关于罗马与雅典两地丈夫与父亲的权利，泰勒博士曾作过极为渊博的论述（Lectiones Lysiacae, c. xi.，见 Reiske, tom. vi. p. 301—308.）。
180 ↩
See Casaubon ad Athenaeum, l. i. c. 5, p. 19. Percurrent raphanique mugilesque, (Catull. p. 41, 42, edit. Vossian.) Hunc mugilis intrat, (Juvenal. Satir. x. 317.) Hunc perminxere calones, (Horat l. i. Satir. ii. 44.) Familiae stuprandum dedit.. fraudi non fuit, (Val. Maxim. l. vi. c. l, No. 13.)
参见卡索邦对阿特纳奥斯的笺注（ad Athenaeum, l. i. c. 5, p. 19.）。此外可参以下诸句拉丁诗文：“Percurrent raphanique mugilesque”（Catull. p. 41, 42, edit. Vossian.）、“Hunc mugilis intrat”（Juvenal. Satir. x. 317.）、“Hunc perminxere calones”（Horat. l. i. Satir. ii. 44.）、“Familiae stuprandum dedit.. fraudi non fuit”（Val. Maxim. l. vi. c. l, No. 13.）。
181 ↩
This law is noticed by Livy (ii. 8) and Plutarch, (in Publiccla, tom. i. p. 187,) and it fully justifies the public opinion on the death of Caesar which Suetonius could publish under the Imperial government. Jure caesus existimatur, (in Julio, c. 76.) Read the letters that passed between Cicero and Matius a few months after the ides of March (ad Fam. xi. 27, 28.)
李维（ii. 8）与普鲁塔克（in Publicola, tom. i. p. 187）都提到此法；它也充分印证了世人对恺撒之死的看法——这一看法，苏埃托尼乌斯竟能在帝制之下公然刊布：“Jure caesus existimatur”（世人以为他死得其罪）（in Julio, c. 76.）。不妨读一读三月望日之后数月间，西塞罗与马提乌斯之间往还的书信（ad Fam. xi. 27, 28.）。
182 ↩
Thucydid. l. i. c. 6 The historian who considers this circumstance as the test of civilization, would disdain the barbarism of a European court
修昔底德，l. i. c. 6。这位史家既把是否解除佩剑视作文明的标尺，那么他见了某个欧洲宫廷的野蛮做派，想必会不屑一顾。
183 ↩
He first rated at millies (800,000 L.) the damages of Sicily, (Divinatio in Caecilium, c. 5,) which he afterwards reduced to quadringenties, (320,000 L.—1 Actio in Verrem, c. 18,) and was finally content with tricies, (24,000l L.) Plutarch (in Ciceron. tom. iii. p. 1584) has not dissembled the popular suspicion and report.
他起初把西西里所受的损害估为“千万”（millies，合八十万英镑）（Divinatio in Caecilium, c. 5），后来减为“四百万”（quadringenties，合三十二万英镑——1 Actio in Verrem, c. 18），最终只索“三十万”（tricies，合二万四千英镑）便告满足。普鲁塔克（in Ciceron. tom. iii. p. 1584）对当时的流言与非议也并未讳言。
184 ↩
Verres lived near thirty years after his trial, till the second triumvirate, when he was proscribed by the taste of Mark Antony for the sake of his Corinthian plate, (Plin. Hist. Natur. xxxiv. 3.)
维雷斯在受审之后又活了将近三十年，直到第二次三头同盟时期，才因马克·安东尼觊觎他那批科林斯铜器的雅好，而被列入公敌名单遭到诛除（Plin. Hist. Natur. xxxiv. 3.）。
185 ↩
Such is the number assigned by Valer’us Maximus, (l. ix. c. 2, No. 1,) Florus (iv. 21) distinguishes 2000 senators and knights. Appian (de Bell. Civil. l. i. c. 95, tom. ii. p. 133, edit. Schweighauser) more accurately computes forty victims of the senatorian rank, and 1600 of the equestrian census or order.
这一数目乃瓦莱里乌斯·马克西穆斯所给（l. ix. c. 2, No. 1）；弗洛鲁斯（iv. 21）则区分出两千名元老与骑士。阿庇安（de Bell. Civil. l. i. c. 95, tom. ii. p. 133, edit. Schweighauser）的计算较为精确：元老等级的遇害者四十名，骑士财产等级或阶层者一千六百名。
186 ↩
For the penal laws (Leges Corneliae, Pompeiae, Julae, of Sylla, Pompey, and the Caesars) see the sentences of Paulus, (l. iv. tit. xviii.—xxx. p. 497—528, edit. Schulting,) the Gregorian Code, (Fragment. l. xix. p. 705, 706, in Schulting,) the Collatio Legum Mosaicarum et Romanarum, (tit. i.—xv.,) the Theodosian Code, (l. ix.,) the Code of Justinian, (l. ix.,) the Pandects, (xlviii.,) the Institutes, (l. iv. tit. xviii.,) and the Greek version of Theophilus, (p. 917—926.)
关于这些刑法（即苏拉、庞培与诸恺撒所立的《科尔内利亚法》《庞培法》《尤利亚法》——Leges Corneliae, Pompeiae, Juliae），可参看保卢斯的判例集（l. iv. tit. xviii.—xxx. p. 497—528, edit. Schulting）、《格雷戈里安努斯法典》（Fragment. l. xix. p. 705, 706, in Schulting）、《摩西法与罗马法比较汇编》（Collatio Legum Mosaicarum et Romanarum, tit. i.—xv.）、《狄奥多西法典》（l. ix.）、《查士丁尼法典》（l. ix.）、《学说汇纂》（xlviii.）、《法学阶梯》（l. iv. tit. xviii.），以及塞奥菲鲁斯的希腊文译本（p. 917—926.）。
187 ↩
It was a guardian who had poisoned his ward. The crime was atrocious: yet the punishment is reckoned by Suetonius (c. 9) among the acts in which Galba showed himself acer, vehemens, et in delictis coercendis immodicus.
那是一名毒死自己被监护人的监护人。其罪固然穷凶极恶，但苏埃托尼乌斯（c. 9）却把这一惩处，列入加尔巴显得“acer, vehemens, et in delictis coercendis immodicus”（严厉、暴烈、惩治罪行毫无节制）的种种事例之中。
188 ↩
The abactores or abigeatores, who drove one horse, or two mares or oxen, or five hogs, or ten goats, were subject to capital punishment, (Paul, Sentent. Recept. l. iv. tit. xviii. p. 497, 498.) Hadrian, (ad Concil. Baeticae,) most severe where the offence was most frequent, condemns the criminals, ad gladium, ludi damnationem, (Ulpian, de Officio Proconsulis, l. viii. in Collatione Legum Mosaic. et Rom. tit. xi p. 235.)
所谓“盗畜贼”（abactores 或 abigeatores）——凡盗赶一匹马、或两头母马或牛、或五头猪、或十只羊者，都要处以极刑（Paul, Sentent. Recept. l. iv. tit. xviii. p. 497, 498.）。哈德良（ad Concil. Baeticae）在此类罪行最为频发之处治之最严，判处罪犯“ad gladium, ludi damnationem”（付诸刀剑、罚充角斗）（Ulpian, de Officio Proconsulis, l. viii.，见 Collatione Legum Mosaic. et Rom. tit. xi p. 235.）。
189 ↩
Till the publication of the Julius Paulus of Schulting, (l. ii. tit. xxvi. p. 317—323,) it was affirmed and believed that the Julian laws punished adultery with death; and the mistake arose from the fraud or error of Tribonian. Yet Lipsius had suspected the truth from the narratives of Tacitus, (Annal. ii. 50, iii. 24, iv. 42,) and even from the practice of Augustus, who distinguished the treasonable frailties of his female kindred.
在斯胡尔廷刊行其校订本《尤利乌斯·保卢斯》（l. ii. tit. xxvi. p. 317—323）之前，人们一直确信《尤利亚法》以死刑惩治通奸；而这一误解，实源于特里波尼安的作伪或谬误。其实利普修斯早已从塔西佗的记述（Annal. ii. 50, iii. 24, iv. 42），乃至从奥古斯都的做法——他对自家女眷那些近乎叛国的失德另作区处——之中，猜到了真相。
190 ↩
In cases of adultery, Severus confined to the husband the right of public accusation, (Cod. Justinian, l. ix. tit. ix. leg. 1.) Nor is this privilege unjust—so different are the effects of male or female infidelity.
遇有通奸案件，塞维鲁把公开控告之权只限于丈夫一方（Cod. Justinian, l. ix. tit. ix. leg. 1.）。这一特权倒也并非不公——毕竟男方与女方的不忠，其后果本就大不相同。
191 ↩
Timon (l. i.) and Theopompus (l. xliii. apud Athenaeum, l. xii. p. 517) describe the luxury and lust of the Etruscans. About the same period (A. U. C. 445) the Roman youth studied in Etruria, (liv. ix. 36.)
提蒙（l. i.）与忒俄彭波斯（l. xliii.，转引自 Athenaeum, l. xii. p. 517）都描述过伊特鲁里亚人的奢靡与纵欲。约在同一时期（罗马建城445年），罗马的青年正负笈于伊特鲁里亚（liv. ix. 36.）。
192 ↩
The Persians had been corrupted in the same school, (Herodot. l. i. c. 135.) A curious dissertation might be formed on the introduction of paederasty after the time of Homer, its progress among the Greeks of Asia and Europe, the vehemence of their passions, and the thin device of virtue and friendship which amused the philosophers of Athens. But scelera ostendi oportet dum puniuntur, abscondi flagitia.
波斯人也曾在同一门“学派”里染上此习（Herodot. l. i. c. 135.）。要写一篇引人入胜的专论，大可探究：男风如何于荷马之后传入，如何在亚欧两地的希腊人中蔓延，他们那份情欲何等炽烈，以及雅典的哲学家又是以何等单薄的“德行”与“友谊”之名，聊以自娱。但“scelera ostendi oportet dum puniuntur, abscondi flagitia”（罪行须于惩治之际公之于众，秽行则宜加以掩藏）。
193 ↩
The name, the date, and the provisions of this law are equally doubtful, (Gravina, Opp. p. 432, 433. Heineccius, Hist. Jur. Rom. No. 108. Ernesti, Clav. Ciceron. in Indice Legum.) But I will observe that the nefanda Venus of the honest German is styled aversa by the more polite Italian.
这条法律的名称、年代与条款同样可疑（Gravina, Opp. p. 432, 433. Heineccius, Hist. Jur. Rom. No. 108. Ernesti, Clav. Ciceron. in Indice Legum.）。但我要指出：质朴的德国人称之为“nefanda Venus”（伤天害理之欲）者，到了较为文雅的意大利人笔下，便成了“aversa”（悖逆之欲）。
194 ↩
See the oration of Aeschines against the catamite Timarchus, (in Reiske, Orator. Graec. tom. iii. p. 21—184.)
参见埃斯基涅斯控告娈童提马尔库斯的那篇演说（in Reiske, Orator. Graec. tom. iii. p. 21—184.）。
195 ↩
A crowd of disgraceful passages will force themselves on the memory of the classic reader: I will only remind him of the cool declaration of Ovid:— Odi concubitus qui non utrumque resolvant. Hoc est quod puerum tangar amore minus.
熟读古典的人，脑中定会不由自主地涌起一大堆不堪的段落；我只提醒他记起奥维德那一句冷冷的自白：“Odi concubitus qui non utrumque resolvant. Hoc est quod puerum tangar amore minus.”（凡不能使双方尽兴的交合，我一概厌憎；正因如此，我对男童之爱才淡了几分。）
196 ↩
Aelius Lampridius, in Vit. Heliogabal. in Hist. August p. 112 Aurelius Victor, in Philippo, Codex Theodos. l. ix. tit. vii. leg. 7, and Godefroy’s Commentary, tom. iii. p. 63. Theodosius abolished the subterraneous brothels of Rome, in which the prostitution of both sexes was acted with impunity.
埃利乌斯·兰普里迪乌斯，见 Vit. Heliogabal.，载 Hist. August. p. 112；奥勒留·维克托，in Philippo；《狄奥多西法典》l. ix. tit. vii. leg. 7，以及戈德弗鲁瓦的注释，tom. iii. p. 63。狄奥多西废除了罗马那些地下的妓馆——男娼女妓皆在其中卖淫而不受惩处。