Chapter XXXIX: Gothic Kingdom Of Italy.—Part II. 第三十九章 意大利的哥特王国——第二节
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Among the Barbarians of the West, the victory of Theodoric had spread a general alarm. But as soon as it appeared that he was satisfied with conquest and desirous of peace, terror was changed into respect, and they submitted to a powerful mediation, which was uniformly employed for the best purposes of reconciling their quarrels and civilizing their manners. 33 The ambassadors who resorted to Ravenna from the most distant countries of Europe, admired his wisdom, magnificence, 34 and courtesy; and if he sometimes accepted either slaves or arms, white horses or strange animals, the gift of a sun-dial, a water-clock, or a musician, admonished even the princes of Gaul of the superior art and industry of his Italian subjects. His domestic alliances, 35 a wife, two daughters, a sister, and a niece, united the family of Theodoric with the kings of the Franks, the Burgundians, the Visigoths, the Vandals, and the Thuringians, and contributed to maintain the harmony, or at least the balance, of the great republic of the West. 36 It is difficult in the dark forests of Germany and Poland to pursue the emigrations of the Heruli, a fierce people who disdained the use of armor, and who condemned their widows and aged parents not to survive the loss of their husbands, or the decay of their strength. 37 The king of these savage warriors solicited the friendship of Theodoric, and was elevated to the rank of his son, according to the barbaric rites of a military adoption. 38 From the shores of the Baltic, the Aestians or Livonians laid their offerings of native amber 39 at the feet of a prince, whose fame had excited them to undertake an unknown and dangerous journey of fifteen hundred miles. With the country 40 from whence the Gothic nation derived their origin, he maintained a frequent and friendly correspondence: the Italians were clothed in the rich sables 41 of Sweden; and one of its sovereigns, after a voluntary or reluctant abdication, found a hospitable retreat in the palace of Ravenna. He had reigned over one of the thirteen populous tribes who cultivated a small portion of the great island or peninsula of Scandinavia, to which the vague appellation of Thule has been sometimes applied. That northern region was peopled, or had been explored, as high as the sixty-eighth degree of latitude, where the natives of the polar circle enjoy and lose the presence of the sun at each summer and winter solstice during an equal period of forty days. 42 The long night of his absence or death was the mournful season of distress and anxiety, till the messengers, who had been sent to the mountain tops, descried the first rays of returning light, and proclaimed to the plain below the festival of his resurrection. 43
狄奥多里克大获全胜,西方蛮族无不闻风惊惧。然而,一旦看清他志在息兵、无意穷兵黩武,惊惧便化作敬服;他们纷纷听凭这位强邻居间斡旋,而他每每以调解纷争、开化风俗为务,用心至善。33欧洲最遥远国度的使节远道来到拉文纳,无不叹服他的睿智、气派34与礼数。他有时收下的贡礼,或是奴隶与兵器,或是白马与异兽;而当他回赠一具日晷、一架水钟或一名乐师时,连高卢诸王也不得不承认:他麾下的意大利臣民,技艺之精、工巧之勤,远非他们所能及。他又广结姻亲:35一位妻子、两个女儿、一个姐妹、一个外甥女,把狄奥多里克一门与法兰克、勃艮第、西哥特、汪达尔、图林根诸王的家族连成一气,从而维系了西方列邦这一大局的和睦——纵不能全然和睦,至少也保住了均势。36赫鲁利人剽悍成性,鄙弃甲胄,又逼迫寡妇与年迈的双亲:丈夫一死、气力一衰,便不许他们苟活于世。这样一个民族,其迁徙的踪迹湮没在日耳曼与波兰的莽莽密林之间,已难以追寻。37这群野蛮武士的国王前来乞求狄奥多里克的友谊,狄奥多里克便依蛮族收养武士为义子的仪礼,将他抬举为自己的儿子。38波罗的海之滨的埃斯提人(又称利沃尼亚人),慕其威名,不惜跋涉一千五百英里,踏上一段前途未卜、险象环生的旅程,把家乡出产的琥珀39奉献于这位君王足前。哥特民族的发祥之地40,他也时相往还,交谊不绝:意大利人身上所披的名贵黑貂皮41,正来自瑞典;那里的一位君主,或出于自愿、或迫于无奈而逊位之后,便在拉文纳宫中觅得了殷勤款待的栖身之所。此人先前统治着十三个人烟稠密的部族之一——这些部族耕作于斯堪的纳维亚那座大岛(或称半岛)的一隅,而斯堪的纳维亚有时也含糊地称作图勒。那片北方之地已有人烟,或至少已有人探至北纬六十八度;居于北极圈内的土著,夏至前后一连四十天太阳不落,冬至前后又同样有四十天不见天日。42太阳隐没、恍如死去的那段漫漫长夜,是他们忧惧悲苦的时节;直到派往山巅的信使望见回归的第一缕曙光,才向山下平原高声宣告:太阳复活的节庆到了。43
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The life of Theodoric represents the rare and meritorious example of a Barbarian, who sheathed his sword in the pride of victory and the vigor of his age. A reign of three and thirty years was consecrated to the duties of civil government, and the hostilities, in which he was sometimes involved, were speedily terminated by the conduct of his lieutenants, the discipline of his troops, the arms of his allies, and even by the terror of his name. He reduced, under a strong and regular government, the unprofitable countries of Rhaetia, Noricum, Dalmatia, and Pannonia, from the source of the Danube and the territory of the Bavarians, 44 to the petty kingdom erected by the Gepidae on the ruins of Sirmium. His prudence could not safely intrust the bulwark of Italy to such feeble and turbulent neighbors; and his justice might claim the lands which they oppressed, either as a part of his kingdom, or as the inheritance of his father. The greatness of a servant, who was named perfidious because he was successful, awakened the jealousy of the emperor Anastasius; and a war was kindled on the Dacian frontier, by the protection which the Gothic king, in the vicissitude of human affairs, had granted to one of the descendants of Attila. Sabinian, a general illustrious by his own and father’s merit, advanced at the head of ten thousand Romans; and the provisions and arms, which filled a long train of wagons, were distributed to the fiercest of the Bulgarian tribes. But in the fields of Margus, the eastern powers were defeated by the inferior forces of the Goths and Huns; the flower and even the hope of the Roman armies was irretrievably destroyed; and such was the temperance with which Theodoric had inspired his victorious troops, that, as their leader had not given the signal of pillage, the rich spoils of the enemy lay untouched at their feet. 45 Exasperated by this disgrace, the Byzantine court despatched two hundred ships and eight thousand men to plunder the sea-coast of Calabria and Apulia: they assaulted the ancient city of Tarentum, interrupted the trade and agriculture of a happy country, and sailed back to the Hellespont, proud of their piratical victory over a people whom they still presumed to consider as their Roman brethren. 46 Their retreat was possibly hastened by the activity of Theodoric; Italy was covered by a fleet of a thousand light vessels, 47 which he constructed with incredible despatch; and his firm moderation was soon rewarded by a solid and honorable peace. He maintained, with a powerful hand, the balance of the West, till it was at length overthrown by the ambition of Clovis; and although unable to assist his rash and unfortunate kinsman, the king of the Visigoths, he saved the remains of his family and people, and checked the Franks in the midst of their victorious career. I am not desirous to prolong or repeat 48 this narrative of military events, the least interesting of the reign of Theodoric; and shall be content to add, that the Alemanni were protected, 49 that an inroad of the Burgundians was severely chastised, and that the conquest of Arles and Marseilles opened a free communication with the Visigoths, who revered him as their national protector, and as the guardian of his grandchild, the infant son of Alaric. Under this respectable character, the king of Italy restored the praetorian præfecture of the Gauls, reformed some abuses in the civil government of Spain, and accepted the annual tribute and apparent submission of its military governor, who wisely refused to trust his person in the palace of Ravenna. 50 The Gothic sovereignty was established from Sicily to the Danube, from Sirmium or Belgrade to the Atlantic Ocean; and the Greeks themselves have acknowledged that Theodoric reigned over the fairest portion of the Western empire. 51
狄奥多里克的一生,堪称蛮族中一个难得而可敬的范例:正当克敌制胜、志得意满、年富力强之际,他却收剑入鞘。他在位三十三年,一心尽于治民之责;偶或卷入战事,也总能迅速平息——或凭部将的干练,或凭军纪的严明,或凭盟邦的兵力,甚至仅凭他名号所生的威慑。他以强固而有序的政令,将雷提亚、诺里库姆、达尔马提亚、潘诺尼亚这几片贫瘠之地收归治下:自多瑙河源头与巴伐利亚人的疆界44,直抵格皮德人在西尔米乌姆废墟上所立的蕞尔小邦。这些邻邦既孱弱又难驯,以他的深谋远虑,断不敢把意大利的屏障托付给他们;而以他所秉的公道,这些遭他们盘剥的土地,本也可视作他王国的一部分,或视作他父亲的遗产,理应归他所有。一个臣子,只因功业彪炳,便被诬为背信;他的显赫招来了皇帝阿纳斯塔修斯的猜忌。世事翻覆之际,这位哥特国王庇护了阿提拉的一个后裔,遂在达契亚边境点燃了战火。萨比尼安努斯凭自己与父亲两代的功勋而声名显赫,此时率一万罗马士卒进逼;长长一列辎重车满载粮秣与兵器,尽数分发给了保加利亚诸部中最凶悍的一支。然而在马尔古斯的原野上,兵力占优的东方大军竟败于哥特人与匈人的少数之众;罗马军队的精锐乃至全部指望,就此摧折殆尽,无可挽回。狄奥多里克素以节制熏陶部众,此番大胜,因主帅未下劫掠之令,敌军的丰厚战利品便原封不动地堆在他们脚下,无人染指。45拜占庭朝廷因这场耻辱而恼羞成怒,遂遣二百艘战船、八千兵士,前去劫掠卡拉布里亚与阿普利亚的海岸:他们袭击了古城塔兰图姆,搅乱了这片乐土的工商与农事,随后扬帆返回赫勒斯滂,为这场海盗式的胜利洋洋自得——而被他们劫掠的,正是他们口口声声仍当作罗马同胞的人。46他们撤退得如此匆忙,或许还得归因于狄奥多里克的雷厉手段:他以令人难以置信的速度赶造出一千艘轻舟47,布满意大利海面;他坚定而有节制的作为,不久便换来一纸稳固而体面的和约。他以强有力的手腕,维系着西方的均势,直到克洛维的野心终于将它倾覆。对那位鲁莽而不幸的姻亲——西哥特国王——他虽无力相救,却保全了西哥特王残存的家族与子民,并在法兰克人节节得胜之际遏止了他们的攻势。这些军事经过是狄奥多里克在位期间最乏味的部分,我无意在此铺陈或重述;48只想补上一句:他庇护了阿勒曼尼人,49严惩了勃艮第人的一次入侵,又攻取阿尔勒与马赛,从而与西哥特人打通了往来之路。西哥特人尊奉他为本族的护佑者,也尊他为其外孙——阿拉里克那尚在襁褓的幼子——的监护人。凭这一可敬的身份,意大利之王恢复了高卢的禁卫军长官辖区,整顿了西班牙民政中的若干积弊,并接受了西班牙军事总督每年的贡赋与表面的臣服——那总督颇有见识,始终不肯以身涉险,踏入拉文纳的宫廷。50哥特人的主权,南起西西里、北抵多瑙河,东自西尔米乌姆(即贝尔格莱德)、西达大西洋;就连希腊人也承认:狄奥多里克所统辖的,乃是西部帝国最富庶的一方。51
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The union of the Goths and Romans might have fixed for ages the transient happiness of Italy; and the first of nations, a new people of free subjects and enlightened soldiers, might have gradually arisen from the mutual emulation of their respective virtues. But the sublime merit of guiding or seconding such a revolution was not reserved for the reign of Theodoric: he wanted either the genius or the opportunities of a legislator; 52 and while he indulged the Goths in the enjoyment of rude liberty, he servilely copied the institutions, and even the abuses, of the political system which had been framed by Constantine and his successors. From a tender regard to the expiring prejudices of Rome, the Barbarian declined the name, the purple, and the diadem, of the emperors; but he assumed, under the hereditary title of king, the whole substance and plenitude of Imperial prerogative. 53 His addresses to the eastern throne were respectful and ambiguous: he celebrated, in pompous style, the harmony of the two republics, applauded his own government as the perfect similitude of a sole and undivided empire, and claimed above the kings of the earth the same preeminence which he modestly allowed to the person or rank of Anastasius. The alliance of the East and West was annually declared by the unanimous choice of two consuls; but it should seem that the Italian candidate who was named by Theodoric accepted a formal confirmation from the sovereign of Constantinople. 54 The Gothic palace of Ravenna reflected the image of the court of Theodosius or Valentinian. The Praetorian præfect, the præfect of Rome, the quaestor, the master of the offices, with the public and patrimonial treasurers, 5411 whose functions are painted in gaudy colors by the rhetoric of Cassiodorus, still continued to act as the ministers of state. And the subordinate care of justice and the revenue was delegated to seven consulars, three correctors, and five presidents, who governed the fifteen regions of Italy according to the principles, and even the forms, of Roman jurisprudence. 55 The violence of the conquerors was abated or eluded by the slow artifice of judicial proceedings; the civil administration, with its honors and emoluments, was confined to the Italians; and the people still preserved their dress and language, their laws and customs, their personal freedom, and two thirds of their landed property. 5511 It had been the object of Augustus to conceal the introduction of monarchy; it was the policy of Theodoric to disguise the reign of a Barbarian. 56 If his subjects were sometimes awakened from this pleasing vision of a Roman government, they derived more substantial comfort from the character of a Gothic prince, who had penetration to discern, and firmness to pursue, his own and the public interest. Theodoric loved the virtues which he possessed, and the talents of which he was destitute. Liberius was promoted to the office of Praetorian præfect for his unshaken fidelity to the unfortunate cause of Odoacer. The ministers of Theodoric, Cassiodorus, 57 and Boethius, have reflected on his reign the lustre of their genius and learning. More prudent or more fortunate than his colleague, Cassiodorus preserved his own esteem without forfeiting the royal favor; and after passing thirty years in the honors of the world, he was blessed with an equal term of repose in the devout and studious solitude of Squillace. 5711
哥特人与罗马人若能融为一体,或可将意大利这转瞬即逝的太平固定千秋;两族各以自身德性彼此激励,日积月累,或能孕育出一个居于万邦之首的新民族——一群自由的臣民、开明的士卒。然而,主导或促成这样一场变革的崇高功业,命运并未留给狄奥多里克这一朝:他若非欠缺立法者的天纵之才,便是欠缺那样的时运。52他一面纵容哥特人享其粗野的自由,一面却奴颜婢膝地照搬君士坦丁及其后继诸帝所构建的整套政制,连其中的种种弊政也一并抄袭过来。出于对罗马残存偏见的一份体恤,这位蛮族君主谢绝了皇帝的名号、紫袍与冠冕;却以世袭的“国王”之称,把帝王特权的全部实质与全副权柄尽揽于身。53他致东方朝廷的文书,措辞恭敬而含糊:他以浮夸的辞令颂扬两邦的和睦,标榜自己的治理俨然是那单一而不可分割之帝国的完美翻版,并自居于天下诸王之上,享有至尊之位——而这一至尊,他又谦逊地承认属于阿纳斯塔修斯本人及其位分。每年推举两位执政官,众望所归,即宣示着东西两方的联盟;但看来,凡狄奥多里克提名的意大利人选,仍须接受君士坦丁堡君主的正式确认。54拉文纳的哥特宫廷,俨然映现着狄奥多西或瓦伦提尼安宫廷的旧影。禁卫军长官、罗马长官、财务官、诸司大臣,连同掌理公库与皇室私产的两位司库5411——卡西奥多鲁斯用他那套辞藻,把他们的职守渲染得富丽堂皇——依旧充当着国家的重臣。至于司法与赋税的具体经办,则委于七名执政级省长、三名监理官、五名总督之手;他们依照罗马法学的原则、乃至其成规,治理着意大利的十五个行政区。55冗缓的司法程式,把征服者的暴虐化解于无形,或使其无从施展;民政的荣衔与俸禄,一概只留给意大利人;百姓仍保有自己的服饰与语言、法度与习俗、人身自由,以及三分之二的地产。5511奥古斯都当年一心要掩饰君主制的推行;狄奥多里克如今则着意粉饰一个蛮族的统治。56臣民纵有时从这场“罗马政制犹在”的美梦中惊醒,也能从这位哥特君主的品性里得到更实在的宽慰:他洞察力足以明辨自己与公众的利害所在,意志力足以将其贯彻到底。狄奥多里克钟爱他所具有的德行,也钟爱他所欠缺的才具。利贝里乌斯因始终不渝地效忠于奥多亚克那败落的一方,反被擢升为禁卫军长官。狄奥多里克的两位重臣——卡西奥多鲁斯57与波爱修斯——以各自的才华与学识,为他这一朝增添了光彩。卡西奥多鲁斯比他的同僚更为审慎,或者说更为幸运:他既守住了自己的声誉,又未失君王的宠信;在尘世的荣显中度过三十年后,又蒙上天眷顾,得以在斯奎拉切那虔敬而好学的清修中,安享同样长的一段静养岁月。5711
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As the patron of the republic, it was the interest and duty of the Gothic king to cultivate the affections of the senate 58 and people. The nobles of Rome were flattered by sonorous epithets and formal professions of respect, which had been more justly applied to the merit and authority of their ancestors. The people enjoyed, without fear or danger, the three blessings of a capital, order, plenty, and public amusements. A visible diminution of their numbers may be found even in the measure of liberality; 59 yet Apulia, Calabria, and Sicily, poured their tribute of corn into the granaries of Rome; an allowance of bread and meat was distributed to the indigent citizens; and every office was deemed honorable which was consecrated to the care of their health and happiness. The public games, such as the Greek ambassador might politely applaud, exhibited a faint and feeble copy of the magnificence of the Caesars: yet the musical, the gymnastic, and the pantomime arts, had not totally sunk in oblivion; the wild beasts of Africa still exercised in the amphitheatre the courage and dexterity of the hunters; and the indulgent Goth either patiently tolerated or gently restrained the blue and green factions, whose contests so often filled the circus with clamor and even with blood. 60 In the seventh year of his peaceful reign, Theodoric visited the old capital of the world; the senate and people advanced in solemn procession to salute a second Trajan, a new Valentinian; and he nobly supported that character by the assurance of a just and legal government, 61 in a discourse which he was not afraid to pronounce in public, and to inscribe on a tablet of brass. Rome, in this august ceremony, shot a last ray of declining glory; and a saint, the spectator of this pompous scene, could only hope, in his pious fancy, that it was excelled by the celestial splendor of the new Jerusalem. 62 During a residence of six months, the fame, the person, and the courteous demeanor of the Gothic king, excited the admiration of the Romans, and he contemplated, with equal curiosity and surprise, the monuments that remained of their ancient greatness. He imprinted the footsteps of a conqueror on the Capitoline hill, and frankly confessed that each day he viewed with fresh wonder the forum of Trajan and his lofty column. The theatre of Pompey appeared, even in its decay, as a huge mountain artificially hollowed, and polished, and adorned by human industry; and he vaguely computed, that a river of gold must have been drained to erect the colossal amphitheatre of Titus. 63 From the mouths of fourteen aqueducts, a pure and copious stream was diffused into every part of the city; among these the Claudian water, which arose at the distance of thirty-eight miles in the Sabine mountains, was conveyed along a gentle though constant declivity of solid arches, till it descended on the summit of the Aventine hill. The long and spacious vaults which had been constructed for the purpose of common sewers, subsisted, after twelve centuries, in their pristine strength; and these subterraneous channels have been preferred to all the visible wonders of Rome. 64 The Gothic kings, so injuriously accused of the ruin of antiquity, were anxious to preserve the monuments of the nation whom they had subdued. 65 The royal edicts were framed to prevent the abuses, the neglect, or the depredations of the citizens themselves; and a professed architect, the annual sum of two hundred pounds of gold, twenty-five thousand tiles, and the receipt of customs from the Lucrine port, were assigned for the ordinary repairs of the walls and public edifices. A similar care was extended to the statues of metal or marble of men or animals. The spirit of the horses, which have given a modern name to the Quirinal, was applauded by the Barbarians; 66 the brazen elephants of the Via sacra were diligently restored; 67 the famous heifer of Myron deceived the cattle, as they were driven through the forum of peace; 68 and an officer was created to protect those works of art, which Theodoric considered as the noblest ornament of his kingdom.
身为罗马国的庇护者,博取元老院58与人民的爱戴,既合乎这位哥特国王的利益,也是他的本分。罗马的贵胄们受着铿锵尊号与郑重敬辞的奉承——这些辞令,原本更该献给他们祖先的功业与威望。都城百姓则安享着一座首善之区的三大福祉:秩序、丰足与公众娱乐,无忧亦无虞。单从赈济的份额,便可看出他们人数已明显减少;59然而阿普利亚、卡拉布里亚与西西里,仍源源不断地把贡纳的谷物送进罗马的粮仓;贫苦的市民照领一份面包与肉食;凡是专为照拂民众健康与安乐而设的职司,无不视为体面的差事。至于那些连希腊使节也肯客套地喝彩几声的公共竞技,不过是恺撒时代盛况一幅黯淡无力的摹本罢了;然而音乐、角力与哑剧诸般技艺,尚未全然湮没;非洲的猛兽依旧在圆形竞技场上考验着猎手的胆气与身手;那位宽厚的哥特君主,对蓝、绿两党或是耐心容忍,或是稍加约束——这两党的争斗,屡屡把赛车场闹得喧声鼎沸,甚至血溅当场。60在他太平之治的第七年,狄奥多里克造访了这座昔日的世界之都;元老院与人民列成庄严的仪仗,前来迎候这位再世的图拉真、又一位瓦伦提尼安。他也不负此誉:当众发表了一篇演说,郑重许下公正守法之治的承诺,并不惮将它铭刻于一方铜版之上。61在这场庄严的典礼中,罗马射出了它衰落荣光的最后一缕余晖;一位圣徒目睹这盛大的场面,在他虔诚的遐想中,也只能盼望天上新耶路撒冷的辉煌能够胜过眼前这一切。62逗留的六个月里,这位哥特国王的威名、仪表与谦和的举止,令罗马人叹服不已;而他也以同样的好奇与惊叹,端详着这座城市昔日伟业残存的遗迹。他把征服者的足印留在卡皮托利山上,并坦然承认:图拉真广场与那根巍峨的纪功柱,他每日观之,无不生出新的惊奇。庞培剧场纵已残破,看去仍如一座巨山,经人力凿空、磨光、装点而成;他还粗略估算:提图斯那座庞然的圆形斗兽场,兴建时必是耗尽了一条黄金之河。63十四条引水渠的出口,将清澈丰沛的水流分送到全城各处;其中克劳狄安渠的水,源出三十八英里外的萨宾群山,沿着一道虽平缓却始终不断下倾的坚固拱券引来,最终泻落于阿文提努斯山之巅。那些为公共排污而修筑的宽长地穴,历经十二个世纪,仍如初建时般坚固;说来,这些地下沟渠竟比罗马一切看得见的奇观更受人推崇。64哥特诸王素被冤枉,说他们毁坏了古迹;其实,对自己所征服的那个民族遗留下来的种种胜迹,他们反倒一心想要保全。65王家特颁敕令,正是为了防止市民自身的滥用、疏忽与劫掠;为城墙与公共建筑的日常修缮,专门拨派了一名建筑师、每年二百磅黄金、两万五千块砖瓦,以及卢克林港的关税收入。对金属或大理石雕成的人像、兽像,也一样悉心照拂。那几匹骏马的神骏之姿——奎里纳尔山的今名便由它们而来——博得了蛮族的赞叹;66圣道上的青铜象群得到了精心修复;67米隆那尊名闻遐迩的铜牛,竟把赶经和平广场的牲畜蒙骗了;68狄奥多里克视这些艺术珍品为其王国最崇高的装点,还特设了一名官员专司守护。
Notes 注释
33
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See the clearness and vigor of his negotiations in Ennodius, (p. 1607,) and Cassiodorus, (Var. iii. 1, 2, 3, 4; iv. 13; v. 43, 44,) who gives the different styles of friendship, counsel expostulation, &c.
其外交手腕之明快有力,可参恩诺迪乌斯(p. 1607)与卡西奥多鲁斯(Var. iii. 1, 2, 3, 4; iv. 13; v. 43, 44);后者分别摹写了友善、劝告、抗议等等不同的辞令语气。
34
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Even of his table (Var. vi. 9) and palace, (vii. 5.) The admiration of strangers is represented as the most rational motive to justify these vain expenses, and to stimulate the diligence of the officers to whom these provinces were intrusted.
乃至其筵席(Var. vi. 9)与宫室(vii. 5)亦然。文中把外邦人的赞叹,说成是为这些虚耗辩解、并策励受命经办诸行省之官员勤勉尽职的最正当理由。
35
↩
See the public and private alliances of the Gothic monarch, with the Burgundians, (Var. i. 45, 46,) with the Franks, (ii. 40,) with the Thuringians, (iv. 1,) and with the Vandals, (v. 1;) each of these epistles affords some curious knowledge of the policy and manners of the Barbarians.
关于这位哥特君主的公私盟约:与勃艮第人(Var. i. 45, 46)、与法兰克人(ii. 40)、与图林根人(iv. 1)、与汪达尔人(v. 1)——这几封书信各自透露出一些关于蛮族政略与风习、耐人寻味的见闻。
36
↩
His political system may be observed in Cassiodorus, (Var. iv. l ix. l,) Jornandes, (c. 58, p. 698, 699,) and the Valesian Fragment, (p. 720, 721.) Peace, honorable peace, was the constant aim of Theodoric.
其政治体制可见于卡西奥多鲁斯(Var. iv. 1, ix. 1)、约达尼斯(c. 58, p. 698, 699)与《瓦莱西残卷》(p. 720, 721)。和平,而且是体面的和平,始终是狄奥多里克矢志追求的目标。
37
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The curious reader may contemplate the Heruli of Procopius, (Goth. l. ii. c. 14,) and the patient reader may plunge into the dark and minute researches of M. de Buat, (Hist. des Peuples Anciens, tom. ix. p. 348—396. * Note: Compare Manso, Ost Gothische Reich. Beylage, vi. Malte-Brun brings them from Scandinavia: their names, the only remains of their language, are Gothic. “They fought almost naked, like the Icelandic Berserkirs their bravery was like madness: few in number, they were mostly of royal blood. What ferocity, what unrestrained license, sullied their victories! The Goth respects the church, the priests, the senate; the Heruli mangle all in a general massacre: there is no pity for age, no refuge for chastity. Among themselves there is the same ferocity: the sick and the aged are put to death. at their own request, during a solemn festival; the widow ends her days by hanging herself upon the tree which shadows her husband’s tomb. All these circumstances, so striking to a mind familiar with Scandinavian history, lead us to discover among the Heruli not so much a nation as a confederacy of princes and nobles, bound by an oath to live and die together with their arms in their hands. Their name, sometimes written Heruli or Eruli. sometimes Aeruli, signified, according to an ancient author, (Isid. Hispal. in gloss. p. 24, ad calc. Lex. Philolog. Martini, ll,) nobles, and appears to correspond better with the Scandinavian word iarl or earl, than with any of those numerous derivations proposed by etymologists.” Malte-Brun, vol. i. p. 400, (edit. 1831.) Of all the Barbarians who threw themselves on the ruins of the Roman empire, it is most difficult to trace the origin of the Heruli. They seem never to have been very powerful as a nation, and branches of them are found in countries very remote from each other. In my opinion they belong to the Gothic race, and have a close affinity with the Scyrri or Hirri. They were, possibly, a division of that nation. They are often mingled and confounded with the Alani. Though brave and formidable. they were never numerous. nor did they found any state.—St. Martin, vol. vi. p. 375.—M. Schafarck considers them descendants of the Hirri. of which Heruli is a diminutive,—Slawische Alter thinner—M. 1845.
好奇的读者可披览普罗柯比笔下的赫鲁利人(Goth. l. ii. c. 14);有耐心的读者,则不妨潜心于德·布阿先生那些晦涩而细密的考据(Hist. des Peuples Anciens, tom. ix. p. 348—396)。*编者按:可比较曼索《东哥特王国》(Ost Gothische Reich, Beylage, vi)。马尔特-布伦认为他们来自斯堪的纳维亚:他们的名字——其语言仅存的遗迹——是哥特语。“他们几乎赤身作战,一如冰岛的狂战士(Berserkir),其勇猛近乎疯狂;人数虽少,却大多出自王族。他们的胜利,被何等的凶残、何等放纵无度的暴行所玷污!哥特人尚且敬重教会、教士与元老院;赫鲁利人却在一场大屠杀中把这一切践踏殆尽:不怜老弱,不容贞洁存身。他们彼此之间也同样凶悍:病者与老者,在一场庄严的节庆上,应本人之请被处死;寡妇则吊死在为丈夫坟茔投下荫影的那棵树上,以此了结余生。凡此种种,在熟稔斯堪的纳维亚历史的人看来无不触目惊心,令我们发觉:赫鲁利人与其说是一个民族,不如说是一群王公贵族的结盟——他们立誓握兵在手、同生共死。他们的名字,或写作 Heruli、Eruli,或写作 Aeruli,据一位古代作者所言(Isid. Hispal. in gloss. p. 24, ad calc. Lex. Philolog. Martini, ll),意为‘贵族’;比起词源学家们提出的种种繁复推演,它似乎与斯堪的纳维亚语中的 iarl 或 earl(伯爵)更为吻合。”——马尔特-布伦,vol. i. p. 400(1831年版)。在扑向罗马帝国废墟的一切蛮族之中,赫鲁利人的来历最难考索。他们作为一个民族似乎从未十分强盛,其支族散见于彼此相距极远的各地。依我之见,他们属于哥特族系,与斯基里人(Scyrri,或作 Hirri)关系密切,或许本是该族的一个分支。他们常与阿兰人相混淆。虽勇武可畏,却从来人数不多,也未曾建立任何邦国。——圣马丁,vol. vi. p. 375。—M 沙法里克(Schafarck)则认为他们是希里人(Hirri)的后裔,Heruli 乃该名的指小形式。——《斯拉夫古物志》(Slawische Alterthümer)—M. 1845。
38
↩
Variarum, iv. 2. The spirit and forms of this martial institution are noticed by Cassiodorus; but he seems to have only translated the sentiments of the Gothic king into the language of Roman eloquence.
Variarum, iv. 2。卡西奥多鲁斯记述了这一尚武制度的精神与仪式;但他似乎只是把哥特国王的心意,转译成了罗马式的雄辩辞令而已。
39
↩
Cassiodorus, who quotes Tacitus to the Aestians, the unlettered savages of the Baltic, (Var. v. 2,) describes the amber for which their shores have ever been famous, as the gum of a tree, hardened by the sun, and purified and wafted by the waves. When that singular substance is analyzed by the chemists, it yields a vegetable oil and a mineral acid.
卡西奥多鲁斯致函波罗的海那些目不识丁的野蛮人埃斯提人时,引证了塔西佗(Var. v. 2);他把这一带海岸历来闻名的琥珀,描述为一种树脂:经日晒而凝固,再由海浪淘洗、送上岸来。化学家分析这种奇特的物质,可从中析出一种植物油与一种矿物酸。
40
↩
Scanzia, or Thule, is described by Jornandes (c. 3, p. 610—613) and Procopius, (Goth. l. ii. c. 15.) Neither the Goth nor the Greek had visited the country: both had conversed with the natives in their exile at Ravenna or Constantinople.
斯坎扎(即图勒)见于约达尼斯(c. 3, p. 610—613)与普罗柯比(Goth. l. ii. c. 15)的记述。这位哥特人与这位希腊人都不曾亲历其地,只是分别在拉文纳、君士坦丁堡与流亡至此的当地人交谈过。
41
↩
Sapherinas pelles. In the time of Jornandes they inhabited Suethans, the proper Sweden; but that beautiful race of animals has gradually been driven into the eastern parts of Siberia. See Buffon, (Hist. Nat. tom. xiii. p. 309—313, quarto edition;) Pennant, (System of Quadrupeds, vol. i. p. 322—328;) Gmelin, (Hist. Gen des. Voyages, tom. xviii. p. 257, 258;) and Levesque, (Hist. de Russie, tom. v. p. 165, 166, 514, 515.)
Sapherinas pelles(即黑貂皮)。约达尼斯的时代,这种动物栖居于苏埃坦斯,即今日之瑞典本土;但这一美丽的物种已渐被逐往西伯利亚东部。参见布丰(Hist. Nat. tom. xiii. p. 309—313,四开本)、彭南特(System of Quadrupeds, vol. i. p. 322—328)、格梅林(Hist. Gen. des Voyages, tom. xviii. p. 257, 258)与莱韦克(Hist. de Russie, tom. v. p. 165, 166, 514, 515)。
42
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In the system or romance of Mr. Bailly, (Lettres sur les Sciences et sur l’Atlantide, tom. i. p. 249—256, tom. ii. p. 114—139,) the phoenix of the Edda, and the annual death and revival of Adonis and Osiris, are the allegorical symbols of the absence and return of the sun in the Arctic regions. This ingenious writer is a worthy disciple of the great Buffon; nor is it easy for the coldest reason to withstand the magic of their philosophy.
在巴伊先生那套体系(或曰奇想)中(Lettres sur les Sciences et sur l’Atlantide, tom. i. p. 249—256, tom. ii. p. 114—139),埃达中的凤凰,以及阿多尼斯与奥西里斯每年的死而复生,都是北极地区太阳隐没与回归的寓言象征。这位才思敏捷的作者,堪称伟大的布丰之高足;纵是最冷静的理性,也难以抵挡他们那套哲学的魔力。
43
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Says Procopius. At present a rude Manicheism (generous enough) prevails among the Samoyedes in Greenland and in Lapland, (Hist. des Voyages, tom. xviii. p. 508, 509, tom. xix. p. 105, 106, 527, 528;) yet, according to Orotius Samojutae coelum atque astra adorant, numina haud aliis iniquiora, (de Rebus Belgicis, l. iv. p. 338, folio edition) a sentence which Tacitus would not have disowned.
据普罗柯比所述。如今,格陵兰与拉普兰的萨莫耶德人中,盛行着一种粗陋的摩尼教(倒也算得宽厚)(Hist. des Voyages, tom. xviii. p. 508, 509, tom. xix. p. 105, 106, 527, 528);然而据格劳秀斯所记:Samojutae coelum atque astra adorant, numina haud aliis iniquiora(de Rebus Belgicis, l. iv. p. 338,对开本)〔意谓:萨莫耶德人崇拜天空与星辰,视之为不比别的神祇更为不公的神明〕——这样一句话,塔西佗也不至于不肯认领。
44
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See the Hist. des Peuples Anciens, &c., tom. ix. p. 255—273, 396—501. The count de Buat was French minister at the court of Bavaria: a liberal curiosity prompted his inquiries into the antiquities of the country, and that curiosity was the germ of twelve respectable volumes.
参见 Hist. des Peuples Anciens 等,tom. ix. p. 255—273, 396—501。德·布阿伯爵曾任法国驻巴伐利亚宫廷的公使;一份不拘一格的好奇心,驱使他探究该地的古史,而这份好奇,便是那洋洋十二卷煌煌之作的萌芽。
45
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See the Gothic transactions on the Danube and the Illyricum, in Jornandes, (c. 58, p. 699;) Ennodius, (p. 1607-1610;) Marcellmus (in Chron. p. 44, 47, 48;) and Cassiodorus, in (in Chron and Var. iii. 29 50, iv. 13, vii. 4 24, viii. 9, 10, 11, 21, ix. 8, 9.)
关于哥特人在多瑙河与伊利里库姆一带的活动,参见约达尼斯(c. 58, p. 699)、恩诺迪乌斯(p. 1607-1610)、马尔切利努斯(in Chron. p. 44, 47, 48)与卡西奥多鲁斯(in Chron. 及 Var. iii. 29, 50, iv. 13, vii. 4, 24, viii. 9, 10, 11, 21, ix. 8, 9)。
46
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I cannot forbear transcribing the liberal and classic style of Count Marcellinus: Romanus comes domesticorum, et Rusticus comes scholariorum cum centum armatis navibus, totidemque dromonibus, octo millia militum armatorum secum ferentibus, ad devastanda Italiae littora processerunt, ut usque ad Tarentum antiquissimam civitatem aggressi sunt; remensoque mari in honestam victoriam quam piratico ausu Romani ex Romanis rapuerunt, Anastasio Caesari reportarunt, (in Chron. p. 48.) See Variar. i. 16, ii. 38.
我不禁要把马尔切利努斯伯爵那典雅而古典的文风原文抄录如下:Romanus comes domesticorum, et Rusticus comes scholariorum cum centum armatis navibus, totidemque dromonibus, octo millia militum armatorum secum ferentibus, ad devastanda Italiae littora processerunt, ut usque ad Tarentum antiquissimam civitatem aggressi sunt; remensoque mari in honestam victoriam quam piratico ausu Romani ex Romanis rapuerunt, Anastasio Caesari reportarunt(in Chron. p. 48)。〔大意:侍卫伯罗马努斯与近卫伯鲁斯提库斯,率武装战船百艘、快船同数,载甲士八千,出发劫掠意大利海岸,一直攻到最古老的城市塔兰图姆;渡海而归,把这场罗马人以海盗行径从罗马人手中夺来的“体面胜利”,献给了皇帝阿纳斯塔修斯。〕另见 Variar. i. 16, ii. 38。
47
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See the royal orders and instructions, (Var. iv. 15, v. 16—20.) These armed boats should be still smaller than the thousand vessels of Agamemnon at the siege of Troy. (Manso, p. 121.)
参见王家的诏令与指示(Var. iv. 15, v. 16—20)。这些武装小舟,想必比阿伽门农围攻特洛伊时的那一千艘战船还要小。(曼索,p. 121。)
48
↩
Vol. iii. p. 581—585.
见第三卷,p. 581—585。
49
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Ennodius (p. 1610) and Cassiodorus, in the royal name, (Var. ii 41,) record his salutary protection of the Alemanni.
恩诺迪乌斯(p. 1610)与以王家名义行文的卡西奥多鲁斯(Var. ii. 41),都记下了他对阿勒曼尼人有益的庇护。
50
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The Gothic transactions in Gaul and Spain are represented with some perplexity in Cassiodorus, (Var. iii. 32, 38, 41, 43, 44, v. 39.) Jornandes, (c. 58, p. 698, 699,) and Procopius, (Goth. l. i. c. 12.) I will neither hear nor reconcile the long and contradictory arguments of the Abbe Dubos and the Count de Buat, about the wars of Burgundy.
哥特人在高卢与西班牙的种种活动,在卡西奥多鲁斯(Var. iii. 32, 38, 41, 43, 44, v. 39)、约达尼斯(c. 58, p. 698, 699)与普罗柯比(Goth. l. i. c. 12)的记述中都显得有些扑朔迷离。至于杜博神父与德·布阿伯爵围绕勃艮第诸役那些冗长而彼此抵牾的论辩,我既不愿听取,也无意为之调停。
51
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Theophanes, p. 113.
塞奥法尼斯,p. 113。
52
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Procopius affirms that no laws whatsoever were promulgated by Theodoric and the succeeding kings of Italy, (Goth. l. ii. c. 6.) He must mean in the Gothic language. A Latin edict of Theodoric is still extant, in one hundred and fifty-four articles. * Note: See Manso, 92. Savigny, vol. ii. p. 164, et seq.—M.
普罗柯比断言,狄奥多里克及意大利此后诸王,从未颁布过任何法律(Goth. l. ii. c. 6)。他指的必是哥特语的法律。狄奥多里克有一部拉丁文敕令至今尚存,共一百五十四条。*编者按:参见曼索,92;萨维尼,vol. ii. p. 164 及以下。—M
53
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The image of Theodoric is engraved on his coins: his modest successors were satisfied with adding their own name to the head of the reigning emperor, (Muratori, Antiquitat. Italiae Medii Aevi, tom. ii. dissert. xxvii. p. 577—579. Giannone, Istoria Civile di Napoli tom. i. p. 166.)
狄奥多里克的肖像镌刻于他的钱币之上;而他那些谦抑的后继者,则满足于在在位皇帝的头像旁添上自己的名字(Muratori, Antiquitat. Italiae Medii Aevi, tom. ii. dissert. xxvii. p. 577—579;Giannone, Istoria Civile di Napoli, tom. i. p. 166)。
54
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The alliance of the emperor and the king of Italy are represented by Cassiodorus (Var. i. l, ii. 1, 2, 3, vi. l) and Procopius, (Goth. l. ii. c. 6, l. iii. c. 21,) who celebrate the friendship of Anastasius and Theodoric; but the figurative style of compliment was interpreted in a very different sense at Constantinople and Ravenna.
皇帝与意大利之王的这一联盟,见于卡西奥多鲁斯(Var. i. 1, ii. 1, 2, 3, vi. 1)与普罗柯比(Goth. l. ii. c. 6, l. iii. c. 21)的记述,二者都盛赞阿纳斯塔修斯与狄奥多里克的友谊;然而那套辞藻华丽的恭维,在君士坦丁堡与拉文纳却被解读出截然不同的含义。
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All causes between Roman and Roman were judged by the old Roman courts. The comes Gothorum judged between Goth and Goth; between Goths and Romans, (without considering which was the plaintiff.) the comes Gothorum, with a Roman jurist as his assessor, making a kind of mixed jurisdiction, but with a natural predominance to the side of the Goth Savigny, vol. i. p. 290.—M.
凡罗马人与罗马人之间的诉讼,一律由旧有的罗马法庭审理。哥特人与哥特人之间,由哥特伯(comes Gothorum)裁断;哥特人与罗马人之间(无论原告为哪一方),则由哥特伯会同一名罗马法学家为陪审,构成一种混合管辖,而天然偏向哥特一方。萨维尼,vol. i. p. 290。—M
55
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To the xvii. provinces of the Notitia, Paul Warnefrid the deacon (De Reb. Longobard. l. ii. c. 14—22) has subjoined an xviiith, the Apennine, (Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. i. p. 431—443.) But of these Sardinia and Corsica were possessed by the Vandals, and the two Rhaetias, as well as the Cottian Alps, seem to have been abandoned to a military government. The state of the four provinces that now form the kingdom of Naples is labored by Giannone (tom. i. p. 172, 178) with patriotic diligence.
《百官志》所列的十七个行省之外,助祭保罗·瓦尔内弗里德(De Reb. Longobard. l. ii. c. 14—22)又补上了第十八个——亚平宁行省(Muratori, Script. Rerum Italicarum, tom. i. p. 431—443)。不过其中撒丁与科西嘉当时为汪达尔人所据,而两个雷提亚以及科蒂安阿尔卑斯山,似乎都已交由军政管辖。至于如今构成那不勒斯王国的那四个行省,詹诺内(tom. i. p. 172, 178)以拳拳爱国之心作了详尽的考订。
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Manso enumerates and develops at some length the following sources of the royal revenue of Theodoric: 1. A domain, either by succession to that of Odoacer, or a part of the third of the lands was reserved for the royal patrimony. 1. Regalia, including mines, unclaimed estates, treasure-trove, and confiscations. 3. Land tax. 4. Aurarium, like the Chrysargyrum, a tax on certain branches of trade. 5. Grant of Monopolies. 6. Siliquaticum, a small tax on the sale of all kinds of commodities. 7. Portoria, customs Manso, 96, 111. Savigny (i. 285) supposes that in many cases the property remained in the original owner, who paid his tertia, a third of the produce to the crown, vol. i. p. 285.—M.
曼索列举并较详尽地阐述了狄奥多里克王室收入的以下来源:一、领地,或承袭自奥多亚克的产业,或从三分之一没收土地中拨作王室私产的部分;二、王室专利(regalia),包括矿藏、无主产业、埋藏之财宝与各项没收;三、土地税;四、Aurarium,类似于金银税(Chrysargyrum),是对某些行业征收的税;五、专卖权的授予;六、Siliquaticum,对各类商品买卖征收的一种小额税;七、Portoria,即关税。曼索,96, 111。萨维尼(i. 285)认为,在许多情形下产业仍归原主,原主须向王室缴纳其 tertia,即产出的三分之一。vol. i. p. 285。—M
56
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See the Gothic history of Procopius, (l. i. c. 1, l. ii. c. 6,) the Epistles of Cassiodorus, passim, but especially the vth and vith books, which contain the formulae, or patents of offices,) and the Civil History of Giannone, (tom. i. l. ii. iii.) The Gothic counts, which he places in every Italian city, are annihilated, however, by Maffei, (Verona Illustrata, P. i. l. viii. p. 227; for those of Syracuse and Naples (Var vi. 22, 23) were special and temporary commissions.
参见普罗柯比的《哥特战记》(l. i. c. 1, l. ii. c. 6)、卡西奥多鲁斯的书信集(散见各处,尤以第五、第六卷为要,其中收有各种公文范式,或曰任官凭证),以及詹诺内的《民政史》(tom. i. l. ii, iii)。不过,他假定意大利每座城市都设有哥特伯,这一说法却被马费伊(Verona Illustrata, P. i. l. viii. p. 227)所推翻;因为叙拉古与那不勒斯的那两位(Var. vi. 22, 23),乃是特设的临时职任。
57
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Two Italians of the name of Cassiodorus, the father (Var. i. 24, 40) and the son, (ix. 24, 25,) were successively employed in the administration of Theodoric. The son was born in the year 479: his various epistles as quaestor, master of the offices, and Praetorian præfect, extend from 509 to 539, and he lived as a monk about thirty years, (Tiraboschi Storia della Letteratura Italiana, tom. iii. p. 7—24. Fabricius, Bibliot. Lat. Med. Aevi, tom. i. p. 357, 358, edit. Mansi.)
有两位名叫卡西奥多鲁斯的意大利人——父亲(Var. i. 24, 40)与儿子(ix. 24, 25)——先后效力于狄奥多里克的政府。儿子生于公元479年;他以财务官、诸司大臣、禁卫军长官身份写下的种种书信,年代跨越公元509年至539年,此后又作修士约三十年(Tiraboschi, Storia della Letteratura Italiana, tom. iii. p. 7—24;Fabricius, Bibliot. Lat. Med. Aevi, tom. i. p. 357, 358, edit. Mansi)。
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Cassiodorus was of an ancient and honorable family; his grandfather had distinguished himself in the defence of Sicily against the ravages of Genseric; his father held a high rank at the court of Valentinian III., enjoyed the friendship of Aetius, and was one of the ambassadors sent to arrest the progress of Attila. Cassiodorus himself was first the treasurer of the private expenditure to Odoacer, afterwards “count of the sacred largesses.” Yielding with the rest of the Romans to the dominion of Theodoric, he was instrumental in the peaceable submission of Sicily; was successively governor of his native provinces of Bruttium and Lucania, quaestor, magister, palatii, Praetorian præfect, patrician, consul, and private secretary, and, in fact, first minister of the king. He was five times Praetorian præfect under different sovereigns, the last time in the reign of Vitiges. This is the theory of Manso, which is not unencumbered with difficulties. M. Buat had supposed that it was the father of Cassiodorus who held the office first named. Compare Manso, p. 85, &c., and Beylage, vii. It certainly appears improbable that Cassiodorus should have been count of the sacred largesses at twenty years old.—M.
卡西奥多鲁斯出身于一个古老而显赫的家族;他的祖父曾在抵御盖萨里克蹂躏西西里的战事中建立功勋;他的父亲则在瓦伦提尼安三世的宫廷位居高职,与埃提乌斯交好,并曾作为使节之一,奉命去遏止阿提拉的进逼。卡西奥多鲁斯本人,起初任奥多亚克的私帑司库,其后升任“圣库伯”。当他与其余罗马人一同臣服于狄奥多里克的统治时,曾在西西里的和平归顺中出力甚多;此后又先后担任其故乡布鲁提乌姆与卢卡尼亚两行省的总督、财务官、宫廷总管(magister palatii)、禁卫军长官、大公、执政官与机要秘书,实则即是国王的首席大臣。他在不同君主治下五度出任禁卫军长官,最后一次是在维蒂吉斯在位期间。以上是曼索的说法,其中不无难解之处。德·布阿先生曾推测,前面所说的那个职位实由卡西奥多鲁斯之父担任。可比较曼索,p. 85 等,及 Beylage, vii。卡西奥多鲁斯二十岁便任圣库伯,这确乎显得难以置信。—M
58
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See his regard for the senate in Cochlaeus, (Vit. Theod. viii. p. 72—80.)
关于他对元老院的礼遇,见科赫劳斯(Vit. Theod. viii. p. 72—80)。
59
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No more than 120,000 modii, or four thousand quarters, (Anonym. Valesian. p. 721, and Var. i. 35, vi. 18, xi. 5, 39.)
不过十二万莫迪(modii),合四千夸特(Anonym. Valesian. p. 721,及 Var. i. 35, vi. 18, xi. 5, 39)。
60
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See his regard and indulgence for the spectacles of the circus, the amphitheatre, and the theatre, in the Chronicle and Epistles of Cassiodorus, (Var. i. 20, 27, 30, 31, 32, iii. 51, iv. 51, illustrated by the xivth Annotation of Mascou’s History), who has contrived to sprinkle the subject with ostentatious, though agreeable, learning.
关于他对赛车场、圆形竞技场与剧场诸般表演的关照与纵容,见卡西奥多鲁斯的编年史与书信集(Var. i. 20, 27, 30, 31, 32, iii. 51, iv. 51,并有马斯科夫《历史》第十四条注释加以阐发);卡西奥多鲁斯还巧妙地在这一话题上点缀了不少虽显炫耀、却也悦人的学识。
61
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Anonym. Vales. p. 721. Marius Aventicensis in Chron. In the scale of public and personal merit, the Gothic conqueror is at least as much above Valentinian, as he may seem inferior to Trajan.
Anonym. Vales. p. 721。Marius Aventicensis in Chron。就公私功业的高下而论,这位哥特征服者纵然看去逊于图拉真,却至少同样地高出瓦伦提尼安。
62
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Vit. Fulgentii in Baron. Annal. Eccles. A.D. 500, No. 10.
Vit. Fulgentii,见巴罗尼乌斯《教会编年史》,公元500年,No. 10。
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Cassiodorus describes in his pompous style the Forum of Trajan (Var. vii. 6,) the theatre of Marcellus, (iv. 51,) and the amphitheatre of Titus, (v. 42;) and his descriptions are not unworthy of the reader’s perusal. According to the modern prices, the Abbe Barthelemy computes that the brick work and masonry of the Coliseum would now cost twenty millions of French livres, (Mem. de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxviii. p. 585, 586.) How small a part of that stupendous fabric!
卡西奥多鲁斯以其浮夸的文风,描述了图拉真广场(Var. vii. 6)、马塞勒斯剧场(iv. 51)与提图斯圆形斗兽场(v. 42);他的这些描述,读来并非不值一顾。巴泰勒米神父按今日的价格估算,仅大斗兽场的砖石与砌筑,在当下便需耗费两千万法国里弗尔(Mem. de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxviii. p. 585, 586)——而这不过是那宏伟建筑何其微小的一部分!
64
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For the aqueducts and cloacae, see Strabo, (l. v. p. 360;) Pliny, (Hist. Natur. xxxvi. 24; Cassiodorus, Var. iii. 30, 31, vi. 6;) Procopius, (Goth. l. i. c. 19;) and Nardini, (Roma Antica, p. 514—522.) How such works could be executed by a king of Rome, is yet a problem. Note: See Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 402. These stupendous works are among the most striking confirmations of Niebuhr’s views of the early Roman history; at least they appear to justify his strong sentence—“These works and the building of the Capitol attest with unquestionable evidence that this Rome of the later kings was the chief city of a great state.”—Page 110—M.
关于引水渠与排污沟(cloacae),参见斯特拉波(l. v. p. 360)、普林尼(Hist. Natur. xxxvi. 24;卡西奥多鲁斯,Var. iii. 30, 31, vi. 6)、普罗柯比(Goth. l. i. c. 19)与纳尔迪尼(Roma Antica, p. 514—522)。这样的工程何以竟能由一位罗马国王完成,至今仍是个难题。编者按:参见尼布尔,vol. i. p. 402。这些宏伟的工程,是尼布尔关于罗马早期历史诸见解最有力的印证之一;至少,它们似乎足以证成他那句斩钉截铁的话——“这些工程连同卡皮托利神殿的兴建,以无可置疑的证据表明:王政后期的这个罗马,乃是一个大邦的首邑。”——p. 110。—M
65
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For the Gothic care of the buildings and statues, see Cassiodorus (Var. i. 21, 25, ii. 34, iv. 30, vii. 6, 13, 15) and the Valesian Fragment, (p. 721.)
关于哥特人对建筑与雕像的爱护,参见卡西奥多鲁斯(Var. i. 21, 25, ii. 34, iv. 30, vii. 6, 13, 15)与《瓦莱西残卷》(p. 721)。
66
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Var. vii. 15. These horses of Monte Cavallo had been transported from Alexandria to the baths of Constantine, (Nardini, p. 188.) Their sculpture is disdained by the Abbe Dubos, (Reflexions sur la Poesie et sur la Peinture, tom. i. section 39,) and admired by Winkelman, (Hist. de l’Art, tom. ii. p. 159.)
Var. vii. 15。蒙特卡瓦洛的这几匹骏马,曾自亚历山大里亚运至君士坦丁浴场(纳尔迪尼,p. 188)。杜博神父(Reflexions sur la Poesie et sur la Peinture, tom. i. section 39)对其雕工不屑一顾,温克尔曼(Hist. de l’Art, tom. ii. p. 159)却对之赞赏有加。
67
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Var. x. 10. They were probably a fragment of some triumphal car, (Cuper de Elephantis, ii. 10.)
Var. x. 10。它们大概是某辆凯旋战车的残件(Cuper de Elephantis, ii. 10)。
68
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Procopius (Goth. l. iv. c. 21) relates a foolish story of Myron’s cow, which is celebrated by the false wit of thirty-six Greek epigrams, (Antholog. l. iv. p. 302—306, edit. Hen. Steph.; Auson. Epigram. xiii.—lxviii.)
普罗柯比(Goth. l. iv. c. 21)讲述了一则关于米隆之牛的无稽故事,此牛还被三十六首希腊警句诗以矫饰的机巧加以歌咏(Antholog. l. iv. p. 302—306, edit. Hen. Steph.;Auson. Epigram. xiii.—lxviii)。