Chapter XXXVII: Conversion Of The Barbarians To Christianity.—Part II. 第三十七章 蛮族皈依基督教——第二节
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Pleasure and guilt are synonymous terms in the language of the monks, and they discovered, by experience, that rigid fasts, and abstemious diet, are the most effectual preservatives against the impure desires of the flesh. 44 The rules of abstinence which they imposed, or practised, were not uniform or perpetual: the cheerful festival of the Pentecost was balanced by the extraordinary mortification of Lent; the fervor of new monasteries was insensibly relaxed; and the voracious appetite of the Gauls could not imitate the patient and temperate virtue of the Egyptians. 45 The disciples of Antony and Pachomius were satisfied with their daily pittance, 46 of twelve ounces of bread, or rather biscuit, 47 which they divided into two frugal repasts, of the afternoon and of the evening. It was esteemed a merit, and almost a duty, to abstain from the boiled vegetables which were provided for the refectory; but the extraordinary bounty of the abbot sometimes indulged them with the luxury of cheese, fruit, salad, and the small dried fish of the Nile. 48 A more ample latitude of sea and river fish was gradually allowed or assumed; but the use of flesh was long confined to the sick or travellers; and when it gradually prevailed in the less rigid monasteries of Europe, a singular distinction was introduced; as if birds, whether wild or domestic, had been less profane than the grosser animals of the field. Water was the pure and innocent beverage of the primitive monks; and the founder of the Benedictines regrets the daily portion of half a pint of wine, which had been extorted from him by the intemperance of the age. 49 Such an allowance might be easily supplied by the vineyards of Italy; and his victorious disciples, who passed the Alps, the Rhine, and the Baltic, required, in the place of wine, an adequate compensation of strong beer or cider.
在修士的字典里,“快乐”与“罪愆”本是同义词;他们又凭经验发现,严守斋戒、粗茶淡饭,乃是抵御肉体邪念最灵验的良方。44 他们所立、所行的禁食之规,既不划一,也非终年不变:五旬节的欢庆,正好与四旬斋那非同寻常的克苦相抵;新建修道院里那股热忱,也不知不觉地松弛下来;而高卢人饕餮的胃口,终究学不来埃及人那份能忍能节的德行。45 安东尼与帕科米乌斯的门徒,满足于每日那一份微薄的口粮 46:不过十二盎司面包——或者说,是干饼更确切 47——他们还将其分作午后、傍晚两顿简餐。连斋堂里备好的煮菜也戒口不食,这被视为一种功德,几乎成了本分;不过院长偶尔格外开恩,也让他们享一享奶酪、鲜果、生菜以及尼罗河小干鱼之类的“奢侈”。48 海鱼与河鱼,或获准、或径自取用,尺度也渐渐宽了;至于肉食,长久以来只限病人与行旅;后来它在欧洲那些戒律较松的修道院里渐成风气,又生出一条古怪的分别:仿佛飞禽——无论野生家养——总比田间那些粗蠢的走兽来得不那么“亵渎”似的。清水,是早期修士纯洁无罪的饮品;至于每日那半品脱葡萄酒,本是时代的纵酒之风硬从本笃会创始人手里逼取来的定量,他对此深以为憾。49 这点定量,意大利的葡萄园轻易便可供给;而他那些一路凯歌、越过阿尔卑斯山、莱茵河直抵波罗的海的门徒,在没有葡萄酒的地方,便要以烈啤酒或苹果酒作相应的补偿。
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The candidate who aspired to the virtue of evangelical poverty, abjured, at his first entrance into a regular community, the idea, and even the name, of all separate or exclusive possessions. 50 The brethren were supported by their manual labor; and the duty of labor was strenuously recommended as a penance, as an exercise, and as the most laudable means of securing their daily subsistence. 51 The garden and fields, which the industry of the monks had often rescued from the forest or the morass, were diligently cultivated by their hands. They performed, without reluctance, the menial offices of slaves and domestics; and the several trades that were necessary to provide their habits, their utensils, and their lodging, were exercised within the precincts of the great monasteries. The monastic studies have tended, for the most part, to darken, rather than to dispel, the cloud of superstition. Yet the curiosity or zeal of some learned solitaries has cultivated the ecclesiastical, and even the profane, sciences; and posterity must gratefully acknowledge, that the monuments of Greek and Roman literature have been preserved and multiplied by their indefatigable pens. 52 But the more humble industry of the monks, especially in Egypt, was contented with the silent, sedentary occupation of making wooden sandals, or of twisting the leaves of the palm-tree into mats and baskets. The superfluous stock, which was not consumed in domestic use, supplied, by trade, the wants of the community: the boats of Tabenne, and the other monasteries of Thebais, descended the Nile as far as Alexandria; and, in a Christian market, the sanctity of the workmen might enhance the intrinsic value of the work.
凡有志践行福音所倡“安贫”之德的求道者,一旦踏入某个正规团体的门槛,便须弃绝一切私有、专属财物的观念,连“我的”这个字眼也不许再提。50 弟兄们靠双手劳作自给;劳作之责备受推崇,既是一种苦修、一种操练,也是维持每日生计最值得称道的门路。51 园圃与田地——往往是修士们辛勤开垦,从林莽沼泽中夺来的——全靠他们亲手勤加耕种。本属奴仆、佣役的种种下贱杂役,他们也甘心去做,毫无怨言;凡供给衣袍、器皿、居处所需的各行手艺,都在大修道院的院墙之内操办。修道院里的学问,多半只是把迷信之雾越搅越浓,而非将其驱散。然而,也有些饱学的隐修者,或出于好奇,或出于热忱,钻研过教会的、乃至世俗的学问;后世理当心怀感激地承认:希腊、罗马文学的不朽典籍,正是靠他们不知疲倦的笔一部部保存、一部部誊传下来的。52 不过,修士们更寻常的营生——尤其在埃及——只是些安坐无言的活计:编木屐,或把棕榈叶拧成席子和筐篮,也就心满意足了。自用之外多出来的存货,便拿去交易,以补团体所需:塔本内以及底比斯地区其他修道院的船只,顺尼罗河一直下航到亚历山大里亚;而在基督徒的市集上,工匠的圣洁名声,说不定还能给货物本身的价值再添几分。
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The novice was tempted to bestow his fortune on the saints, in whose society he was resolved to spend the remainder of his life; and the pernicious indulgence of the laws permitted him to receive, for their use, any future accessions of legacy or inheritance. 53 Melania contributed her plate, three hundred pounds weight of silver; and Paula contracted an immense debt, for the relief of their favorite monks; who kindly imparted the merits of their prayers and penance to a rich and liberal sinner. 54 Time continually increased, and accidents could seldom diminish, the estates of the popular monasteries, which spread over the adjacent country and cities: and, in the first century of their institution, the infidel Zosimus has maliciously observed, that, for the benefit of the poor, the Christian monks had reduced a great part of mankind to a state of beggary. 55 As long as they maintained their original fervor, they approved themselves, however, the faithful and benevolent stewards of the charity, which was entrusted to their care. But their discipline was corrupted by prosperity: they gradually assumed the pride of wealth, and at last indulged the luxury of expense. Their public luxury might be excused by the magnificence of religious worship, and the decent motive of erecting durable habitations for an immortal society. But every age of the church has accused the licentiousness of the degenerate monks; who no longer remembered the object of their institution, embraced the vain and sensual pleasures of the world, which they had renounced, 56 and scandalously abused the riches which had been acquired by the austere virtues of their founders. 57 Their natural descent, from such painful and dangerous virtue, to the common vices of humanity, will not, perhaps, excite much grief or indignation in the mind of a philosopher.
新入教的初学者,既已决意在这群“圣徒”中间了此余生,便不免动了心,要把自家财产尽数捐与他们;而法律竟纵容到有害的地步,准许他把日后所得的一切遗赠与继承,也都收归他们享用。53 梅拉尼娅捐出自己的银器,重达三百磅;保拉则为周济她所钟爱的修士,欠下了巨额债务;而那些修士也“慷慨”地把自己祈祷、苦修所积的功德,分润给这么一位富有而阔绰的罪人。54 那些声名鹊起的修道院,地产遍布邻近的乡野与城镇,只见岁月流转,日增月盛,纵有意外也难使之稍减:在修道制创立的头一个世纪里,不信教的佐西莫斯便不无恶意地讥评道——基督教修士打着周济穷人的旗号,却把一大半世人逼成了乞丐。55 不过,只要他们还保有当初那股热忱,便的确不失为忠诚仁厚的管家,替人打理托付给他们的那份善款。然而繁盛败坏了他们的戒律:他们渐渐染上豪富的骄矜,终至挥霍无度,恣意奢靡。他们那用于公众的奢华,或许还有可辩解处:一则宗教礼拜本应堂皇,二则为一个万世长存的团体营建久固的居所,也算得上一桩体面的动机。但教会历朝历代都曾控诉那些堕落修士的放荡:他们早已忘却当初立制的本意,重又沉溺于自己曾誓言弃绝的、那尘世间虚浮的声色之乐,56 更把创始者以严苦德行挣来的财富,糟蹋得不成体统。57 从那般艰苦而危险的德行,自然而然地滑落到人类寻常的恶习——这在一位哲人看来,或许并不值得多少悲叹或愤慨。
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The lives of the primitive monks were consumed in penance and solitude; undisturbed by the various occupations which fill the time, and exercise the faculties, of reasonable, active, and social beings. Whenever they were permitted to step beyond the precincts of the monastery, two jealous companions were the mutual guards and spies of each other’s actions; and, after their return, they were condemned to forget, or, at least, to suppress, whatever they had seen or heard in the world. Strangers, who professed the orthodox faith, were hospitably entertained in a separate apartment; but their dangerous conversation was restricted to some chosen elders of approved discretion and fidelity. Except in their presence, the monastic slave might not receive the visits of his friends or kindred; and it was deemed highly meritorious, if he afflicted a tender sister, or an aged parent, by the obstinate refusal of a word or look. 58 The monks themselves passed their lives, without personal attachments, among a crowd which had been formed by accident, and was detained, in the same prison, by force or prejudice. Recluse fanatics have few ideas or sentiments to communicate: a special license of the abbot regulated the time and duration of their familiar visits; and, at their silent meals, they were enveloped in their cowls, inaccessible, and almost invisible, to each other. 59 Study is the resource of solitude: but education had not prepared and qualified for any liberal studies the mechanics and peasants who filled the monastic communities. They might work: but the vanity of spiritual perfection was tempted to disdain the exercise of manual labor; and the industry must be faint and languid, which is not excited by the sense of personal interest.
早期修士的一生,都消磨在苦修与孤寂之中;凡有理性、好活动、爱交游之人,自有种种事务填满时光、磨砺才能,这些他们却一概无缘。每逢获准踏出院墙一步,总有两名彼此提防的同伴结伴同行,互相看守,互为耳目;一俟归来,又勒令他们把在外面所见所闻尽数忘却,至少也得缄口不言。外来的客人,凡信奉正统教义的,都会受到殷勤款待,安顿在另一间屋子里;不过,与他们那番“危险”的交谈,只许几位经过挑选、公认审慎可靠的长老参与。除非有这些长老在场,这些形同奴隶的修士便不得接见亲友;倘若他执拗到连一句话、一个眼神都吝于给予,使来探望的柔弱姊妹或年迈双亲伤心而去,那反倒算得上莫大的功德。58 修士们自己就这样了此一生,对谁也无个人的情分可言;身边是一群因缘际会凑到一处的人,又被强力或偏见羁縻在同一座牢狱里。遁世的狂热之徒,本没有多少思想或情感可以交流:连他们私下往来的时刻与久暂,都得由院长特许才行;而在默默进食之际,人人裹在自己的斗篷兜帽里,彼此隔绝,几乎连面都照不着。59 读书本是排遣孤寂的凭借:可是充塞于修道团体的,多是些工匠与农夫,他们所受的教养,既未为任何高雅的学问做过准备,也不足以胜任。做工原也使得:只是“灵性圆满”这份虚荣,诱得他们瞧不起体力劳作;何况凡不由切身利益驱策的勤勉,也注定是懒散无力的。
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According to their faith and zeal, they might employ the day, which they passed in their cells, either in vocal or mental prayer: they assembled in the evening, and they were awakened in the night, for the public worship of the monastery. The precise moment was determined by the stars, which are seldom clouded in the serene sky of Egypt; and a rustic horn, or trumpet, the signal of devotion, twice interrupted the vast silence of the desert. 60 Even sleep, the last refuge of the unhappy, was rigorously measured: the vacant hours of the monk heavily rolled along, without business or pleasure; and, before the close of each day, he had repeatedly accused the tedious progress of the sun. 61 In this comfortless state, superstition still pursued and tormented her wretched votaries. 62 The repose which they had sought in the cloister was disturbed by a tardy repentance, profane doubts, and guilty desires; and, while they considered each natural impulse as an unpardonable sin, they perpetually trembled on the edge of a flaming and bottomless abyss. From the painful struggles of disease and despair, these unhappy victims were sometimes relieved by madness or death; and, in the sixth century, a hospital was founded at Jerusalem for a small portion of the austere penitents, who were deprived of their senses. 63 Their visions, before they attained this extreme and acknowledged term of frenzy, have afforded ample materials of supernatural history. It was their firm persuasion, that the air, which they breathed, was peopled with invisible enemies; with innumerable demons, who watched every occasion, and assumed every form, to terrify, and above all to tempt, their unguarded virtue. The imagination, and even the senses, were deceived by the illusions of distempered fanaticism; and the hermit, whose midnight prayer was oppressed by involuntary slumber, might easily confound the phantoms of horror or delight, which had occupied his sleeping and his waking dreams. 64
依各人信德与热忱的深浅,他们在斗室中度过的白日,或用于出声祷告,或用于默祷;到了傍晚便聚集起来,夜里又被唤醒,一同参与修道院的公共礼拜。具体的时辰,由星辰来定——埃及晴朗的天空难得为云所蔽;一支粗陋的号角,作为礼拜的信号,两度划破大漠那无边的岑寂。60 甚至连睡眠——那不幸者最后的庇护所——也被严加限量:修士那些空闲的钟点沉沉地挨着,既无事可做,也无乐可寻;每一天还没到头,他早已一遍遍怨怪太阳走得太慢。61 在这般凄苦无慰的境地里,迷信仍旧穷追不舍,折磨着她那些可怜的信徒。62 他们本想在隐修院中觅得的安宁,却被迟来的悔恨、亵渎的疑虑与负罪的欲念搅得不得安生;他们既把每一次天性的冲动都当作不可赦免的罪,便终日在那烈焰腾腾、深不见底的深渊边缘战栗不已。在疾病与绝望的痛苦挣扎中,这些不幸的牺牲者有时靠疯癫或死亡才得以解脱;到六世纪,耶路撒冷还专为其中一小部分丧失神志的苦修忏悔者设立了一所收容院。63 在他们抵达这公认的疯狂极境之前,那一幕幕幻象已为超自然的传闻史提供了丰富的素材。他们深信不疑:自己呼吸的空气里,遍布着看不见的仇敌,无数的魔鬼伺机而动、变幻万形,为的是恐吓、尤其是引诱他们那疏于防范的德行。病态的狂热编织出种种幻觉,把他们的想象、乃至感官都蒙骗了过去;一个隐士,午夜祷告时不由自主地被睡意压倒,便极易把梦中与醒时那些恐怖或欢愉的幻影混作一谈。64
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The monks were divided into two classes: the Coenobites, who lived under a common and regular discipline; and the Anachorets, who indulged their unsocial, independent fanaticism. 65 The most devout, or the most ambitious, of the spiritual brethren, renounced the convent, as they had renounced the world. The fervent monasteries of Egypt, Palestine, and Syria, were surrounded by a Laura, 66 a distant circle of solitary cells; and the extravagant penance of Hermits was stimulated by applause and emulation. 67 They sunk under the painful weight of crosses and chains; and their emaciated limbs were confined by collars, bracelets, gauntlets, and greaves of massy and rigid iron. All superfluous encumbrance of dress they contemptuously cast away; and some savage saints of both sexes have been admired, whose naked bodies were only covered by their long hair. They aspired to reduce themselves to the rude and miserable state in which the human brute is scarcely distinguishable above his kindred animals; and the numerous sect of Anachorets derived their name from their humble practice of grazing in the fields of Mesopotamia with the common herd. 68 They often usurped the den of some wild beast whom they affected to resemble; they buried themselves in some gloomy cavern, which art or nature had scooped out of the rock; and the marble quarries of Thebais are still inscribed with the monuments of their penance. 69 The most perfect Hermits are supposed to have passed many days without food, many nights without sleep, and many years without speaking; and glorious was the man ( I abuse that name) who contrived any cell, or seat, of a peculiar construction, which might expose him, in the most inconvenient posture, to the inclemency of the seasons.
修士分为两类:一为“共住修士”,在共同而正规的戒律下生活;一为“遁世修士”,一味放纵自己那不合群、我行我素的狂热。65 灵修弟兄中最虔诚、或最有“雄心”的那些,就像当初弃绝尘世一样,把修道院也弃绝了。埃及、巴勒斯坦、叙利亚那些热忱的修道院外,都环绕着一圈“劳拉”66——散布四周、彼此相隔的隐修斗室;而喝彩与攀比,又不断激起隐士们那过火的苦行。67 沉重的十字架与锁链压得他们痛苦不堪;枯瘦的四肢上,套着沉重坚硬的铁项圈、铁镯、铁手套与铁胫甲。一切多余的衣着累赘,他们都不屑地弃之一旁;还有些不分男女的“野蛮圣徒”备受景仰,赤裸的身子只靠一头长发遮蔽。他们一心要把自己贬到那粗野凄惨的地步,使这类“人形畜生”几乎与同类的走兽难分高下;而有一支为数众多的“遁世修士”,其名号便得自他们那卑贱的行径——在美索不达米亚的田野里,同寻常牲畜一道啃食草料。68 他们时常霸占某头野兽的巢穴——正是他们刻意要去效仿的那种野兽;把自己埋进幽暗的洞窟里——那洞或凭人工、或由天然从岩石中掏成;直到今日,底比斯地区的大理石采石场上,仍刻着他们苦修的遗迹。69 据说最“圆满”的隐士能多日不食、多夜不眠、多年不语;谁若能别出心裁地造出一间斗室或一副座具,使自己以最难受的姿势去承受四时的酷烈,谁便算得上“荣耀”(我这是滥用了“荣耀”一词)。
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Among these heroes of the monastic life, the name and genius of Simeon Stylites 70 have been immortalized by the singular invention of an aerial penance. At the age of thirteen, the young Syrian deserted the profession of a shepherd, and threw himself into an austere monastery. After a long and painful novitiate, in which Simeon was repeatedly saved from pious suicide, he established his residence on a mountain, about thirty or forty miles to the east of Antioch. Within the space of a mandra, or circle of stones, to which he had attached himself by a ponderous chain, he ascended a column, which was successively raised from the height of nine, to that of sixty, feet from the ground. 71 In this last and lofty station, the Syrian Anachoret resisted the heat of thirty summers, and the cold of as many winters. Habit and exercise instructed him to maintain his dangerous situation without fear or giddiness, and successively to assume the different postures of devotion. He sometimes prayed in an erect attitude, with his outstretched arms in the figure of a cross, but his most familiar practice was that of bending his meagre skeleton from the forehead to the feet; and a curious spectator, after numbering twelve hundred and forty-four repetitions, at length desisted from the endless account. The progress of an ulcer in his thigh 72 might shorten, but it could not disturb, this celestial life; and the patient Hermit expired, without descending from his column. A prince, who should capriciously inflict such tortures, would be deemed a tyrant; but it would surpass the power of a tyrant to impose a long and miserable existence on the reluctant victims of his cruelty. This voluntary martyrdom must have gradually destroyed the sensibility both of the mind and body; nor can it be presumed that the fanatics, who torment themselves, are susceptible of any lively affection for the rest of mankind. A cruel, unfeeling temper has distinguished the monks of every age and country: their stern indifference, which is seldom mollified by personal friendship, is inflamed by religious hatred; and their merciless zeal has strenuously administered the holy office of the Inquisition.
在这些修道生活的“英雄”当中,柱头修士西米恩 70 凭着一项别出心裁的发明——在半空中苦行——使自己的名字与“奇才”永垂不朽。十三岁那年,这位叙利亚少年抛下牧羊的营生,投身于一所戒律森严的修道院。历经漫长而痛苦的见习期——其间西米恩好几次险些“虔诚地”自尽,都被人救下——他终于在安条克以东约三四十英里的一座山上安顿下来。在一圈石栏(mandra,即羊栏)之内——他用一条沉重的锁链把自己拴在其中——他登上一根石柱;这石柱起初离地九英尺,后来一次次加高,直到六十英尺。71 就在这最后的高处栖身之所,这位叙利亚遁世修士熬过了三十个夏天的酷热,也熬过了同样多个冬天的严寒。久而久之,经由习惯与磨练,他能在这危险的位置上立稳身子,既不惧怕,也不头晕,还能一一摆出祷告的各种姿势。他有时直立祈祷,两臂伸开,摆成十字架的形状;但他最常做的,是把那副瘦骨嶙峋的身架从额头一直弯到脚面;曾有个好奇的旁观者,数到一千二百四十四次,终究因这没完没了的计数而作罢。他大腿上一处溃疡日渐恶化,72 或许缩短了这“天界”般的生涯,却搅扰不了它分毫;这位能忍的隐士终于气绝,始终不曾从柱子上下来。一位君王倘若一时任性,施加这般酷刑,人必斥之为暴君;但要强令那些不甘受戮的牺牲者去苦苦挨过漫长而凄惨的一生,却是任何暴君的权力都办不到的。这种自愿的“殉道”,必定渐渐磨灭了身心两方面的感知;也断不能指望那些折磨自己的狂热之徒,对其余世人还能怀有什么活泼的情谊。一种残忍而冷酷的性情,是历朝历代、各国修士共有的标记:他们那份严峻的冷漠,极少因私人交谊而稍得软化,却被宗教仇恨煽得炽烈;正是他们那毫无怜悯的热忱,一手把宗教裁判所那桩“神圣的差事”办得有声有色。
¶
The monastic saints, who excite only the contempt and pity of a philosopher, were respected, and almost adored, by the prince and people. Successive crowds of pilgrims from Gaul and India saluted the divine pillar of Simeon: the tribes of Saracens disputed in arms the honor of his benediction; the queens of Arabia and Persia gratefully confessed his supernatural virtue; and the angelic Hermit was consulted by the younger Theodosius, in the most important concerns of the church and state. His remains were transported from the mountain of Telenissa, by a solemn procession of the patriarch, the master-general of the East, six bishops, twenty-one counts or tribunes, and six thousand soldiers; and Antioch revered his bones, as her glorious ornament and impregnable defence. The fame of the apostles and martyrs was gradually eclipsed by these recent and popular Anachorets; the Christian world fell prostrate before their shrines; and the miracles ascribed to their relics exceeded, at least in number and duration, the spiritual exploits of their lives. But the golden legend of their lives 73 was embellished by the artful credulity of their interested brethren; and a believing age was easily persuaded, that the slightest caprice of an Egyptian or a Syrian monk had been sufficient to interrupt the eternal laws of the universe. The favorites of Heaven were accustomed to cure inveterate diseases with a touch, a word, or a distant message; and to expel the most obstinate demons from the souls or bodies which they possessed. They familiarly accosted, or imperiously commanded, the lions and serpents of the desert; infused vegetation into a sapless trunk; suspended iron on the surface of the water; passed the Nile on the back of a crocodile, and refreshed themselves in a fiery furnace. These extravagant tales, which display the fiction without the genius, of poetry, have seriously affected the reason, the faith, and the morals, of the Christians. Their credulity debased and vitiated the faculties of the mind: they corrupted the evidence of history; and superstition gradually extinguished the hostile light of philosophy and science. Every mode of religious worship which had been practised by the saints, every mysterious doctrine which they believed, was fortified by the sanction of divine revelation, and all the manly virtues were oppressed by the servile and pusillanimous reign of the monks. If it be possible to measure the interval between the philosophic writings of Cicero and the sacred legend of Theodoret, between the character of Cato and that of Simeon, we may appreciate the memorable revolution which was accomplished in the Roman empire within a period of five hundred years.
这些修道院的“圣徒”,在哲人眼里只堪轻蔑与怜悯,君王与百姓却对他们敬重有加,几近崇拜。从高卢到印度,一批批朝圣者络绎不绝,前来向西米恩那根“神圣的柱子”致敬;萨拉森各部落甚至拔刀相争,只为夺得受他祝福的荣耀;阿拉伯与波斯的诸位王后,也感激地供认他那超乎凡人的德能;小狄奥多西每逢教会与国家最重大的事务,都要向这位“天使般的隐士”讨教。一支庄严的行列把他的遗骸从泰勒尼萨山护送下来,其中有大主教、东方统帅、六位主教、二十一位伯爵或军事保民官,还有六千名士兵;安条克把他的遗骨奉若城中的荣耀装饰与坚不可摧的屏障。使徒与殉道者的名声,渐渐被这些新近走红的遁世修士盖了过去;整个基督教世界都在他们的圣龛前俯首膜拜;而人们归于他们遗骨的种种神迹,至少在数目之多、流传之久上,已远远超过他们生前那些属灵的功业。然而,记述他们生平的那部“金色传奇”,73 却是那些别有用心的同门以巧妙的轻信润色而成;一个笃信的时代,很容易就被说服:一个埃及或叙利亚修士哪怕最微末的心血来潮,也足以叫宇宙间永恒的法则为之中断。这些“上天的宠儿”惯于凭一触、一言,或远遣一句口信,便治好积年的顽疾;把最冥顽的魔鬼从它们所附的灵魂或身体里驱赶出去。他们对沙漠里的狮子和毒蛇,或亲昵攀谈,或厉声号令;能叫枯干的树身重新抽枝吐绿;能使铁块浮悬于水面;能骑在鳄鱼背上渡过尼罗河,还能在烈火熊熊的炉子里怡然纳凉。这些荒诞不经的故事,徒有诗的虚构,却全无诗的才情,竟严重败坏了基督徒的理性、信仰与德行。轻信败坏并腐蚀了他们的心智,污损了历史的实据;迷信也一步步扑灭了哲学与科学那与之为敌的光亮。凡圣徒践行过的每一种敬神方式、凡他们所信的每一条玄奥教义,都被冠以“神圣启示”的认可而益发牢固;而一切刚健的德行,都在修士们那奴颜婢膝、怯懦畏缩的统治下备受压抑。倘若我们能丈量出西塞罗的哲学论著与狄奥多勒的“圣徒传奇”之间的距离、加图与西米恩两人品格之间的距离,便可掂量出:五百年间,罗马帝国内所完成的那场惊人剧变,究竟意味着什么。
¶
II. The progress of Christianity has been marked by two glorious and decisive victories: over the learned and luxurious citizens of the Roman empire; and over the warlike Barbarians of Scythia and Germany, who subverted the empire, and embraced the religion, of the Romans. The Goths were the foremost of these savage proselytes; and the nation was indebted for its conversion to a countryman, or, at least, to a subject, worthy to be ranked among the inventors of useful arts, who have deserved the remembrance and gratitude of posterity. A great number of Roman provincials had been led away into captivity by the Gothic bands, who ravaged Asia in the time of Gallienus; and of these captives, many were Christians, and several belonged to the ecclesiastical order. Those involuntary missionaries, dispersed as slaves in the villages of Dacia, successively labored for the salvation of their masters. The seeds which they planted, of the evangelic doctrine, were gradually propagated; and before the end of a century, the pious work was achieved by the labors of Ulphilas, whose ancestors had been transported beyond the Danube from a small town of Cappadocia.
二、基督教的传播,以两场辉煌而决定性的胜利为标志:其一,征服了罗马帝国那些博学而奢靡的臣民;其二,征服了斯基泰与日耳曼那些好战的蛮族——正是这些蛮族颠覆了罗马的帝国,又接纳了罗马的宗教。哥特人是这批“野蛮皈依者”中的先驱;而这个民族之所以归信,要归功于他们的一位同胞——至少是一位臣属——此人堪列于那些造福人间的技艺发明者之中,值得后世永志不忘、感念于心。加里恩努斯在位时,哥特人的队伍曾大肆蹂躏亚细亚,掳走了大批罗马行省的居民;这些俘虏当中,许多是基督徒,还有几位身属教会圣职。这些身不由己的“传教士”,沦为奴隶,散落在达契亚各处村庄,一个接一个地为拯救主人的灵魂而操劳。他们播下的福音教义之种,渐渐蔓延开来;不到一个世纪,这桩虔敬的事业便在乌尔菲拉斯的努力下告成——他的祖先原是从卡帕多西亚一座小镇被掳、迁往多瑙河彼岸的。
¶
Ulphilas, the bishop and apostle of the Goths, 74 acquired their love and reverence by his blameless life and indefatigable zeal; and they received, with implicit confidence, the doctrines of truth and virtue which he preached and practised. He executed the arduous task of translating the Scriptures into their native tongue, a dialect of the German or Teutonic language; but he prudently suppressed the four books of Kings, as they might tend to irritate the fierce and sanguinary spirit of the Barbarians. The rude, imperfect idiom of soldiers and shepherds, so ill qualified to communicate any spiritual ideas, was improved and modulated by his genius: and Ulphilas, before he could frame his version, was obliged to compose a new alphabet of twenty-four letters; 741 four of which he invented, to express the peculiar sounds that were unknown to the Greek and Latin pronunciation. 75 But the prosperous state of the Gothic church was soon afflicted by war and intestine discord, and the chieftains were divided by religion as well as by interest. Fritigern, the friend of the Romans, became the proselyte of Ulphilas; while the haughty soul of Athanaric disdained the yoke of the empire and of the gospel. The faith of the new converts was tried by the persecution which he excited. A wagon, bearing aloft the shapeless image of Thor, perhaps, or of Woden, was conducted in solemn procession through the streets of the camp; and the rebels, who refused to worship the god of their fathers, were immediately burnt, with their tents and families. The character of Ulphilas recommended him to the esteem of the Eastern court, where he twice appeared as the minister of peace; he pleaded the cause of the distressed Goths, who implored the protection of Valens; and the name of Moses was applied to this spiritual guide, who conducted his people through the deep waters of the Danube to the Land of Promise. 76 The devout shepherds, who were attached to his person, and tractable to his voice, acquiesced in their settlement, at the foot of the Maesian mountains, in a country of woodlands and pastures, which supported their flocks and herds, and enabled them to purchase the corn and wine of the more plentiful provinces. These harmless Barbarians multiplied in obscure peace and the profession of Christianity. 77
乌尔菲拉斯身为哥特人的主教兼“使徒”,74 凭其无可指摘的操行与不知疲倦的热忱,赢得了族人的爱戴与敬仰;对于他所宣讲、所躬行的真理与美德的教义,他们也毫无保留地全盘接纳。他担起一桩艰巨的工作,把圣经译成他们的母语——那是日耳曼语(或称条顿语)的一种方言;但他审慎地略去了四卷《列王纪》,因为这几卷恐怕会撩拨起蛮族凶悍嗜血的性情。士兵与牧人所操的那种粗糙残缺的方言,本极不适于传达任何属灵的观念,却经他的天才加以润饰、调理;而乌尔菲拉斯在着手翻译之前,还不得不创制一套二十四个字母的新字母表,741 其中四个是他自创的,用以标示希腊语、拉丁语发音里所没有的那几个特殊音。75 然而,哥特教会一时的兴旺,不久便为战争与内讧所扰,诸酋长既因利害、也因信仰而分裂对立。弗里提格恩是罗马人的朋友,归依了乌尔菲拉斯门下;而阿塔纳里克那颗高傲的心,则对帝国与福音的双重羁轭都不屑一顾。他掀起的一场迫害,考验着这些新皈依者的信仰。一辆大车,高高抬着托尔——或许是沃登——那尊不成形的神像,在营地街巷间庄严地巡行;凡拒绝崇拜祖先之神的“叛逆者”,便连同帐篷与家眷一并当场付之一炬。乌尔菲拉斯的品格为他博得了东部朝廷的敬重,他曾两度以和平使者的身份出现在那里;他为走投无路、恳求瓦伦斯庇护的哥特人陈情辩护;人们还把“摩西”的名字加在这位属灵导师身上——是他引领自己的子民渡过多瑙河的深水,走向应许之地。76 这些虔诚的牧人依附于他本人,也顺服于他的声音,便安然接受了朝廷的安置,定居在梅西亚山麓一片林木与牧场之地;那里养得起他们的牛羊群,也使他们能向物产更丰的行省购买谷物与酒。这些与世无争的蛮族,就在默默无闻的太平里、在基督教的信奉中繁衍生息。77
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Their fiercer brethren, the formidable Visigoths, universally adopted the religion of the Romans, with whom they maintained a perpetual intercourse, of war, of friendship, or of conquest. In their long and victorious march from the Danube to the Atlantic Ocean, they converted their allies; they educated the rising generation; and the devotion which reigned in the camp of Alaric, or the court of Thoulouse, might edify or disgrace the palaces of Rome and Constantinople. 78 During the same period, Christianity was embraced by almost all the Barbarians, who established their kingdoms on the ruins of the Western empire; the Burgundians in Gaul, the Suevi in Spain, the Vandals in Africa, the Ostrogoths in Pannonia, and the various bands of mercenaries, that raised Odoacer to the throne of Italy. The Franks and the Saxons still persevered in the errors of Paganism; but the Franks obtained the monarchy of Gaul by their submission to the example of Clovis; and the Saxon conquerors of Britain were reclaimed from their savage superstition by the missionaries of Rome. These Barbarian proselytes displayed an ardent and successful zeal in the propagation of the faith. The Merovingian kings, and their successors, Charlemagne and the Othos, extended, by their laws and victories, the dominion of the cross. England produced the apostle of Germany; and the evangelic light was gradually diffused from the neighborhood of the Rhine, to the nations of the Elbe, the Vistula, and the Baltic. 79
他们那些更为凶悍的同族——令人生畏的西哥特人——则举族接纳了罗马人的宗教;他们与罗马人之间,或战、或和、或征伐,往来从未间断。在他们那从多瑙河一路凯歌直抵大西洋的漫长征途中,他们使盟友归信,也教化着后起的一代;而阿拉里克营中、或图卢兹宫廷里盛行的那份虔敬,比起罗马与君士坦丁堡的宫殿,或足以垂范,或适足蒙羞。78 也正是在这段时期,几乎所有在西罗马帝国废墟上建国的蛮族,都接纳了基督教:高卢的勃艮第人、西班牙的苏维汇人、阿非利加的汪达尔人、潘诺尼亚的东哥特人,还有把奥多亚克扶上意大利王位的各支雇佣军。法兰克人与撒克逊人却仍执迷于异教的谬误;不过,法兰克人因随克洛维之榜样归化,终获高卢的王权;而征服不列颠的撒克逊人,则由罗马派去的传教士从其野蛮的迷信中挽回。这些皈依了的蛮族,在传播信仰上表现出一股炽热而卓有成效的热忱。墨洛温王朝诸王,以及他们的后继者查理曼与奥托诸帝,都凭其律法与武功,把十字架的疆域越拓越广。英格兰造就了“日耳曼的使徒”;福音之光也从莱茵河一带渐渐播散,直照到易北河、维斯瓦河与波罗的海沿岸的诸民族。79
Notes 注释
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St. Jerom, in strong, but indiscreet, language, expresses the most important use of fasting and abstinence: “Non quod Deus universitatis Creator et Dominus, intestinorum nostrorum rugitu, et inanitate ventris, pulmonisque ardore delectetur, sed quod aliter pudicitia tuta esse non possit.” (Op. tom. i. p. 32, ad Eustochium.) See the twelfth and twenty-second Collations of Cassian, de Castitate and de Illusionibus Nocturnis.
圣哲罗姆以强烈却失之轻率的措辞,道出了禁食与节制最要紧的用处:“Non quod Deus universitatis Creator et Dominus, intestinorum nostrorum rugitu, et inanitate ventris, pulmonisque ardore delectetur, sed quod aliter pudicitia tuta esse non possit.”(意谓:这并非因为万有的造物主与主宰乐于听我们肠鸣、见我们腹空、感我们肺腑燥热,而是因为舍此便无从确保贞洁。)(Op. tom. i. p. 32, ad Eustochium.)另参卡西安努斯《谈道录》第十二篇(de Castitate,论贞洁)与第二十二篇(de Illusionibus Nocturnis,论夜间幻象)。
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Edacitas in Graecis gula est, in Gallis natura, (Dialog. i. c. 4 p. 521.) Cassian fairly owns, that the perfect model of abstinence cannot be imitated in Gaul, on account of the aerum temperies, and the qualitas nostrae fragilitatis, (Institut. iv. 11.) Among the Western rules, that of Columbanus is the most austere; he had been educated amidst the poverty of Ireland, as rigid, perhaps, and inflexible as the abstemious virtue of Egypt. The rule of Isidore of Seville is the mildest; on holidays he allows the use of flesh.
“Edacitas in Graecis gula est, in Gallis natura”(意谓:贪食在希腊人是嘴馋,在高卢人却是天性),(Dialog. i. c. 4 p. 521.) 卡西安努斯坦率地承认:在高卢,那尽善尽美的节制典范无从仿效,只因当地的“aerum temperies”(气候)与“qualitas nostrae fragilitatis”(我们体质的孱弱)使然,(Institut. iv. 11.) 在西方各会规中,以哥伦巴努斯的最为严苛;他是在爱尔兰的清贫中长大的,那份严格与不容变通,或许不亚于埃及那种苦行的德操。塞维利亚的伊西多尔的会规则最为宽和:逢节庆之日,他准许食肉。
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“Those who drink only water, and have no nutritious liquor, ought, at least, to have a pound and a half (twenty-four ounces) of bread every day.” State of Prisons, p. 40, by Mr. Howard.
“凡只饮清水、不进任何滋补饮料的人,每日至少应有一磅半(合二十四盎司)面包。”语出霍华德《监狱状况》(State of Prisons)p. 40。
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See Cassian. Collat. l. ii. 19-21. The small loaves, or biscuit, of six ounces each, had obtained the name of Paximacia, (Rosweyde, Onomasticon, p. 1045.) Pachomius, however, allowed his monks some latitude in the quantity of their food; but he made them work in proportion as they ate, (Pallad. in Hist. Lausiac. c. 38, 39, in Vit. Patrum, l. viii. p. 736, 737.)
参见 Cassian. Collat. l. ii. 19-21。每个重六盎司的小面包(或称干饼),得名为“Paximacia”(帕克西马基亚),(Rosweyde, Onomasticon, p. 1045.) 不过帕科米乌斯在食量上给他的修士留了些余地;只是他要他们按吃的多少相应地做工,(Pallad. in Hist. Lausiac. c. 38, 39, in Vit. Patrum, l. viii. p. 736, 737.)
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See the banquet to which Cassian (Collation viii. 1) was invited by Serenus, an Egyptian abbot.
参见卡西安努斯(Collation viii. 1)应埃及院长塞雷努斯之邀所赴的那场“盛宴”。
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See the Rule of St. Benedict, No. 39, 40, (in Cod. Reg. part ii. p. 41, 42.) Licet legamus vinum omnino monachorum non esse, sed quia nostris temporibus id monachis persuaderi non potest; he allows them a Roman hemina, a measure which may be ascertained from Arbuthnot’s Tables.
参见《圣本笃会规》第39、40条,(in Cod. Reg. part ii. p. 41, 42.):“Licet legamus vinum omnino monachorum non esse, sed quia nostris temporibus id monachis persuaderi non potest”(意谓:我们虽读到酒本与修士全然无缘,但当今之世,此理已无法说服修士接受);于是他准许他们每人一“罗马海米那”(hemina)——这一量值可据阿巴思诺特的《度量衡表》推定。
50
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Such expressions as my book, my cloak, my shoes, (Cassian Institut. l. iv. c. 13,) were not less severely prohibited among the Western monks, (Cod. Regul. part ii. p. 174, 235, 288;) and the rule of Columbanus punished them with six lashes. The ironical author of the Ordres Monastiques, who laughs at the foolish nicety of modern convents, seems ignorant that the ancients were equally absurd.
诸如“我的书”“我的斗篷”“我的鞋”这类说法,(Cassian Institut. l. iv. c. 13,) 在西方修士中间同样受到严禁,(Cod. Regul. part ii. p. 174, 235, 288;) 哥伦巴努斯的会规更以六下鞭笞相责。《修道会众谱》(Ordres Monastiques)那位好挖苦的作者,讥笑近世修院那些愚蠢的挑剔,却似乎不知道:古人也一样荒唐。
51
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Two great masters of ecclesiastical science, the P. Thomassin, (Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. iii. p. 1090-1139,) and the P. Mabillon, (Etudes Monastiques, tom. i. p. 116-155,) have seriously examined the manual labor of the monks, which the former considers as a merit and the latter as a duty.
教会学问的两位大家——托马桑神父,(Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. iii. p. 1090-1139,) 与马比荣神父,(Etudes Monastiques, tom. i. p. 116-155,)——都曾郑重考究过修士的体力劳作:前者视之为功德,后者视之为本分。
52
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Mabillon (Etudes Monastiques, tom. i. p. 47-55) has collected many curious facts to justify the literary labors of his predecessors, both in the East and West. Books were copied in the ancient monasteries of Egypt, (Cassian. Institut. l. iv. c. 12,) and by the disciples of St. Martin, (Sulp. Sever. in Vit. Martin. c. 7, p. 473.) Cassiodorus has allowed an ample scope for the studies of the monks; and we shall not be scandalized, if their pens sometimes wandered from Chrysostom and Augustin to Homer and Virgil. But the necessity of manual labor was insensibly superseded.
马比荣(Etudes Monastiques, tom. i. p. 47-55)搜集了许多稀奇的事例,为其前辈——东西方皆有——的文墨劳作辩护。埃及古老的修道院里曾誊抄典籍,(Cassian. Institut. l. iv. c. 12,) 圣马丁的门徒也是如此,(Sulp. Sever. in Vit. Martin. c. 7, p. 473.) 卡西奥多鲁斯给修士的治学留出了广阔的余地;倘若他们的笔偶尔从克里索斯托、奥古斯丁游移到荷马、维吉尔,我们也不必大惊小怪。但体力劳作的必要,就这样不知不觉被取代了。
53
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Thomassin (Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. iii. p. 118, 145, 146, 171-179) has examined the revolution of the civil, canon, and common law. Modern France confirms the death which monks have inflicted on themselves, and justly deprives them of all right of inheritance.
托马桑(Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. iii. p. 118, 145, 146, 171-179)考察了民法、教会法与普通法在这方面的沿革变迁。近世的法国确认修士等于自行“死去”,理所当然地剥夺了他们的一切继承权。
54
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See Jerom, (tom. i. p. 176, 183.) The monk Pambo made a sublime answer to Melania, who wished to specify the value of her gift: “Do you offer it to me, or to God? If to God, He who suspends the mountain in a balance, need not be informed of the weight of your plate.” (Pallad. Hist. Lausiac. c. 10, in the Vit. Patrum, l. viii. p. 715.)
参见 Jerom, (tom. i. p. 176, 183.) 梅拉尼娅想说明自己所捐之物值多少钱,修士潘博却给了她一个崇高的答复:“你是把它献给我,还是献给上帝?若是献给上帝,那位能把群山悬于秤上的主,何须别人告诉他你那些银器有多重?”(Pallad. Hist. Lausiac. c. 10, in the Vit. Patrum, l. viii. p. 715.)
55
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Zosim. l. v. p. 325. Yet the wealth of the Eastern monks was far surpassed by the princely greatness of the Benedictines.
Zosim. l. v. p. 325。然而,东方修士的财富,比起本笃会那王侯般的煊赫,还是相去甚远。
56
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The sixth general council (the Quinisext in Trullo, Canon xlvii in Beveridge, tom. i. p. 213) restrains women from passing the night in a male, or men in a female, monastery. The seventh general council (the second Nicene, Canon xx. in Beveridge, tom. i. p. 325) prohibits the erection of double or promiscuous monasteries of both sexes; but it appears from Balsamon, that the prohibition was not effectual. On the irregular pleasures and expenses of the clergy and monks, see Thomassin, tom. iii. p. 1334-1368.
第六次公会议(即特鲁洛的“五六会议”,Canon xlvii in Beveridge, tom. i. p. 213)禁止女子在男修道院、男子在女修道院过夜。第七次公会议(即第二次尼西亚会议,Canon xx. in Beveridge, tom. i. p. 325)禁止兴建两性混杂的男女合一修道院;但据巴尔萨蒙所载,此项禁令并未奏效。至于教士与修士那些不正当的享乐与花费,参见 Thomassin, tom. iii. p. 1334-1368。
57
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I have somewhere heard or read the frank confession of a Benedictine abbot: “My vow of poverty has given me a hundred thousand crowns a year; my vow of obedience has raised me to the rank of a sovereign prince.”—I forget the consequences of his vow of chastity.
我不知在何处听过或读过一位本笃会院长坦白的自供:“我那安贫的誓愿,每年给我带来十万克朗;我那服从的誓愿,把我抬到了独立君侯的地位。”——至于他守贞誓愿的结果如何,我可记不得了。
58
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Pior, an Egyptian monk, allowed his sister to see him; but he shut his eyes during the whole visit. See Vit. Patrum, l. iii. p. 504. Many such examples might be added.
埃及修士皮奥尔准许自己的妹妹来看他;可是探视的整段时间,他都闭着眼睛。参见 Vit. Patrum, l. iii. p. 504。这类例子还可以再举许多。
59
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The 7th, 8th, 29th, 30th, 31st, 34th, 57th, 60th, 86th, and 95th articles of the Rule of Pachomius, impose most intolerable laws of silence and mortification.
《帕科米乌斯会规》的第7、8、29、30、31、34、57、60、86、95条,强加了种种令人难以忍受的缄默与克苦之律。
60
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The diurnal and nocturnal prayers of the monks are copiously discussed by Cassian, in the third and fourth books of his Institutions; and he constantly prefers the liturgy, which an angel had dictated to the monasteries of Tebennoe.
修士的昼祷与夜祷,卡西安努斯在其《制度集》第三、四卷中作了详尽的论述;他始终更推崇那套由一位天使口授给塔本内诸修道院的礼仪。
61
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Cassian, from his own experience, describes the acedia, or listlessness of mind and body, to which a monk was exposed, when he sighed to find himself alone. Saepiusque egreditur et ingreditur cellam, et Solem velut ad occasum tardius properantem crebrius intuetur, (Institut. x. l.)
卡西安努斯凭自身的经验,描述了那种名为“acedia”(心与身的倦怠、慵懒)的状态——每当修士喟叹自己形单影只时,便易陷入其中。“Saepiusque egreditur et ingreditur cellam, et Solem velut ad occasum tardius properantem crebrius intuetur”(意谓:他一次次踱出、又踱回斗室,频频抬眼望那仿佛迟迟不肯西沉的太阳),(Institut. x. l.)
62
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The temptations and sufferings of Stagirius were communicated by that unfortunate youth to his friend St. Chrysostom. See Middleton’s Works, vol. i. p. 107-110. Something similar introduces the life of every saint; and the famous Inigo, or Ignatius, the founder of the Jesuits, (vide d’Inigo de Guiposcoa, tom. i. p. 29-38,) may serve as a memorable example.
斯塔吉里乌斯所受的诱惑与折磨,是这不幸的青年亲口讲给他的朋友圣克里索斯托听的。参见米德尔顿《文集》vol. i. p. 107-110。每位圣徒的生平开篇,几乎都有类似的一幕;而大名鼎鼎的伊尼戈(即伊格纳修)、耶稣会的创始人,(vide d’Inigo de Guiposcoa, tom. i. p. 29-38,) 便可作一个令人难忘的例子。
63
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Fleury, Hist. Ecclesiastique, tom. vii. p. 46. I have read somewhere, in the Vitae Patrum, but I cannot recover the place that several, I believe many, of the monks, who did not reveal their temptations to the abbot, became guilty of suicide.
Fleury, Hist. Ecclesiastique, tom. vii. p. 46。我曾在《教父言行录》(Vitae Patrum)某处读到——具体出处却记不起了——有好几位、我相信是许多位修士,因没有向院长坦露自己所受的诱惑,最终犯下了自尽之罪。
64
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See the seventh and eighth Collations of Cassian, who gravely examines, why the demons were grown less active and numerous since the time of St. Antony. Rosweyde’s copious index to the Vitae Patrum will point out a variety of infernal scenes. The devils were most formidable in a female shape.
参见卡西安努斯《谈道录》第七、八篇,他一本正经地探究:何以自圣安东尼的时代以来,魔鬼竟变得不那么活跃、数目也不那么多了。罗斯魏德为《教父言行录》所编的详尽索引,会指引读者找到形形色色的地狱场景。而魔鬼一旦化作女身,便最为可怖。
65
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For the distinction of the Coenobites and the Hermits, especially in Egypt, see Jerom, (tom. i. p. 45, ad Rusticum,) the first Dialogue of Sulpicius Severus, Rufinus, (c. 22, in Vit. Patrum, l. ii. p. 478,) Palladius, (c. 7, 69, in Vit. Patrum, l. viii. p. 712, 758,) and, above all, the eighteenth and nineteenth Collations of Cassian. These writers, who compare the common and solitary life, reveal the abuse and danger of the latter.
关于“共住修士”与隐士之别——尤其在埃及——参见 Jerom, (tom. i. p. 45, ad Rusticum,)、苏尔皮基乌斯·塞维鲁的第一篇《对话录》、Rufinus, (c. 22, in Vit. Patrum, l. ii. p. 478,)、Palladius, (c. 7, 69, in Vit. Patrum, l. viii. p. 712, 758,),尤其要看卡西安努斯《谈道录》第十八、十九篇。这些作者都把共住与独居两种生活作了比较,揭示出后者的流弊与危险。
66
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Suicer. Thesaur. Ecclesiast. tom. ii. p. 205, 218. Thomassin (Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. i. p. 1501, 1502) gives a good account of these cells. When Gerasimus founded his monastery in the wilderness of Jordan, it was accompanied by a Laura of seventy cells.
Suicer. Thesaur. Ecclesiast. tom. ii. p. 205, 218。托马桑(Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. i. p. 1501, 1502)对这些斗室有一番很好的说明。格拉西姆斯在约旦河畔的旷野里创建修道院时,院旁便附有一处含七十间斗室的“劳拉”。
67
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Theodoret, in a large volume, (the Philotheus in Vit. Patrum, l. ix. p. 793-863,) has collected the lives and miracles of thirty Anachorets. Evagrius (l. i. c. 12) more briefly celebrates the monks and hermits of Palestine.
狄奥多勒在一部大书中,(即收于 Vit. Patrum, l. ix. p. 793-863 的《菲洛塞乌斯》〔Philotheus〕,)汇集了三十位遁世修士的生平与神迹。埃瓦格里乌斯(l. i. c. 12)则更简略地颂扬了巴勒斯坦的修士与隐士。
68
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Sozomen, l. vi. c. 33. The great St. Ephrem composed a panegyric on these or grazing monks, (Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. viii. p. 292.)
Sozomen, l. vi. c. 33。伟大的圣厄弗冷曾为这些“啃草修士”写过一篇颂词,(Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. viii. p. 292.)
69
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The P. Sicard (Missions du Levant, tom. ii. p. 217-233) examined the caverns of the Lower Thebais with wonder and devotion. The inscriptions are in the old Syriac character, which was used by the Christians of Abyssinia.
西卡尔神父(Missions du Levant, tom. ii. p. 217-233)怀着惊叹与虔敬,考察了下底比斯地区的那些洞窟。窟中的铭文用的是古叙利亚文——阿比西尼亚的基督徒也曾使用这种文字。
70
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See Theodoret (in Vit. Patrum, l. ix. p. 848-854,) Antony, (in Vit. Patrum, l. i. p. 170-177,) Cosmas, (in Asseman. Bibliot. Oriental tom. i. p. 239-253,) Evagrius, (l. i. c. 13, 14,) and Tillemont, (Mem. Eccles. tom. xv. p. 347-392.)
参见 Theodoret (in Vit. Patrum, l. ix. p. 848-854,)、Antony (in Vit. Patrum, l. i. p. 170-177,)、Cosmas (in Asseman. Bibliot. Oriental tom. i. p. 239-253,)、Evagrius (l. i. c. 13, 14,) 以及蒂耶蒙 (Mem. Eccles. tom. xv. p. 347-392.)。
71
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The narrow circumference of two cubits, or three feet, which Evagrius assigns for the summit of the column is inconsistent with reason, with facts, and with the rules of architecture. The people who saw it from below might be easily deceived.
埃瓦格里乌斯说柱顶周长仅两肘、合三英尺,这一狭促的尺寸既不合情理,也不合事实,更不合建筑之法。那些从下面仰望它的人,是极易被蒙骗的。
72
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I must not conceal a piece of ancient scandal concerning the origin of this ulcer. It has been reported that the Devil, assuming an angelic form, invited him to ascend, like Elijah, into a fiery chariot. The saint too hastily raised his foot, and Satan seized the moment of inflicting this chastisement on his vanity.
关于这处溃疡的由来,有一桩古老的丑闻,我不该隐瞒。据传,魔鬼化作天使的模样,邀他像以利亚那样登上一辆火焰战车。这位圣徒太性急地抬起了脚,撒但便趁此一刻,为惩罚他的虚荣而降下这场责罚。
73
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I know not how to select or specify the miracles contained in the Vitae Patrum of Rosweyde, as the number very much exceeds the thousand pages of that voluminous work. An elegant specimen may be found in the dialogues of Sulpicius Severus, and his Life of St. Martin. He reveres the monks of Egypt; yet he insults them with the remark, that they never raised the dead; whereas the bishop of Tours had restored three dead men to life.
罗斯魏德所辑《教父言行录》中的神迹,我实在不知从何拣择、如何一一列举,因为其数目远远超出了这部鸿篇的一千页。一个雅致的样本,可见于苏尔皮基乌斯·塞维鲁的《对话录》及其《圣马丁传》。他对埃及的修士满怀敬意;却又出言相讽,说他们从不曾叫死人复活;反观图尔的主教,倒使三个死人重获了生命。
74
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On the subject of Ulphilas, and the conversion of the Goths, see Sozomen, l. vi. c. 37. Socrates, l. iv. c. 33. Theodoret, l. iv. c. 37. Philostorg. l. ii. c. 5. The heresy of Philostorgius appears to have given him superior means of information.
关于乌尔菲拉斯与哥特人皈依之事,参见 Sozomen, l. vi. c. 37;Socrates, l. iv. c. 33;Theodoret, l. iv. c. 37;Philostorg. l. ii. c. 5。菲洛斯托尔吉乌斯本人所持的异端,似乎反倒使他获得了更胜一筹的消息来源。
741
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This is the Moeso-Gothic alphabet of which many of the letters are evidently formed from the Greek and Roman. M. St. Martin, however contends, that it is impossible but that some written alphabet must have been known long before among the Goths. He supposes that their former letters were those inscribed on the runes, which, being inseparably connected with the old idolatrous superstitions, were proscribed by the Christian missionaries. Everywhere the runes, so common among all the German tribes, disappear after the propagation of Christianity. S. Martin iv. p. 97, 98.—M.
这便是梅西亚哥特字母,其中许多字母显然由希腊、罗马字母演化而来。然而圣马丁先生却主张:哥特人早在此前必已知晓某种书面字母,断无可能没有。他推测,他们从前的字母就是刻在如尼石上的那些如尼文;而如尼文与古老的偶像崇拜迷信密不可分,遂遭基督教传教士取缔。如尼文在日耳曼各部落中本极普遍,可基督教一经传布,它便处处销声匿迹。S. Martin iv. p. 97, 98.—M.
75
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A mutilated copy of the four Gospels, in the Gothic version, was published A.D. 1665, and is esteemed the most ancient monument of the Teutonic language, though Wetstein attempts, by some frivolous conjectures, to deprive Ulphilas of the honor of the work. Two of the four additional letters express the W, and our own Th. See Simon, Hist. Critique du Nouveau Testament, tom ii. p. 219-223. Mill. Prolegom p. 151, edit. Kuster. Wetstein, Prolegom. tom. i. p. 114. * Note: The Codex Argenteus, found in the sixteenth century at Wenden, near Cologne, and now preserved at Upsal, contains almost the entire four Gospels. The best edition is that of J. Christ. Zahn, Weissenfels, 1805. In 1762 Knettel discovered and published from a Palimpsest MS. four chapters of the Epistle to the Romans: they were reprinted at Upsal, 1763. M. Mai has since that time discovered further fragments, and other remains of Moeso-Gothic literature, from a Palimpsest at Milan. See Ulphilae partium inedi arum in Ambrosianis Palimpsestis ab Ang. Maio repertarum specimen Milan. Ito. 1819.—M.
一部残缺的哥特文四福音书抄本于公元 1665 年刊行,被推为条顿语最古老的遗物;尽管韦特施泰因凭几条无足轻重的臆测,企图把这桩功劳从乌尔菲拉斯名下夺走。那另加的四个字母中,有两个用以表示 W 音和我们英语里的 Th 音。参见 Simon, Hist. Critique du Nouveau Testament, tom ii. p. 219-223;Mill. Prolegom p. 151, edit. Kuster;Wetstein, Prolegom. tom. i. p. 114。* 按:《银抄本》(Codex Argenteus)于十六世纪在科隆附近的温登被发现,如今珍藏于乌普萨拉,内含几乎完整的四福音书。最佳的版本是灿恩(J. Christ. Zahn)1805 年于魏森费尔斯所出的那一版。1762 年,克内特尔从一份重写本抄本中发现并刊布了《罗马书》的四章经文,此后又于 1763 年在乌普萨拉重印。自那时起,迈先生又从米兰的一份重写本里发现了更多残篇,以及梅西亚哥特文献的其他遗存。参见 Ulphilae partium inedi arum in Ambrosianis Palimpsestis ab Ang. Maio repertarum specimen, Milan. Ito. 1819.—M.
76
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Philostorgius erroneously places this passage under the reign of Constantine; but I am much inclined to believe that it preceded the great emigration.
菲洛斯托尔吉乌斯误把这次渡河置于君士坦丁在位之时;但我颇倾向于相信,此事发生在那场大迁徙之前。
77
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We are obliged to Jornandes (de Reb. Get. c. 51, p. 688) for a short and lively picture of these lesser Goths. Gothi minores, populus immensus, cum suo Pontifice ipsoque primate Wulfila. The last words, if they are not mere tautology, imply some temporal jurisdiction.
关于这些“小哥特人”,我们得感谢约达尼斯(de Reb. Get. c. 51, p. 688)留下的一幅简短而生动的画面:“Gothi minores, populus immensus, cum suo Pontifice ipsoque primate Wulfila.”(意谓:小哥特人,一个庞大的族群,有其主教兼首领乌尔菲拉斯〔Wulfila〕。)末尾那几个字,若非只是同义重复,便隐指某种世俗的管辖权。
78
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At non ita Gothi non ita Vandali; malis licet doctoribus instituti meliores tamen etiam in hac parte quam nostri. Salvian, de Gubern, Dei, l. vii. p. 243.
“At non ita Gothi non ita Vandali; malis licet doctoribus instituti meliores tamen etiam in hac parte quam nostri.”(意谓:哥特人不这样,汪达尔人也不这样;他们虽由拙劣的师傅调教,在这一点上却仍比我们要强。)语出 Salvian, de Gubern, Dei, l. vii. p. 243。
79
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Mosheim has slightly sketched the progress of Christianity in the North, from the fourth to the fourteenth century. The subject would afford materials for an ecclesiastical and even philosophical, history
莫斯海姆对四世纪至十四世纪基督教在北方的传播,只作了粗略的勾勒。这一题材,本可为一部教会史、乃至一部哲学史提供充足的材料。