Chapter XXXVII: Conversion Of The Barbarians To Christianity.—Part I. 第三十七章 蛮族皈依基督教——第一节

Origin Progress, And Effects Of The Monastic Life.— Conversion Of The Barbarians To Christianity And Arianism.— Persecution Of The Vandals In Africa.—Extinction Of Arianism Among The Barbarians.
隐修生活的起源、发展及其影响。——蛮族皈依基督教与阿里乌斯派。——汪达尔人在阿非利加的迫害。——阿里乌斯派在蛮族中的消亡。
The indissoluble connection of civil and ecclesiastical affairs has compelled, and encouraged, me to relate the progress, the persecutions, the establishment, the divisions, the final triumph, and the gradual corruption, of Christianity. I have purposely delayed the consideration of two religious events, interesting in the study of human nature, and important in the decline and fall of the Roman empire. I. The institution of the monastic life; 1 and, II. The conversion of the northern Barbarians.
世俗与教会两方面的事务,向来盘根错节、无从割裂;这既迫使我、也促使我去叙述基督教的历程——它如何传布,如何屡遭迫害,如何确立根基,如何分裂纷争,如何终获全胜,又如何一步步走向败坏。有两桩宗教大事,我此前一直有意按下未表:这两件事,就体察人性而言饶有意味,就罗马帝国的衰亡而言又关系匪浅。其一,是隐修生活的创立;1 其二,是北方蛮族的皈依。
I. Prosperity and peace introduced the distinction of the vulgar and the Ascetic Christians. 2 The loose and imperfect practice of religion satisfied the conscience of the multitude. The prince or magistrate, the soldier or merchant, reconciled their fervent zeal, and implicit faith, with the exercise of their profession, the pursuit of their interest, and the indulgence of their passions: but the Ascetics, who obeyed and abused the rigid precepts of the gospel, were inspired by the savage enthusiasm which represents man as a criminal, and God as a tyrant. They seriously renounced the business, and the pleasures, of the age; abjured the use of wine, of flesh, and of marriage; chastised their body, mortified their affections, and embraced a life of misery, as the price of eternal happiness. In the reign of Constantine, the Ascetics fled from a profane and degenerate world, to perpetual solitude, or religious society. Like the first Christians of Jerusalem, 3 311 they resigned the use, or the property of their temporal possessions; established regular communities of the same sex, and a similar disposition; and assumed the names of Hermits, Monks, and Anachorets, expressive of their lonely retreat in a natural or artificial desert. They soon acquired the respect of the world, which they despised; and the loudest applause was bestowed on this Divine Philosophy, 4 which surpassed, without the aid of science or reason, the laborious virtues of the Grecian schools. The monks might indeed contend with the Stoics, in the contempt of fortune, of pain, and of death: the Pythagorean silence and submission were revived in their servile discipline; and they disdained, as firmly as the Cynics themselves, all the forms and decencies of civil society. But the votaries of this Divine Philosophy aspired to imitate a purer and more perfect model. They trod in the footsteps of the prophets, who had retired to the desert; 5 and they restored the devout and contemplative life, which had been instituted by the Essenians, in Palestine and Egypt. The philosophic eye of Pliny had surveyed with astonishment a solitary people, who dwelt among the palm-trees near the Dead Sea; who subsisted without money, who were propagated without women; and who derived from the disgust and repentance of mankind a perpetual supply of voluntary associates. 6
一、太平盛世、衣食丰足,反倒在基督徒中分出了寻常信众与苦修信众两类。2 大多数人奉教松弛、敷衍了事,良心上却已足以自安。君王也好,官吏也好,士卒也好,商贾也好,都能把满腔的虔敬与全然的信仰,同各自的本行、各自的营利、各自的纵情享乐调和得妥妥帖帖;唯有那些苦修者,既奉行、又滥用福音书中严苛的戒律,被一种野蛮的狂热所驱使——在这种狂热看来,人生来便是罪犯,上帝则是暴君。他们一本正经地弃绝了尘世的营生与欢愉,立誓戒酒、戒肉、戒婚娶,苦其筋骨,绝其情欲,甘愿投身于凄苦的生涯,把这当作换取永恒福乐的代价。到君士坦丁在位时,这些苦修者纷纷逃离这污浊而堕落的尘世,或遁入终身的孤寂,或投身于教团的群居。一如耶路撒冷最早的那批基督徒,3 311 他们放弃了对尘世财产的使用权乃至所有权,按同一性别、同一志趣组成规整的团体,自号隐士、修士、遁世修士,这些名号都道出了他们退隐于天然或人为的荒漠、离群索居的情形。他们所鄙弃的这个世界,很快便对他们肃然起敬;世人无不高声喝彩,盛赞这门“神圣哲学”,4 说它无须借助学识或理性,便已超越了希腊各派苦心修得的美德。论蔑视命运、蔑视苦痛、蔑视死亡,这些修士确可与斯多葛派一较高下;毕达哥拉斯派的缄默与顺从,在他们那奴仆般的戒律中重又复活;至于文明社会的一切礼节仪度,他们也鄙夷不屑,其决绝不亚于犬儒派本人。然而这门“神圣哲学”的信徒,所仰慕、所效法的,乃是一种更纯粹、更完美的典范。他们追随昔日退隐荒野的先知的足迹,5 重振了当年艾赛尼派在巴勒斯坦与埃及所创立的那种虔敬默想的生活。普林尼曾以哲人的目光,惊异地打量过这样一群离群索居的人:他们栖身于死海之滨的棕榈林间,不用钱财而能存活,不靠女子而能繁衍;世人对尘世的厌倦与悔恨,为他们源源不断地送来自愿入伙的同道。6
Egypt, the fruitful parent of superstition, afforded the first example of the monastic life. Antony, 7 an illiterate 8 youth of the lower parts of Thebais, distributed his patrimony, 9 deserted his family and native home, and executed his monastic penance with original and intrepid fanaticism. After a long and painful novitiate, among the tombs, and in a ruined tower, he boldly advanced into the desert three days’ journey to the eastward of the Nile; discovered a lonely spot, which possessed the advantages of shade and water, and fixed his last residence on Mount Colzim, near the Red Sea; where an ancient monastery still preserves the name and memory of the saint. 10 The curious devotion of the Christians pursued him to the desert; and when he was obliged to appear at Alexandria, in the face of mankind, he supported his fame with discretion and dignity. He enjoyed the friendship of Athanasius, whose doctrine he approved; and the Egyptian peasant respectfully declined a respectful invitation from the emperor Constantine. The venerable patriarch (for Antony attained the age of one hundred and five years) beheld the numerous progeny which had been formed by his example and his lessons. The prolific colonies of monks multiplied with rapid increase on the sands of Libya, upon the rocks of Thebais, and in the cities of the Nile. To the south of Alexandria, the mountain, and adjacent desert, of Nitria, were peopled by five thousand anachorets; and the traveller may still investigate the ruins of fifty monasteries, which were planted in that barren soil by the disciples of Antony. 11 In the Upper Thebais, the vacant island of Tabenne, 12 was occupied by Pachomius and fourteen hundred of his brethren. That holy abbot successively founded nine monasteries of men, and one of women; and the festival of Easter sometimes collected fifty thousand religious persons, who followed his angelic rule of discipline. 13 The stately and populous city of Oxyrinchus, the seat of Christian orthodoxy, had devoted the temples, the public edifices, and even the ramparts, to pious and charitable uses; and the bishop, who might preach in twelve churches, computed ten thousand females and twenty thousand males, of the monastic profession. 14 The Egyptians, who gloried in this marvellous revolution, were disposed to hope, and to believe, that the number of the monks was equal to the remainder of the people; 15 and posterity might repeat the saying, which had formerly been applied to the sacred animals of the same country, That in Egypt it was less difficult to find a god than a man.
埃及这片盛产迷信的沃土,最先为隐修生活提供了范例。安东尼 7 本是底比斯地区下游一个目不识丁的 8 青年,他散尽祖产,9 抛下家人与故里,以一种前所未有、无所畏惧的狂热,践行起隐修的苦行。他先在坟茔之间、在一座残塔之内度过了长久而痛苦的初学阶段,随后便毅然向东深入荒漠,走了三天的路程,来到尼罗河以东;在那里觅得一处僻静之地,既有树荫又有水源,遂在红海附近的科尔济姆山上安下了他此生最后的居所;至今仍有一座古老的修道院坐落于此,守护着这位圣徒的名号与追念。10 基督徒们出于一种好奇的虔诚,一路追随他到了荒漠;而当他不得不现身亚历山大里亚、抛头露面于众人之前时,他也以审慎与庄重撑起了自己的声名。他与阿塔纳修斯交好,也赞同其教义;而面对君士坦丁皇帝一份恭敬的邀请,这位埃及农夫却恭敬地婉拒了。这位可敬的祖师(安东尼享寿一百零五岁),亲眼看到自己以身垂范、循循教诲,造就了何等众多的后继者。一群群修士生养繁盛,在利比亚的沙碛上、在底比斯地区的岩壁间、在尼罗河沿岸的城镇里迅速滋衍开来。在亚历山大里亚以南,尼特里亚的山峦及毗邻的荒漠,住着五千名遁世修士;时至今日,游人仍能在那片贫瘠的土地上寻访到五十座修道院的废墟——它们都是安东尼的门徒当年一手建起的。11 在上底比斯地区,帕科米乌斯带着他的一千四百名弟兄,占据了荒无人烟的塔本内岛。12 这位神圣的修道院长先后创建了九座男修院、一座女修院;每逢复活节,前来聚会的修道之人有时多达五万,他们个个都恪守着他那套“天使般的”戒律。13 俄克喜林库斯乃是一座堂皇而繁盛的城市,是正统信仰的重镇;城中的神庙、公共建筑乃至城墙,都被拨作虔敬与慈善之用;那里的主教可在十二座教堂里讲道,据他统计,投身修道的女子有一万、男子有两万。14 埃及人对这场惊世的巨变引以为荣,甚至一厢情愿地指望并相信:修士的数目已与其余全体民众相当;15 于是后人尽可以把从前形容这个国度圣兽的那句老话,再拿来说一遍:在埃及,要找到一位神明,比找到一个凡人还容易。
The multiplication of the monks in Egypt 修士在埃及的滋衍 THE MULTIPLICATION OF THE MONKS IN EGYPT 修士在埃及的滋衍 Egypt, the fruitful parent of superstition, afforded the first example of the monastic life 埃及这片盛产迷信的沃土,最先为隐修生活提供了范例 NITRIA 尼特里亚 to the south of Alexandria — the mountain, and adjacent desert 亚历山大里亚以南的山峦与毗邻的荒漠 TABENNE 塔本内 the vacant island, in the Upper Thebais 上底比斯地区那座荒无人烟的小岛 OXYRINCHUS 俄克喜林库斯 the stately and populous city, the seat of Christian orthodoxy 堂皇而繁盛的城市,正统信仰的重镇 5,000 anachorets peopled the desert 遁世修士住在这片荒漠里 the traveller may still investigate the ruins of fifty monasteries, which were planted in that barren soil by the disciples of Antony 游人仍能在那片贫瘠的土地上 寻访到五十座修道院的废墟—— 都是安东尼的门徒当年一手建起的 The prolific colonies of monks multiplied with rapid increase on the sands of Libya, upon the rocks of Thebais, and in the cities of the Nile 一群群修士生养繁盛,在利比亚的沙碛上、 在底比斯地区的岩壁间、在尼罗河沿岸的 城镇里迅速滋衍开来 1,400 brethren, with Pachomius 帕科米乌斯与他的弟兄 that holy abbot successively founded nine monasteries of men, and one of women 这位神圣的修道院长先后创建了九座男修院、一座女修院 50,000 religious persons — the festival of Easter sometimes collected so many, who followed his angelic rule of discipline 修道之人——每逢复活节,前来聚会的 有时多达此数;他们个个都恪守着 他那套「天使般的」戒律 the bishop, who might preach in twelve churches, computed — 那里的主教可在十二座教堂里讲道,据他统计—— 10,000 20,000 females, and males, of the monastic profession 投身修道的女子与男子 the temples, the public edifices, and even the ramparts, had been devoted to pious and charitable uses 城中的神庙、公共建筑乃至城墙, 都被拨作虔敬与慈善之用 The Egyptians, who gloried in this marvellous revolution, were disposed to hope, and to believe — 埃及人对这场惊世的巨变引以为荣,甚至一厢情愿地指望并相信—— THE MONKS 修士 THE REMAINDER OF THE PEOPLE 其余全体民众 “That in Egypt it was less difficult to find a god than a man” 「在埃及,要找到一位神明,比找到一个凡人还容易」
Fig. 37.1 — Egypt, the fruitful parent of superstition: five thousand anachorets peopled Nitria, where the traveller may still investigate the ruins of fifty monasteries; Pachomius held the vacant island of Tabenne with fourteen hundred brethren; at Oxyrinchus the bishop computed ten thousand females and twenty thousand males of the monastic profession. The Egyptians were disposed to hope, and to believe, that the monks equalled the remainder of the people. 图37.1——埃及这片盛产迷信的沃土:尼特里亚住着五千名遁世修士,游人至今仍能寻访到五十座修道院的废墟;帕科米乌斯带着一千四百名弟兄占住了荒无人烟的塔本内岛;俄克喜林库斯的主教统计,投身修道的女子有一万、男子有两万。埃及人甚至一厢情愿地指望并相信:修士的数目已与其余全体民众相当。
Athanasius introduced into Rome the knowledge and practice of the monastic life; and a school of this new philosophy was opened by the disciples of Antony, who accompanied their primate to the holy threshold of the Vatican. The strange and savage appearance of these Egyptians excited, at first, horror and contempt, and, at length, applause and zealous imitation. The senators, and more especially the matrons, transformed their palaces and villas into religious houses; and the narrow institution of six vestals was eclipsed by the frequent monasteries, which were seated on the ruins of ancient temples, and in the midst of the Roman forum. 16 Inflamed by the example of Antony, a Syrian youth, whose name was Hilarion, 17 fixed his dreary abode on a sandy beach, between the sea and a morass, about seven miles from Gaza. The austere penance, in which he persisted forty-eight years, diffused a similar enthusiasm; and the holy man was followed by a train of two or three thousand anachorets, whenever he visited the innumerable monasteries of Palestine. The fame of Basil 18 is immortal in the monastic history of the East. With a mind that had tasted the learning and eloquence of Athens; with an ambition scarcely to be satisfied with the archbishopric of Caesarea, Basil retired to a savage solitude in Pontus; and deigned, for a while, to give laws to the spiritual colonies which he profusely scattered along the coast of the Black Sea. In the West, Martin of Tours, 19 a soldier, a hermit, a bishop, and a saint, established the monasteries of Gaul; two thousand of his disciples followed him to the grave; and his eloquent historian challenges the deserts of Thebais to produce, in a more favorable climate, a champion of equal virtue. The progress of the monks was not less rapid, or universal, than that of Christianity itself. Every province, and, at last, every city, of the empire, was filled with their increasing multitudes; and the bleak and barren isles, from Lerins to Lipari, that arose out of the Tuscan Sea, were chosen by the anachorets for the place of their voluntary exile. An easy and perpetual intercourse by sea and land connected the provinces of the Roman world; and the life of Hilarion displays the facility with which an indigent hermit of Palestine might traverse Egypt, embark for Sicily, escape to Epirus, and finally settle in the Island of Cyprus. 20 The Latin Christians embraced the religious institutions of Rome. The pilgrims, who visited Jerusalem, eagerly copied, in the most distant climates of the earth, the faithful model of the monastic life. The disciples of Antony spread themselves beyond the tropic, over the Christian empire of Æthiopia. 21 The monastery of Banchor, 22 in Flintshire, which contained above two thousand brethren, dispersed a numerous colony among the Barbarians of Ireland; 23 and Iona, one of the Hebrides, which was planted by the Irish monks, diffused over the northern regions a doubtful ray of science and superstition. 24
是阿塔纳修斯把隐修生活的道理与实践引入了罗马;安东尼的门徒们随这位大主教一同来到梵蒂冈的神圣门槛前,就此开设了这门新哲学的一所学堂。这些埃及人形容古怪、野蛮粗陋,起初只招来惊骇与鄙夷,到头来却引得众人喝彩、争相仿效。元老们,尤其是那些贵妇,纷纷把自家的宅邸别墅改成了修道之所;古时仅设六名维斯塔贞女的那点狭小旧制,如今在林立的修道院面前已黯然失色——这些修道院有的建在古神庙的废墟之上,有的就坐落在罗马广场的正中。16 受安东尼榜样的激励,一个名叫希拉里翁的叙利亚青年,17 在离加沙约七英里处、大海与沼泽之间的一片沙滩上,安下了他那凄清的居所。他这样苦行了四十八年,也把同样的狂热传播开来;每当这位圣者巡视巴勒斯坦那数不清的修道院时,身后总跟着两三千名遁世修士,浩浩荡荡。巴西尔的声名,18 在东方的隐修史上永垂不朽。他曾饱尝雅典的学问与辩才,胸中的抱负连凯撒里亚大主教之位都难以填满;这样一个人,却退隐到本都的荒僻之地,一时间还屈尊为那些教团立下规章——这些教团,是他沿黑海之滨慷慨播撒下的。在西方,图尔的马丁 19——既是军人,又是隐士,还是主教,更是圣徒——创立了高卢的诸修道院;他下葬时,随行送殡的门徒多达两千;而为他作传的那位辩才无碍的史家更放出话来,说底比斯地区的荒漠即便占尽气候之利,也未必能造就出一位德行堪与他比肩的斗士。修士之风蔓延之迅速、之普遍,丝毫不亚于基督教本身的传布。帝国的每一个行省、乃至最后每一座城市,都挤满了他们日益壮大的人群;而从莱兰到利帕里、一座座兀立于托斯卡纳海中荒凉贫瘠的小岛,也被遁世修士选作自我流放之地。罗马世界各行省之间,海陆往来便捷而不绝;希拉里翁的生平便显示出:一个身无分文的巴勒斯坦隐士,竟能何等轻易地穿越埃及,登船前往西西里,再逃往伊庇鲁斯,最终在塞浦路斯岛上安顿下来。20 拉丁世界的基督徒,一并接纳了罗马城的这套修道制度。那些造访耶路撒冷的朝圣者,把隐修生活这一忠实的样板,热切地复制到地球上最遥远的角落。安东尼的门徒甚至越过回归线,散布到基督教的埃塞俄比亚帝国境内。21 弗林特郡的班科尔修道院,22 拥有弟兄两千余名,又向爱尔兰的蛮族之中派出了一支人数众多的分支;23 而赫布里底群岛中的爱奥那岛,由爱尔兰修士开辟,向北方诸地投去了一线亦学问、亦迷信、真伪难辨的微光。24
The diffusion of the monastic life, from the Thebais to the Hebrides 隐修生活的传布:自底比斯地区直到赫布里底群岛 THE DIFFUSION OF THE MONASTIC LIFE 隐修生活的传布 The progress of the monks was not less rapid, or universal, than that of Christianity itself 修士之风蔓延之迅速、之普遍,丝毫不亚于基督教本身的传布 1 MOUNT COLZIM 科尔济姆山 2 ROME 罗马 3 GAZA 加沙 4 PONTUS 本都 5 TOURS 图尔 6 LERINS 莱兰 LIPARI 利帕里 7 BANCHOR 班科尔 IRELAND 爱尔兰 8 IONA 爱奥那 9 ÆTHIOPIA 埃塞俄比亚 THEBAIS 底比斯地区 PARÆTONIUM 帕莱托尼乌姆 CAPE PACHYNUS 帕基努斯角 EPIRUS 伊庇鲁斯 CYPRUS 塞浦路斯 the voyage of Hilarion: Paraetonium to Cape Pachynus, then Epirus, and at last Cyprus 希拉里翁的航程:自帕莱托尼乌姆至帕基努斯角,再到伊庇鲁斯,最终抵塞浦路斯 the spread of the institution: with Athanasius to Rome, beyond 制度的传布:随阿塔纳修斯至罗马,越回归线而南, the tropic, and northward to Ireland and Iona 向北则至爱尔兰与爱奥那 1 MOUNT COLZIM, IN THE THEBAIS 底比斯地区的科尔济姆山 Antony fixed his last residence on Mount Colzim, near the Red Sea, where an ancient monastery still preserves his name 安东尼在红海附近的科尔济姆山上安下了他此生 最后的居所;至今仍有一座古老的修道院守护着他的名号 2 ROME 罗马 Athanasius introduced into Rome the knowledge and practice of the monastic life; the senators, and more especially the matrons, transformed their palaces and villas into religious houses 是阿塔纳修斯把隐修生活的道理与实践引入了罗马; 元老们,尤其是那些贵妇,纷纷把自家的宅邸别墅 改成了修道之所 3 GAZA 加沙 Hilarion fixed his dreary abode on a sandy beach, between the sea and a morass, about seven miles from Gaza; the austere penance in which he persisted forty-eight years 希拉里翁在离加沙约七英里处、大海与沼泽之间的 一片沙滩上,安下了他那凄清的居所; 他这样苦行了四十八年 4 PONTUS 本都 Basil deigned, for a while, to give laws to the spiritual colonies which he profusely scattered along the coast of the Black Sea 巴西尔一时间还屈尊为那些教团立下规章—— 这些教团,是他沿黑海之滨慷慨播撒下的 5 TOURS 图尔 Martin — a soldier, a hermit, a bishop, and a saint — established the monasteries of Gaul; two thousand of his disciples followed him to the grave 图尔的马丁——既是军人,又是隐士,还是主教, 更是圣徒——创立了高卢的诸修道院;他下葬时, 随行送殡的门徒多达两千 6 FROM LERINS TO LIPARI 从莱兰到利帕里 the bleak and barren isles that arose out of the Tuscan Sea were chosen by the anachorets for the place of their voluntary exile 兀立于托斯卡纳海中一座座荒凉贫瘠的小岛, 被遁世修士选作自我流放之地 7 BANCHOR, IN FLINTSHIRE 弗林特郡的班科尔 the monastery contained above two thousand brethren, and dispersed a numerous colony among the Barbarians of Ireland 这所修道院拥有弟兄两千余名,又向爱尔兰的蛮族 之中派出了一支人数众多的分支 8 IONA, ONE OF THE HEBRIDES 赫布里底群岛中的爱奥那 planted by the Irish monks, it diffused over the northern regions a doubtful ray of science and superstition 由爱尔兰修士开辟,向北方诸地投去了一线 亦学问、亦迷信、真伪难辨的微光 9 ÆTHIOPIA 埃塞俄比亚 the disciples of Antony spread themselves beyond the tropic, over the Christian empire of Æthiopia 安东尼的门徒甚至越过回归线, 散布到基督教的埃塞俄比亚帝国境内 “An easy and perpetual intercourse by sea and land connected the provinces of the Roman world” 「罗马世界各行省之间,海陆往来便捷而不绝」
Fig. 37.2 — From the Thebais outward: Athanasius carried the knowledge and practice of the monastic life to Rome, Hilarion to a sandy beach near Gaza, Basil to the coast of the Black Sea, Martin to Gaul; the disciples of Antony spread beyond the tropic into Æthiopia, and the Irish monks planted Iona. The dashed line is the voyage of Hilarion — “An easy and perpetual intercourse by sea and land connected the provinces of the Roman world.” (Coastlines stylized.) 图37.2——自底比斯地区向外:阿塔纳修斯把隐修生活的道理与实践带到罗马,希拉里翁带到加沙附近的沙滩,巴西尔带到黑海之滨,马丁带到高卢;安东尼的门徒越过回归线,散布到埃塞俄比亚,爱尔兰修士则开辟了爱奥那。虚线为希拉里翁的航程——「罗马世界各行省之间,海陆往来便捷而不绝」。(海岸线为示意画法。)
These unhappy exiles from social life were impelled by the dark and implacable genius of superstition. Their mutual resolution was supported by the example of millions, of either sex, of every age, and of every rank; and each proselyte who entered the gates of a monastery, was persuaded that he trod the steep and thorny path of eternal happiness. 25 But the operation of these religious motives was variously determined by the temper and situation of mankind. Reason might subdue, or passion might suspend, their influence: but they acted most forcibly on the infirm minds of children and females; they were strengthened by secret remorse, or accidental misfortune; and they might derive some aid from the temporal considerations of vanity or interest. It was naturally supposed, that the pious and humble monks, who had renounced the world to accomplish the work of their salvation, were the best qualified for the spiritual government of the Christians. The reluctant hermit was torn from his cell, and seated, amidst the acclamations of the people, on the episcopal throne: the monasteries of Egypt, of Gaul, and of the East, supplied a regular succession of saints and bishops; and ambition soon discovered the secret road which led to the possession of wealth and honors. 26 The popular monks, whose reputation was connected with the fame and success of the order, assiduously labored to multiply the number of their fellow-captives. They insinuated themselves into noble and opulent families; and the specious arts of flattery and seduction were employed to secure those proselytes who might bestow wealth or dignity on the monastic profession. The indignant father bewailed the loss, perhaps, of an only son; 27 the credulous maid was betrayed by vanity to violate the laws of nature; and the matron aspired to imaginary perfection, by renouncing the virtues of domestic life. Paula yielded to the persuasive eloquence of Jerom; 28 and the profane title of mother-in-law of God 29 tempted that illustrious widow to consecrate the virginity of her daughter Eustochium. By the advice, and in the company, of her spiritual guide, Paula abandoned Rome and her infant son; retired to the holy village of Bethlem; founded a hospital and four monasteries; and acquired, by her alms and penance, an eminent and conspicuous station in the Catholic church. Such rare and illustrious penitents were celebrated as the glory and example of their age; but the monasteries were filled by a crowd of obscure and abject plebeians, 30 who gained in the cloister much more than they had sacrificed in the world. Peasants, slaves, and mechanics, might escape from poverty and contempt to a safe and honorable profession; whose apparent hardships are mitigated by custom, by popular applause, and by the secret relaxation of discipline. 31 The subjects of Rome, whose persons and fortunes were made responsible for unequal and exorbitant tributes, retired from the oppression of the Imperial government; and the pusillanimous youth preferred the penance of a monastic, to the dangers of a military, life. The affrighted provincials of every rank, who fled before the Barbarians, found shelter and subsistence: whole legions were buried in these religious sanctuaries; and the same cause, which relieved the distress of individuals, impaired the strength and fortitude of the empire. 32
这些不幸自绝于社会生活的人,都为迷信那阴森而无情的精魂所驱使。亿万男女、各种年岁、各个阶层的人纷纷效尤,正是这众多的先例,撑住了他们彼此的决心;每一个跨进修道院大门的新皈依者,都自信踏上了那条通往永恒福乐的、陡峭而多刺的窄路。25 然而这些宗教动机究竟如何起作用,还得看各人的性情与处境,因人而异。理性可以将其制服,情欲可以将其暂时压下;但它们对心志薄弱的孩童与妇女最为奏效;暗中的悔恨、偶然的祸患,都会使其愈发有力;此外,虚荣或利害之类的现世盘算,也可能为它们添几分助力。人们自然而然地认为:这些虔敬谦卑的修士,既已弃绝尘世以成全自己得救的大业,那么在基督徒的属灵治理上也就最为称职。于是那不情愿的隐士被人硬从静室里拽出来,在民众的欢呼声中扶上了主教的宝座;埃及、高卢与东方的各修道院,源源不断地输送出一代又一代的圣徒和主教;野心之辈很快也就窥见了这条通往财富与荣衔的隐秘门径。26 那些声望卓著的修士,深知自己的名声系于修会的荣耀与兴旺,便孜孜不倦地设法招徕更多与自己同陷牢笼的人。他们千方百计钻营进权贵富豪之家,施展阿谀奉承、诱人入彀的种种花招,务求把那些能给修道事业带来财富或体面的人拉进门来。做父亲的满腔愤懑,痛惜自己或许唯一的儿子就此失去;27 轻信的少女被虚荣所误,竟去违逆天性的法则;为人妻母者则弃绝了持家的种种美德,一心去追求那子虚乌有的至善。保拉终究抵不住哲罗姆那能说会道的雄辩,28 而“上帝的岳母”这个亵渎的称号,29 竟引得这位声名显赫的孀妇,把女儿欧斯托基乌姆的贞洁一并奉献了出去。在这位属灵导师的劝导与陪伴下,保拉舍下了罗马城和尚在襁褓中的幼子,隐居到伯利恒这座圣洁的村庄,创办了一所救济院和四座修道院;靠着施舍与苦修,她在大公教会中赢得了显赫夺目的地位。这般难得而显赫的忏悔者,被人奉为一代的荣光与楷模;但填满各修道院的,却是一大群默默无闻、卑微低贱的平民,30 他们在修道院里所得的,远比在尘世所舍弃的要多得多。农夫、奴隶、匠人,都可借此摆脱贫困与轻贱,投身一份稳妥而体面的行当;这行当表面上的种种清苦,早已因习以为常、因世人的称颂、也因戒律私下的松弛而大为减轻。31 罗马的臣民,人身与家财都得为那名目不均、数额苛重的贡赋担着干系,如今纷纷躲开帝国政府的压榨;怯懦的青年宁可去受隐修生活的苦行,也不肯去冒行伍生涯的凶险。各个阶层的行省居民,一个个惊惶失措,在蛮族面前望风而逃,也在这里觅得了庇护与温饱;成建制的军团就这样葬送在这些宗教避难所之中。同一桩缘由,一面纾解了个人的困厄,一面却也损蚀了帝国的元气与刚毅。32
The monastic profession of the ancients 33 was an act of voluntary devotion. The inconstant fanatic was threatened with the eternal vengeance of the God whom he deserted; but the doors of the monastery were still open for repentance. Those monks, whose conscience was fortified by reason or passion, were at liberty to resume the character of men and citizens; and even the spouses of Christ might accept the legal embraces of an earthly lover. 34 The examples of scandal, and the progress of superstition, suggested the propriety of more forcible restraints. After a sufficient trial, the fidelity of the novice was secured by a solemn and perpetual vow; and his irrevocable engagement was ratified by the laws of the church and state. A guilty fugitive was pursued, arrested, and restored to his perpetual prison; and the interposition of the magistrate oppressed the freedom and the merit, which had alleviated, in some degree, the abject slavery of the monastic discipline. 35 The actions of a monk, his words, and even his thoughts, were determined by an inflexible rule, 36 or a capricious superior: the slightest offences were corrected by disgrace or confinement, extraordinary fasts, or bloody flagellation; and disobedience, murmur, or delay, were ranked in the catalogue of the most heinous sins. 37 A blind submission to the commands of the abbot, however absurd, or even criminal, they might seem, was the ruling principle, the first virtue of the Egyptian monks; and their patience was frequently exercised by the most extravagant trials. They were directed to remove an enormous rock; assiduously to water a barren staff, that was planted in the ground, till, at the end of three years, it should vegetate and blossom like a tree; to walk into a fiery furnace; or to cast their infant into a deep pond: and several saints, or madmen, have been immortalized in monastic story, by their thoughtless and fearless obedience. 38 The freedom of the mind, the source of every generous and rational sentiment, was destroyed by the habits of credulity and submission; and the monk, contracting the vices of a slave, devoutly followed the faith and passions of his ecclesiastical tyrant. The peace of the Eastern church was invaded by a swarm of fanatics, incapable of fear, or reason, or humanity; and the Imperial troops acknowledged, without shame, that they were much less apprehensive of an encounter with the fiercest Barbarians. 39
古时投身修道,33 本是一桩出于自愿的虔诚之举。若哪个狂热之徒中途变卦,人们便以他所背弃的上帝将施以永世的报复来恐吓他;但修道院的大门,毕竟还为悔改者敞开着。那些凭理性或凭情欲挺住了良心的修士,尽可重新做回常人与公民;便是那些自许为“基督新妇”的,也未尝不可去接受一位尘世情郎合法的怀抱。34 有伤风化的先例既多,迷信之风又日盛,这就使人觉得理应施加更为强硬的约束。初学者经过足够的考验之后,便以一道庄严而终身的誓愿把他的忠贞锁定;这一不可反悔的承诺,又经教会与国家的法律加以确认。一旦有人畏罪潜逃,便遭追捕、拿获,再押回他那终身的牢狱;官府这一插手,把原本尚存的一点自由与功德也一并压没了——而正是这点自由与功德,多少还曾使修道戒律那卑屈如奴的生活略可忍受。35 一个修士的举动、言语乃至念头,全由一部铁面无情的会规 36 或一位喜怒无常的上司来裁定;最轻微的过失,也要以羞辱、禁闭、额外的斋戒或血淋淋的鞭笞来惩治;违命、腹诽、拖延,则统统被列入最深重的罪愆之列。37 对院长的命令一味盲从——哪怕这命令看来何等荒谬、甚至何等罪恶——乃是埃及修士奉为圭臬的首要原则、第一等的美德;而他们的耐性,也常被种种荒诞至极的考验反复磨炼。他们或被命去搬开一块巨石;或被命去日复一日地浇灌一根插在地里的枯枝,直到三年之后它抽芽开花、宛如一棵活树;或被命走进熊熊的火炉;或被命把自己的婴孩投进深潭:好几位圣徒——或曰疯子——正是凭着这般不假思索、无所畏惧的服从,在隐修的传说里永垂不朽。38 心灵的自由,本是一切高尚而理性的情感之源,如今却被轻信与顺从的积习摧毁殆尽;修士沾染了奴隶的种种恶习,虔诚地追随着他那教会暴君的信仰与好恶。东方教会的安宁,屡屡被成群的狂热之徒搅乱——这些人既不知恐惧,也不讲理性,更无半点人情;帝国的军队甚至毫不羞愧地承认:比起同最凶悍的蛮族交手,他们反倒远没有这般提心吊胆。39
Superstition has often framed and consecrated the fantastic garments of the monks: 40 but their apparent singularity sometimes proceeds from their uniform attachment to a simple and primitive model, which the revolutions of fashion have made ridiculous in the eyes of mankind. The father of the Benedictines expressly disclaims all idea of choice of merit; and soberly exhorts his disciples to adopt the coarse and convenient dress of the countries which they may inhabit. 41 The monastic habits of the ancients varied with the climate, and their mode of life; and they assumed, with the same indifference, the sheep-skin of the Egyptian peasants, or the cloak of the Grecian philosophers. They allowed themselves the use of linen in Egypt, where it was a cheap and domestic manufacture; but in the West they rejected such an expensive article of foreign luxury. 42 It was the practice of the monks either to cut or shave their hair; they wrapped their heads in a cowl to escape the sight of profane objects; their legs and feet were naked, except in the extreme cold of winter; and their slow and feeble steps were supported by a long staff. The aspect of a genuine anachoret was horrid and disgusting: every sensation that is offensive to man was thought acceptable to God; and the angelic rule of Tabenne condemned the salutary custom of bathing the limbs in water, and of anointing them with oil. 43 431 The austere monks slept on the ground, on a hard mat, or a rough blanket; and the same bundle of palm-leaves served them as a seat in the day, and a pillow in the night. Their original cells were low, narrow huts, built of the slightest materials; which formed, by the regular distribution of the streets, a large and populous village, enclosing, within the common wall, a church, a hospital, perhaps a library, some necessary offices, a garden, and a fountain or reservoir of fresh water. Thirty or forty brethren composed a family of separate discipline and diet; and the great monasteries of Egypt consisted of thirty or forty families.
修士们那些稀奇古怪的服饰,往往是迷信一手裁定、又加以神圣化的;40 不过,他们外表上的这份特立独行,有时也不过是因为始终恪守一种朴素而古老的样式,只是时尚几经变迁,才使这样式在世人眼中显得可笑罢了。本笃会的祖师明确否认这里头有什么择善求功的意思,只是平实地劝勉门徒:身居何地,便采用当地那种粗糙而便利的衣着。41 古时修士的服装因气候与生活方式而各异;无论是埃及农夫的羊皮袄,还是希腊哲人的斗篷,他们都一概不加计较地披在身上。在埃及,亚麻布价廉而又是本地所产,他们便容许自己使用;可到了西方,亚麻布成了价高的舶来奢侈品,他们便一概拒之门外。42 修士们的惯例,或是剪短头发,或是索性剃光;他们用风帽把头一裹,好躲开尘俗之物入眼;除严冬酷寒之外,腿脚一律赤裸;他们步履迟缓而虚弱,全靠一根长杖撑着。一个地道的遁世修士,模样着实骇人而恶心:凡是令人厌恶的感官感受,都被认作是上帝所乐纳的;塔本内那部“天使般的”会规,甚至把用水洗浴四肢、以油涂身这类有益健康的习惯也一并斥为不当。43 431 这些清苦的修士就睡在地上,铺一张硬席或一条粗毯;同一捆棕榈叶,白天当坐垫,夜里作枕头。他们最初的居室,是用最简陋的材料搭起的低矮窄小的棚屋;这些棚屋沿街巷整齐排布,便连成了一座人口稠密的大村落,四周一道公共围墙之内,圈着一座教堂、一所救济院,或许还有一间藏书室,几处必备的杂用房舍,一座园圃,以及一眼清泉或一方蓄水池。三四十名弟兄组成一“家”,各有自成一体的戒律与饮食;而埃及那些大修道院,便由三四十“家”这样合成。

Notes 注释

1
The origin of the monastic institution has been laboriously discussed by Thomassin (Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. i. p. 1119-1426) and Helyot, (Hist. des Ordres Monastiques, tom. i. p. 1-66.) These authors are very learned, and tolerably honest, and their difference of opinion shows the subject in its full extent. Yet the cautious Protestant, who distrusts any popish guides, may consult the seventh book of Bingham’s Christian Antiquities.
隐修制度的起源,托马桑(Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. i. p. 1119-1426)与埃利奥(Hist. des Ordres Monastiques, tom. i. p. 1-66)曾费尽心力加以探讨。这两位作者学识渊博,为人也还算诚实,而他们意见的分歧,恰好把这一论题的全貌铺展了出来。不过,倘若哪位审慎的新教徒信不过天主教一方的向导,尽可去查阅宾厄姆《基督教古制》第七卷。
2
See Euseb. Demonstrat. Evangel., (l. i. p. 20, 21, edit. Graec. Rob. Stephani, Paris, 1545.) In his Ecclesiastical History, published twelve years after the Demonstration, Eusebius (l. ii. c. 17) asserts the Christianity of the Therapeutae; but he appears ignorant that a similar institution was actually revived in Egypt.
参见 Euseb. Demonstrat. Evangel.(l. i. p. 20, 21,罗贝尔·斯特凡希腊文校订本,巴黎,1545 年)。在《福音的论证》问世十二年后刊行的《教会史》中,优西比乌(l. ii. c. 17)断言特拉普提派信奉基督教;然而他似乎并不知晓,一种与之相仿的制度,其实当时已在埃及重现。
3
Cassian (Collat. xviii. 5.) claims this origin for the institution of the Coenobites, which gradually decayed till it was restored by Antony and his disciples.
卡西安努斯(Collat. xviii. 5)把共住修士制度的这一渊源归到此处;这一制度后来逐渐衰败,直到安东尼及其门徒才使之重振。
311
It has before been shown that the first Christian community was not strictly coenobitic. See vol. ii.—M.
前文已经指出,最早的基督徒团体并非严格意义上的共住修道团体。参见第二卷。—M
4
These are the expressive words of Sozomen, who copiously and agreeably describes (l. i. c. 12, 13, 14) the origin and progress of this monkish philosophy, (see Suicer. Thesau, Eccles., tom. ii. p. 1441.) Some modern writers, Lipsius (tom. iv. p. 448. Manuduct. ad Philosoph. Stoic. iii. 13) and La Mothe le Vayer, (tom. ix. de la Vertu des Payens, p. 228-262,) have compared the Carmelites to the Pythagoreans, and the Cynics to the Capucins.
这些是索佐门的传神之语,他对这门修士哲学的起源与发展有过详尽而生动的描述(l. i. c. 12, 13, 14;参见 Suicer. Thesau. Eccles., tom. ii. p. 1441)。晚近的一些作者——利普修斯(tom. iv. p. 448;Manuduct. ad Philosoph. Stoic. iii. 13)与拉莫特·勒瓦耶(tom. ix,de la Vertu des Payens, p. 228-262)——曾把加尔默罗会比作毕达哥拉斯派,把犬儒派比作嘉布遣会。
5
The Carmelites derive their pedigree, in regular succession, from the prophet Elijah, (see the Theses of Beziers, A.D. 1682, in Bayle’s Nouvelles de la Republique des Lettres, Oeuvres, tom. i. p. 82, &c., and the prolix irony of the Ordres Monastiques, an anonymous work, tom. i. p. 1-433, Berlin, 1751.) Rome, and the inquisition of Spain, silenced the profane criticism of the Jesuits of Flanders, (Helyot, Hist. des Ordres Monastiques, tom. i. p. 282-300,) and the statue of Elijah, the Carmelite, has been erected in the church of St. Peter, (Voyages du P. Labat tom. iii. p. 87.)
加尔默罗会宣称自己世系井然、代代相承,可一直上溯到先知以利亚(参见 1682 年的 Theses of Beziers,载 Bayle, Nouvelles de la Republique des Lettres, Oeuvres, tom. i. p. 82 及以下;另见一部匿名作品 Ordres Monastiques 中那冗长的反讽,tom. i. p. 1-433,柏林,1751 年)。罗马教廷与西班牙宗教裁判所,压下了佛兰德耶稣会士那些亵渎的非议(Helyot, Hist. des Ordres Monastiques, tom. i. p. 282-300);如今,先知以利亚身着加尔默罗会衣的塑像,已然竖立在圣彼得大教堂之内(Voyages du P. Labat, tom. iii. p. 87)。
6
Plin. Hist. Natur. v. 15. Gens sola, et in toto orbe praeter ceteras mira, sine ulla femina, omni venere abdicata, sine pecunia, socia palmarum. Ita per seculorum millia (incredibile dictu) gens aeterna est in qua nemo nascitur. Tam foecunda illis aliorum vitae poenitentia est. He places them just beyond the noxious influence of the lake, and names Engaddi and Massada as the nearest towns. The Laura, and monastery of St. Sabas, could not be far distant from this place. See Reland. Palestin., tom. i. p. 295; tom. ii. p. 763, 874, 880, 890.
Plin. Hist. Natur. v. 15。“Gens sola, et in toto orbe praeter ceteras mira, sine ulla femina, omni venere abdicata, sine pecunia, socia palmarum. Ita per seculorum millia (incredibile dictu) gens aeterna est in qua nemo nascitur. Tam foecunda illis aliorum vitae poenitentia est.”(这是举世无双、比一切民族都更为奇异的一个族类:没有一个女子,绝弃了一切情欲,不用钱财,唯与棕榈树为伴。就这样,历经千百世代——说来令人难以置信——这个族类竟绵延不绝,其中却无一人出生。原来,旁人对其生涯的悔悟,便是他们如此丰饶的繁衍之源。)普林尼把他们的居处定在死海那有害气息所不及之处,并举恩加迪与马萨达为最近的城镇。圣萨巴斯的劳拉修院及其修道院,想必离此地也不会太远。参见 Reland. Palestin., tom. i. p. 295; tom. ii. p. 763, 874, 880, 890。
7
See Athanas. Op. tom. ii. p. 450-505, and the Vit. Patrum, p. 26-74, with Rosweyde’s Annotations. The former is the Greek original the latter, a very ancient Latin version by Evagrius, the friend of St. Jerom.
参见 Athanas. Op. tom. ii. p. 450-505,以及 Vit. Patrum, p. 26-74,附罗斯魏德的注释。前者是希腊文原本,后者则是圣哲罗姆的友人埃瓦格里乌斯所作的一部极为古老的拉丁文译本。
8
Athanas. tom. ii. in Vit. St. Anton. p. 452; and the assertion of his total ignorance has been received by many of the ancients and moderns. But Tillemont (Mem. Eccles. tom. vii. p. 666) shows, by some probable arguments, that Antony could read and write in the Coptic, his native tongue; and that he was only a stranger to the Greek letters. The philosopher Synesius (p. 51) acknowledges that the natural genius of Antony did not require the aid of learning.
Athanas. tom. ii, in Vit. St. Anton. p. 452;关于他全然不识字这一说法,古今许多人都信以为真。但蒂耶蒙(Mem. Eccles. tom. vii. p. 666)举出几条颇为可信的论据,指出安东尼其实能用他的母语科普特语读写,只是不通希腊文字而已。哲人辛奈西乌斯(p. 51)也承认,安东尼天资过人,本无须借助学问。
9
Aruroe autem erant ei trecentae uberes, et valde optimae, (Vit. Patr. l. v. p. 36.) If the Arura be a square measure, of a hundred Egyptian cubits, (Rosweyde, Onomasticon ad Vit. Patrum, p. 1014, 1015,) and the Egyptian cubit of all ages be equal to twenty-two English inches, (Greaves, vol. i. p. 233,) the arura will consist of about three quarters of an English acre.
“Aruroe autem erant ei trecentae uberes, et valde optimae”(他名下有三百阿鲁拉肥沃而上等的良田,见 Vit. Patr. l. v. p. 36)。假如一阿鲁拉是边长一百埃及腕尺的方形地积(Rosweyde, Onomasticon ad Vit. Patrum, p. 1014, 1015),而历代的埃及腕尺又都等于二十二英寸(Greaves, vol. i. p. 233),那么一阿鲁拉便约合四分之三英亩。
10
The description of the monastery is given by Jerom (tom. i. p. 248, 249, in Vit. Hilarion) and the P. Sicard, (Missions du Levant tom. v. p. 122-200.) Their accounts cannot always be reconciled the father painted from his fancy, and the Jesuit from his experience.
关于这座修道院的描述,见哲罗姆(tom. i. p. 248, 249,in Vit. Hilarion)与西卡尔神父(Missions du Levant, tom. v. p. 122-200)。两人的记载未必处处吻合:那位教父是凭想象落笔,那位耶稣会士则据亲身见闻。
11
Jerom, tom. i. p. 146, ad Eustochium. Hist. Lausiac. c. 7, in Vit. Patrum, p. 712. The P. Sicard (Missions du Levant, tom. ii. p. 29-79) visited and has described this desert, which now contains four monasteries, and twenty or thirty monks. See D’Anville, Description de l’Egypte, p. 74.
Jerom, tom. i. p. 146, ad Eustochium;Hist. Lausiac. c. 7, in Vit. Patrum, p. 712。西卡尔神父(Missions du Levant, tom. ii. p. 29-79)曾亲访此地,并对这片荒漠作过描述;如今那里尚存四座修道院、二三十名修士。参见 D’Anville, Description de l’Egypte, p. 74。
12
Tabenne is a small island in the Nile, in the diocese of Tentyra or Dendera, between the modern town of Girge and the ruins of ancient Thebes, (D’Anville, p. 194.) M. de Tillemont doubts whether it was an isle; but I may conclude, from his own facts, that the primitive name was afterwards transferred to the great monastery of Bau or Pabau, (Mem. Eccles. tom. vii. p. 678, 688.)
塔本内是尼罗河中的一座小岛,位于坦提拉(又名丹德拉)教区境内,坐落在今吉尔加镇与古底比斯废墟之间(D’Anville, p. 194)。蒂耶蒙先生怀疑它是否当真是座岛屿;但依他自己列举的事实,我倒可以断定:这个最初的名称,后来被移用到了保(Bau,又作帕保 Pabau)那座大修道院之上(Mem. Eccles. tom. vii. p. 678, 688)。
13
See in the Codex Regularum (published by Lucas Holstenius, Rome, 1661) a preface of St. Jerom to his Latin version of the Rule of Pachomius, tom. i. p. 61.
参见 Codex Regularum(卢卡斯·霍尔斯滕尼乌斯编,罗马,1661 年)中所收圣哲罗姆为其帕科米乌斯会规拉丁文译本所作的序,tom. i. p. 61。
14
Rufin. c. 5, in Vit. Patrum, p. 459. He calls it civitas ampla ralde et populosa, and reckons twelve churches. Strabo (l. xvii. p. 1166) and Ammianus (xxii. 16) have made honorable mention of Oxyrinchus, whose inhabitants adored a small fish in a magnificent temple.
Rufin. c. 5, in Vit. Patrum, p. 459。他称这座城为“civitas ampla ralde et populosa”(一座极为宏大而人烟稠密的城市),并列出十二座教堂。斯特拉波(l. xvii. p. 1166)与阿米阿努斯(xxii. 16)都曾郑重提及俄克喜林库斯,那里的居民在一座富丽的神庙里供奉着一条小鱼。
15
Quanti populi habentur in urbibus, tantae paene habentur in desertis multitudines monachorum. Rufin. c. 7, in Vit. Patrum, p. 461. He congratulates the fortunate change.
“Quanti populi habentur in urbibus, tantae paene habentur in desertis multitudines monachorum.”(城中居民有多少,荒漠里的修士便几乎有多少。)见 Rufin. c. 7, in Vit. Patrum, p. 461。他对这一可喜的变化大加庆贺。
16
The introduction of the monastic life into Rome and Italy is occasionally mentioned by Jerom, tom. i. p. 119, 120, 199.
隐修生活传入罗马与意大利一事,哲罗姆偶有提及,见 tom. i. p. 119, 120, 199。
17
See the Life of Hilarion, by St. Jerom, (tom. i. p. 241, 252.) The stories of Paul, Hilarion, and Malchus, by the same author, are admirably told: and the only defect of these pleasing compositions is the want of truth and common sense.
参见圣哲罗姆所撰《希拉里翁传》(tom. i. p. 241, 252)。此人所写保罗、希拉里翁与马尔胡斯三人的故事,讲得着实精彩;这几篇讨喜之作唯一的缺憾,便是既不真实、又悖常理。
18
His original retreat was in a small village on the banks of the Iris, not far from Neo-Caesarea. The ten or twelve years of his monastic life were disturbed by long and frequent avocations. Some critics have disputed the authenticity of his Ascetic rules; but the external evidence is weighty, and they can only prove that it is the work of a real or affected enthusiast. See Tillemont, Mem. Eccles tom. ix. p. 636-644. Helyot, Hist. des Ordres Monastiques tom. i. p. 175-181
他最初退隐之处,是伊里斯河畔一座小村庄,离新凯撒里亚不远。他那十来年或十二年的修道生涯,屡屡为长久而频繁的外务所扰。有些评家对他那部苦修会规的真伪提出过质疑;但外证颇为有力,他们至多只能证明:这部书出自一个真心或假意的狂热信徒之手。参见 Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. ix. p. 636-644;Helyot, Hist. des Ordres Monastiques, tom. i. p. 175-181。
19
See his Life, and the three Dialogues by Sulpicius Severus, who asserts (Dialog. i. 16) that the booksellers of Rome were delighted with the quick and ready sale of his popular work.
参见苏尔皮基乌斯·塞维鲁所撰的《马丁传》及三篇《对话录》;他声称(Dialog. i. 16),罗马的书商们对他这部畅销之作销路之快、之好,无不喜出望外。
20
When Hilarion sailed from Paraetonium to Cape Pachynus, he offered to pay his passage with a book of the Gospels. Posthumian, a Gallic monk, who had visited Egypt, found a merchant ship bound from Alexandria to Marseilles, and performed the voyage in thirty days, (Sulp. Sever. Dialog. i. 1.) Athanasius, who addressed his Life of St. Antony to the foreign monks, was obliged to hasten the composition, that it might be ready for the sailing of the fleets, (tom. ii. p. 451.)
希拉里翁从帕莱托尼乌姆渡海前往帕基努斯角时,曾提出以一部福音书充作船资。波斯图米安努斯是一位到过埃及的高卢修士,他找到一艘从亚历山大里亚驶往马赛的商船,三十天便走完了这趟航程(Sulp. Sever. Dialog. i. 1)。阿塔纳修斯把他所撰的《圣安东尼传》题献给外邦的修士,为赶在船队起航之前备好此书,不得不匆匆成篇(tom. ii. p. 451)。
21
See Jerom, (tom. i. p. 126,) Assemanni, Bibliot. Orient. tom. iv. p. 92, p. 857-919, and Geddes, Church History of Æthiopia, p. 29-31. The Abyssinian monks adhere very strictly to the primitive institution.
参见 Jerom(tom. i. p. 126);Assemanni, Bibliot. Orient. tom. iv. p. 92, p. 857-919;以及格迪斯《埃塞俄比亚教会史》(p. 29-31)。阿比西尼亚的修士至今仍极为严格地恪守着最初的制度。
22
Camden’s Britannia, vol. i. p. 666, 667.
卡姆登《不列颠志》,vol. i. p. 666, 667。
23
All that learning can extract from the rubbish of the dark ages is copiously stated by Archbishop Usher in his Britannicarum Ecclesiarum Antiquitates, cap. xvi. p. 425-503.
从黑暗时代的故纸堆里,学问所能钩沉出的一切,厄谢尔大主教已在其 Britannicarum Ecclesiarum Antiquitates(cap. xvi. p. 425-503)中详加陈述。
24
This small, though not barren, spot, Iona, Hy, or Columbkill, only two miles in length, aud one mile in breadth, has been distinguished, 1. By the monastery of St. Columba, founded A.D. 566; whose abbot exercised an extraordinary jurisdiction over the bishops of Caledonia; 2. By a classic library, which afforded some hopes of an entire Livy; and, 3. By the tombs of sixty kings, Scots, Irish, and Norwegians, who reposed in holy ground. See Usher (p. 311, 360-370) and Buchanan, (Rer. Scot. l. ii. p. 15, edit. Ruddiman.)
爱奥那岛(又名海岛 Hy,或科伦布基尔 Columbkill)虽小却不贫瘠,长不过两英里,宽不过一英里,却因三事而声名远播:其一,岛上有圣哥伦巴修道院,创建于公元 566 年,其院长对喀里多尼亚诸主教握有非同寻常的管辖权;其二,岛上有一座珍本藏书室,一度使人有望寻得一部完整的李维著作;其三,岛上有六十位国王的陵墓——苏格兰、爱尔兰与挪威的君主,都长眠在这片圣土之下。参见 Usher(p. 311, 360-370)与 Buchanan(Rer. Scot. l. ii. p. 15,鲁迪曼校订本)。
25
Chrysostom (in the first tome of the Benedictine edition) has consecrated three books to the praise and defence of the monastic life. He is encouraged, by the example of the ark, to presume that none but the elect (the monks) can possibly be saved (l. i. p. 55, 56.) Elsewhere, indeed, he becomes more merciful, (l. iii. p. 83, 84,) and allows different degrees of glory, like the sun, moon, and stars. In his lively comparison of a king and a monk, (l. iii. p. 116-121,) he supposes (what is hardly fair) that the king will be more sparingly rewarded, and more rigorously punished.
克里索斯托(见本笃会版第一卷)曾用整整三卷书来颂扬并辩护隐修生活。他从挪亚方舟的先例中得了鼓舞,竟臆断除了选民(即修士)之外,别人绝无得救的可能(l. i. p. 55, 56)。诚然,别处他又变得宽仁些(l. iii. p. 83, 84),承认荣耀原有高下之别,好比日、月、星辰各有其光。而在他就君王与修士所作的那番生动比较中(l. iii. p. 116-121),他竟假定(这可实在算不得公道):君王所得的赏赐将更为吝啬,所受的惩罚却更为严酷。
26
Thomassin (Discipline de l’Eglise tom. i. p. 1426-1469) and Mabillon, (Oeuvres Posthumes, tom. ii. p. 115-158.) The monks were gradually adopted as a part of the ecclesiastical hierarchy.
托马桑(Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. i. p. 1426-1469)与马比荣(Oeuvres Posthumes, tom. ii. p. 115-158)。修士们渐渐被纳入教会的等级体制,成为其中一环。
27
Dr. Middleton (vol. i. p. 110) liberally censures the conduct and writings of Chrysostom, one of the most eloquent and successful advocates for the monastic life.
米德尔顿博士(vol. i. p. 110)对克里索斯托的行事与著述大加责难;此人乃是隐修生活最能言善辩、也最有成效的鼓吹者之一。
28
Jerom’s devout ladies form a very considerable portion of his works: the particular treatise, which he styles the Epitaph of Paula, (tom. i. p. 169-192,) is an elaborate and extravagant panegyric. The exordium is ridiculously turgid: “If all the members of my body were changed into tongues, and if all my limbs resounded with a human voice, yet should I be incapable,” &c.
哲罗姆笔下那些虔诚的贵妇,在他的著作里占了相当大的分量;其中那篇他题为《保拉墓志》的专文(tom. i. p. 169-192),便是一篇雕琢过甚、夸饰无度的颂词。开篇一段浮夸得可笑:“纵使我周身的肢体都化作舌头,纵使我四肢百骸都发出人的声音,我也仍旧无力……”云云。
29
Socrus Dei esse coepisti, (Jerom, tom. i. p. 140, ad Eustochium.) Rufinus, (in Hieronym. Op. tom. iv. p. 223,) who was justly scandalized, asks his adversary, from what Pagan poet he had stolen an expression so impious and absurd.
“Socrus Dei esse coepisti”(你已开始做上帝的岳母了。见 Jerom, tom. i. p. 140, ad Eustochium)。鲁菲努斯(in Hieronym. Op. tom. iv. p. 223)对此深感愤慨,也算理所当然;他质问自己的论敌:这样一句既渎神又荒唐的话,究竟是从哪个异教诗人那里偷来的?
30
Nunc autem veniunt plerumque ad hanc professionem servitutis Dei, et ex conditione servili, vel etiam liberati, vel propter hoc a Dominis liberati sive liberandi; et ex vita rusticana et ex opificum exercitatione, et plebeio labore. Augustin, de Oper. Monach. c. 22, ap. Thomassin, Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. iii. p. 1094. The Egyptian, who blamed Arsenius, owned that he led a more comfortable life as a monk than as a shepherd. See Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xiv. p. 679.
“Nunc autem veniunt plerumque ad hanc professionem servitutis Dei, et ex conditione servili, vel etiam liberati, vel propter hoc a Dominis liberati sive liberandi; et ex vita rusticana et ex opificum exercitatione, et plebeio labore.”(如今前来投身这份事奉上帝之职的,多半出身奴籍,或已获释,或为此而由主人开释、抑或即将获释;再有便是来自乡野农耕、匠作手艺与平民劳役之人。见 Augustin, de Oper. Monach. c. 22,转引自 Thomassin, Discipline de l’Eglise, tom. iii. p. 1094。)那个指摘阿尔塞尼乌斯的埃及人也承认,自己当修士的日子,过得比当牧人时还要舒坦。参见 Tillemont, Mem. Eccles. tom. xiv. p. 679。
31
A Dominican friar, (Voyages du P. Labat, tom. i. p. 10,) who lodged at Cadiz in a convent of his brethren, soon understood that their repose was never interrupted by nocturnal devotion; “quoiqu’on ne laisse pas de sonner pour l’edification du peuple.”
一位多明我会修士(Voyages du P. Labat, tom. i. p. 10)曾在加的斯投宿于本会的一座修院,不久便看明白:这里的人夜间安眠,从不曾为祈祷功课所打断——“quoiqu’on ne laisse pas de sonner pour l’edification du peuple.”(尽管为教化民众起见,钟声照旧按时敲响。)
32
See a very sensible preface of Lucas Holstenius to the Codex Regularum. The emperors attempted to support the obligation of public and private duties; but the feeble dikes were swept away by the torrent of superstition; and Justinian surpassed the most sanguine wishes of the monks, (Thomassin, tom. i. p. 1782-1799, and Bingham, l. vii. c. iii. p. 253.) Note: The emperor Valens, in particular, promulgates a law contra ignavise quosdam sectatores, qui desertis civitatum muneribus, captant solitudines secreta, et specie religionis cum coetibus monachorum congregantur. Cad. Theod l. xii. tit. i. leg. 63.—G.
参见卢卡斯·霍尔斯滕尼乌斯为 Codex Regularum 所作的一篇极为通达的序言。历代皇帝都曾试图维护公私义务的约束力,可这些脆弱的堤坝,终究被迷信的洪流冲垮;而查士丁尼所做的,更远远超出了修士们最乐观的指望(Thomassin, tom. i. p. 1782-1799;Bingham, l. vii. c. iii. p. 253)。按:尤其是瓦伦斯皇帝,曾颁布一道法令,“contra ignavise quosdam sectatores, qui desertis civitatum muneribus, captant solitudines secreta, et specie religionis cum coetibus monachorum congregantur”(针对某些游手好闲之徒——他们抛开城邦的公职义务,专去寻觅僻静的隐居之所,又假宗教之名与成群的修士纠集一处)。Cad. Theod. l. xii. tit. i. leg. 63。—G
33
The monastic institutions, particularly those of Egypt, about the year 400, are described by four curious and devout travellers; Rufinus, (Vit. Patrum, l. ii. iii. p. 424-536,) Posthumian, (Sulp. Sever. Dialog. i.) Palladius, (Hist. Lausiac. in Vit. Patrum, p. 709-863,) and Cassian, (see in tom. vii. Bibliothec. Max. Patrum, his four first books of Institutes, and the twenty-four Collations or Conferences.)
约公元 400 年前后的隐修制度,尤其是埃及一带的,有四位好奇而虔诚的旅行者作过描述:鲁菲努斯(Vit. Patrum, l. ii. iii. p. 424-536)、波斯图米安努斯(Sulp. Sever. Dialog. i)、帕拉狄乌斯(Hist. Lausiac., in Vit. Patrum, p. 709-863),以及卡西安努斯(见 Bibliothec. Max. Patrum, tom. vii 所收他的《修院规程》头四卷,以及那二十四篇《谈道录》)。
34
The example of Malchus, (Jerom, tom. i. p. 256,) and the design of Cassian and his friend, (Collation. xxiv. 1,) are incontestable proofs of their freedom; which is elegantly described by Erasmus in his Life of St. Jerom. See Chardon, Hist. des Sacremens, tom. vi. p. 279-300.
马尔胡斯的事例(Jerom, tom. i. p. 256),以及卡西安努斯与其友人的打算(Collation. xxiv. 1),都是他们享有这份自由的确凿证据;伊拉斯谟在其《圣哲罗姆传》中,对此有过雅致的描述。参见 Chardon, Hist. des Sacremens, tom. vi. p. 279-300。
35
See the Laws of Justinian, (Novel. cxxiii. No. 42,) and of Lewis the Pious, (in the Historians of France, tom vi. p. 427,) and the actual jurisprudence of France, in Denissart, (Decisions, &c., tom. iv. p. 855,) &c.
参见查士丁尼的法律(Novel. cxxiii. No. 42)、虔诚者路易的法律(见 Historians of France, tom. vi. p. 427),以及法国现行的法理(见 Denissart, Decisions 等,tom. iv. p. 855)等等。
36
The ancient Codex Regularum, collected by Benedict Anianinus, the reformer of the monks in the beginning of the ninth century, and published in the seventeenth, by Lucas Holstenius, contains thirty different rules for men and women. Of these, seven were composed in Egypt, one in the East, one in Cappadocia, one in Italy, one in Africa, four in Spain, eight in Gaul, or France, and one in England.
那部古老的 Codex Regularum,由九世纪初的修士改革者阿尼亚讷的本笃辑成,十七世纪时经卢卡斯·霍尔斯滕尼乌斯刊行,内含男女修士会规三十种。其中七种成于埃及,一种成于东方,一种成于卡帕多西亚,一种成于意大利,一种成于阿非利加,四种成于西班牙,八种成于高卢(即法兰西),一种成于英格兰。
37
The rule of Columbanus, so prevalent in the West, inflicts one hundred lashes for very slight offences, (Cod. Reg. part ii. p. 174.) Before the time of Charlemagne, the abbots indulged themselves in mutilating their monks, or putting out their eyes; a punishment much less cruel than the tremendous vade in pace (the subterraneous dungeon or sepulchre) which was afterwards invented. See an admirable discourse of the learned Mabillon, (Oeuvres Posthumes, tom. ii. p. 321-336,) who, on this occasion, seems to be inspired by the genius of humanity. For such an effort, I can forgive his defence of the holy tear of Vendeme (p. 361-399.)
哥伦巴努斯那部在西方盛行一时的会规,为极轻微的过失便处以一百鞭(Cod. Reg. part ii. p. 174)。查理曼之前的时代,各修道院长动辄给修士施以肉刑,或砍手断足,或剜去双眼;而这与后来发明的那种可怖的“vade in pace”(意为“安然去吧”,实指地下的地牢或墓穴)相比,倒还算不上残酷。马比荣这位博学之士有一篇精彩的论述(Oeuvres Posthumes, tom. ii. p. 321-336),行文之际,他仿佛为一种悲悯人道的灵思所感召。冲着这样一番努力,他为旺多姆那滴“圣泪”所作的辩护(p. 361-399),我也就可以原谅了。
38
Sulp. Sever. Dialog. i. 12, 13, p. 532, &c. Cassian. Institut. l. iv. c. 26, 27. “Praecipua ibi virtus et prima est obedientia.” Among the Verba seniorum, (in Vit. Patrum, l. v. p. 617,) the fourteenth libel or discourse is on the subject of obedience; and the Jesuit Rosweyde, who published that huge volume for the use of convents, has collected all the scattered passages in his two copious indexes.
Sulp. Sever. Dialog. i. 12, 13, p. 532 等;Cassian. Institut. l. iv. c. 26, 27。“Praecipua ibi virtus et prima est obedientia.”(那里首要而第一等的美德,便是服从。)在 Verba seniorum(in Vit. Patrum, l. v. p. 617)中,第十四篇短论专讲服从这一题目;耶稣会士罗斯魏德为供各修院之用而刊行了那部大书,又把散见各处的相关段落尽数收入他那两份详尽的索引之中。
39
Dr. Jortin (Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, vol. iv. p. 161) has observed the scandalous valor of the Cappadocian monks, which was exemplified in the banishment of Chrysostom.
乔廷博士(Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, vol. iv. p. 161)曾留意到卡帕多西亚修士那种可耻的“勇武”,克里索斯托遭放逐一事便是明证。
40
Cassian has simply, though copiously, described the monastic habit of Egypt, (Institut. l. i.,) to which Sozomen (l. iii. c. 14) attributes such allegorical meaning and virtue.
卡西安努斯对埃及修士的服装有过质朴而详尽的描述(Institut. l. i),索佐门(l. iii. c. 14)则赋予这身装束种种寓意与德行。
41
Regul. Benedict. No. 55, in Cod. Regul. part ii. p. 51.
Regul. Benedict. No. 55, in Cod. Regul. part ii. p. 51。
42
See the rule of Ferreolus, bishop of Usez, (No. 31, in Cod. Regul part ii. p. 136,) and of Isidore, bishop of Seville, (No. 13, in Cod. Regul part ii. p. 214.)
参见于泽主教费雷奥卢斯的会规(No. 31, in Cod. Regul. part ii. p. 136),以及塞维利亚主教伊西多尔的会规(No. 13, in Cod. Regul. part ii. p. 214)。
43
Some partial indulgences were granted for the hands and feet “Totum autem corpus nemo unguet nisi causa infirmitatis, nec lavabitur aqua nudo corpore, nisi languor perspicuus sit,” (Regul. Pachom xcii. part i. p. 78.)
对手脚倒有几分通融的宽免:“Totum autem corpus nemo unguet nisi causa infirmitatis, nec lavabitur aqua nudo corpore, nisi languor perspicuus sit”(除非因病,任何人不得涂抹全身;除非确有明显的病弱,任何人不得赤身以水洗浴。见 Regul. Pachom. xcii. part i. p. 78)。
431
Athanasius (Vit. Ant. c. 47) boasts of Antony’s holy horror of clear water, by which his feet were uncontaminated except under dire necessity—M.
阿塔纳修斯(Vit. Ant. c. 47)盛赞安东尼对清水怀有一种神圣的憎恶,故而除非万不得已,他的双脚从不曾被清水“玷污”。—M